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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 8 Feb 1945

Vol. 95 No. 18

Private Deputies' Business. - Demonstration Farms—Motion.

I move:—

That Dáil Eireann is of opinion that demonstration farms of various sizes and of different degrees of fertility should be established by the Department of Agriculture in each county for the purpose of demonstrating (a) the most efficient methods of tillage and live stock improvement, and (b) the costings in each branch of the industry.

I was not expecting that this motion would be taken to-night, so I am at a disadvantage and, possibly, the Minister is at a similar disadvantage. The issues raised in this motion are very clear and very simple. All that we ask is that the Department of Agriculture, which sets out to teach and advise farmers in the business of carrying on their industry, should undertake to demonstrate, in the most effective manner possible, the effectiveness of that teaching. There is an old saying in this country: "Do what I tell you, not what you see me doing."

In regard to agriculture, we have had this Department in operation for years. It has set out to advise the farmer, and a great deal of the advice given by it has been sound and reasonable. We should honestly admit, first of all, that there is a wide gap between the science of agriculture as known to the Department and agriculture as practised throughout the country. The Department has acquired a very advanced knowledge of the science of agriculture, and compares favourably with any similar Department in any other country; yet we have complaints —very justifiable complaints—that all that knowledge has not been translated into practice.

I cannot imagine a more effective means of putting across to the farming community the information which the Department possesses than that of establishing in each county a farm run directly by the Department. It might be asked what exactly is the type of experiment envisaged in this motion. What we envisage is that the Department, through its county committees, would acquire in each county, at least one, but better still, two farms.

I would suggest that one of these farms be fairly large and typical of the fairly large farms in that county— particularly if it is a county in which there are many such farms; the other would be a small farm typical of the small farms in the county. These two farms would be run under the supervision of the local agricultural officer who, of course, would need to appoint a manager in charge of each farm to carry out the operating work.

It might be asked what type of manager is suggested. I would suggest that the best type of manager would be a young man, a man who has been trained in various agricultural colleges or schools. I know there are many such young men, farmers' sons, who have gone through various agricultural schools, and who are seeking work at the present time. Every vacancy for a tillage inspector or farm improvement inspector results in an inundation of applications from this type of applicant. Now, those young men would take over the management, under the supervision of the agricultural officer, and their job would be to demonstrate to all the public, and to the farmers in particular, that the teaching of the Department is sound.

If those farms are established, we can easily understand the amount of attention that would be given to them by the farmers in each county where they are in operation. We can easily imagine that, practically every Sunday of the year, young men from all parts of the county would visit these farms to see how they were being operated. Of course, it would be absolutely necessary, in connection with such demonstration farms, to have very complete accounts and balance sheets published in the local Press, showing every item of expenditure and income on the farms and the amount of profit made.

I cannot see any reason why the Minister should reject a proposal of this kind, when everything seems to be in its favour. If the Minister should decide to reject it, it seems that he would have only one ground for doing so—that he is afraid the farm would not pay. If that is the position he intends to take up, that the Department of Agriculture cannot make a farm of this kind pay, he will have some difficulty in defending his position.

If those farms did not pay it would be for either of two reasons, the first being that the Department of Agriculture is so inefficient that it is incapable of running a demonstration farm on ordinary lines. In this connection I might point out, as I am unfortunately speaking without notes, that I intended to make the point also that in connection with those farms it is necessary that the type of farming carried on should be the ordinary commercial type of farming and that the Department should not go in for any specialised lines such as the raising of pedigree stock or any business of that kind which would not be open to every farmer in the country. Naturally, if you are going to have a demonstration farm you must demonstrate the system of farming which any farmer in the county could undertake and you must rule out specialised lines such as the breeding of specialised seeds, plants or stock. If the Minister is going to take up the position that he is afraid these farms would not pay, he has a choice of two horns of the dilemma upon either of which he can impale himself. He must either admit that the Department of Agriculture is not sufficiently efficient to run a demonstration farm or, alternatively, he must admit that the margin of profit in agriculture— that is the difference between agricultural prices and agricultural costs of production—is so narrow that it would be absolutely impossible for the Department to make such a farm pay.

I shall deal first of all with the assumption that the Minister takes up the position that the Department could not manage such a farm efficiently. The Department have behind them 50 years of experience in studying every branch of farming. The Minister may say: "Well, that is all right but we have not the same tradition of farming as the ordinary peasant proprietor, and we might not be able to compete with the ordinary peasant proprietor for that reason". He might also take up the position that the State, as a rule, cannot make its operations pay as well as a private individual.

Let us contrast the position as between the two. First of all, there will be only one or two of these demonstration farms in each county. That means that there will be only a very limited number, and for those farms the Minister has a very wide choice from which to select proper managers. He can select the most efficient farmer's son in the country and appoint him to manage one of these farms. Contrast that with the position of the ordinary farmer. Farms, as we know, generally pass from parents to children. We know that, in the ordinary course of events, you have many farms owned by people who are handicapped by some physical or mental deficiency. Again, the management of some farms is very seriously affected by the fact that there is a large family living together and perhaps not agreeing too well. If you deduct the number of farms on which management is obstructed or interfered with for some reason of that kind from the total number, you will find that there is a serious diminution so far as the average efficiency of farming is concerned.

On the other hand, in the case of those farms which I suggest should be carried on by the Department, you will have one thing certain, namely, you will have the most efficient manager appointed, and if he is not satisfactory the local agricultural officer can remove him at a week's notice. That is one advantage which the Departmental farm will have over the ordinary farm, and it outweighs or offsets whatever advantage the ordinary farmer might have arising from a sense of ownership or the freedom which the ordinary farmer enjoys. For that reason I think the Minister cannot dare to put the plea that it is impossible for his Department to run a farm as efficiently as the ordinary farmer. He has therefore only the other means of escape, namely, to claim that the margin of profit in agriculture is so low that he cannot make these farms pay. If the Minister takes up that attitude, he is publicly admitting that he and his Department have failed ignominiously in their duty because it is the first duty of the State, acting through the Minister and his Department, to ensure that the margin of profit in agriculture is sufficient to enable every farmer to make a profit. If he admits that his Department cannot make these demonstration farms pay, he is admitting that he is imposing what can only be described as a criminal injustice on the farming community.

Let us bear this fact in mind. The fundamental principle which ought to govern agricultural policy is that there is a duty on the farmer to secure from his land the highest possible annual output and that there is at the same time a duty on the State to ensure that the primary producer on the land is adequately rewarded for his labour and risk. If the Minister accepts these two fundamental principles he must accept this motion because the motion, first of all, will ensure that the most efficient method of farming will be put into operation and that a real effort will be made to secure that the maximum output will be obtained from the land.

This motion will also be the first step to ensure that the margin of profit in agriculture is sufficient to enable the industry to continue, because it would be absolutely impossible for any Government, the Minister or his Department to fix what is an adequate reward for the farmer unless they, first of all, take the necessary steps to find out what are the costings of production in agriculture. This motion will enable the Minister to find out exactly what are the farmer's costs of production. We know that whenever the question of the price of an agricultural commodity is raised in this House, there is always a dispute about what it costs to produce a given commodity whether it be wheat, beet or anything else. We know that the farmers, through their various organisations, will put up one set of figures as the costs of production. The Minister will usually dispute these figures, but there has never been any effective official investigation of costs of production. During the last war an attempt was made by the Department of Agriculture to find out the cost of production in regard to various agricultural activities on various farms. But that system of investigating costings was only continued until 1922, I think, when agricultural prices fell. The Department then decided that it would not be wise to continue investigating costings in agriculture because their figures would show a very substantial loss. I believe that this motion, particularly if it is considered with one eye on another motion further down on the Order Paper advocating a long-term policy in regard to price fixing, will go a long way towards putting agriculture in a sound position. Once we can induce the Department of Agriculture to take up and work those farms in each county, I think we will have set our feet on the road that will lead to inducing or compelling the Department to see that the margin of profit in agriculture is never allowed to dwindle to vanishing point, as happened in recent years.

It may be asked what would be the net result of these demonstration farms in regard to agriculture. One result, of course, would be, as I have pointed out, that farmers would take a keen and active interest in what was being done and would learn probably more from these practical demonstrations than they would ever learn from lectures given by the various agricultural officers. The fact that the local agricultural instructor would have such a farm under his control would give weight and punch to the arguments and suggestions that he would put before farmers. The local agricultural instructor could stand up at any meeting and say: "Such and such is the best policy. If you dispute my words, you can go and see that policy in practice on the farm which I am running in this county and which is within easy reach of you."

The Minister may at some time or another have heard of a person named Will Hay. Will Hay achieved fame for his portrayal of an absolutely illiterate professor running a very high-class school. Let the Minister for Agriculture be careful that his Department will not be described as a Will Hay Department, a Department that is endeavouring to teach what it does not know. No matter how much the Department of Agriculture, through their officers, may learn from experiments and from the study of the theory and practice of farming, they will never be able to speak with authority on agriculture until they are able to say: "We have run farms exactly similar to the average farm in the country and have made them pay." We of the Farmers' Party in this motion are issuing a challenge to the Department of Agriculture to come down off the fence. The hurler on the ditch may claim to be a better hurler than the hurlers on the field, but he will never convince anybody of that until he gets down into the arena and shows that he is able to do the work as well as the players on the field. I recommend this motion very strongly to the House and I feel that the Minister cannot reject it.

I formally second the motion.

I am not quite clear as to what Deputy Cogan means by a profitable demonstration. I think that if he had stated that there should be State-owned farms it would be much clearer. If demonstration farms were to show profits, I am afraid there would be very little progress made, because the committee of agriculture, in looking after the demonstration farms, would be extremely careful only to do what was profitable. The Department of Agriculture for many years made efforts to demonstrate certain types of production. Having made those demonstrations they could not possibly be expected to make profits, because sometimes there would have been failures and sometimes losses in connection with those experiments. On the other hand, if the Deputy stated that we should have State-owned farms, and that they should be profitable, I am afraid that the farmer would come to the conclusion that they were profitable, because the Government had plenty of capital and plenty of credit, and I do not believe that any progress would be made in that way.

So far as demonstration plots are concerned, we have quite a number of them in each county. Each county committee of agriculture has several demonstration plots, some on small farms, some on large farms, and some with cottiers, all of which must be run by the owners at a profit, if possible. These plots are intended to demonstrate the value of manures sometimes, and sometimes of certain types of seed. Most of the vocational committees also have some land on which there are demonstration plots. Therefore, we have a large number of demonstration plots. Whether all these show a profit or not cannot easily be demonstrated. It is for the farmers in general to get experience and to profit by the methods adopted, and so improve production generally. Nobody can say, therefore, that there are not ample opportunities for instruction so far as theory is concerned. The Department of Agriculture never believed that these plots were for any other purpose than demonstrating the theory of farming. If Deputy Cogan says there is something wrong with agriculture, I do not think that this is the remedy. I do not say that agriculture is all that it should be. I do not say that agriculture has been for some years past a profitable undertaking. But I think that, if Deputy Cogan and the Farmers' Party devoted their attention to other matters affecting agriculture, they would be doing a better day's work for the farmers than by misleading them to some extent in this way.

The farmers are working day and night.

That is so. I am advising the Farmers' Party to try to discover some ways and means of helping the farmer, which would be of more assistance to him. I think that if attention was devoted to other matters connected with agriculture we might get a far better result than in this way, because I cannot understand how these farms could be operated except as State-owned farms. They would have to be completely State-owned and, I am sure that, however hard the times may be, a State-owned farm would show a profit. I believe they could show a profit because they would not have the liabilities that farmers have to meet. They would have the most up-to-date machinery and special management and, above all, they would have special methods of bookkeeping. I do not think such a system would do any good. I do agree with Deputy Cogan in the other part of his motion, dealing with agricultural costings. I believe there is a great deal of confusion caused and quite an amount of harm done as far as agricultural costings are concerned. I have had some little experience from time to time of this. I refer especially to agricultural costings as laid down by the Department of Industry and Commerce. I think they certainly would need a great deal of reconsideration and that they are generally unfair to the farmer.

The industrial side of our economy is quite new. There are a few industries of long standing, such as Guinness and Jacobs, but a number of new industries has been established. They are quite competent and are able to present their costings in perfect order. At times they are able to get around the Department and sometimes their costings are higher than they really should be. I suppose, under our system, that is what they call genuine efficiency. Farmers are not like that. They are of different types; there is no great agreement amongst them; they have not formed a company. Consequently, they cannot put in a manager and sack him if he does not do the right thing. They are not liable to audit. There is nothing to spur them on. The result is that I do not believe that the costings as set down for agriculture are at all fair and there follows a degree of slavery in agriculture. If we cannot eliminate that, if we cannot improve the standard of the people on the land, I believe the farmer and his workers are going to leave the land.

It may be that we have too many people on the land. That could happen. Possibly, if we were highly mechanised, there would be too many on the land. It may be that we will not be successful until we become mechanised. It is possible that with mechanisation costings will become fairer than they are to-day and more favourable to the farmer. In such conditions the farmer could realise his commitments.

I do not know what proportion of, say, industrial workers' holidays are paid for by the farmer. I throw that out as a line of thought that the Farmers' Party might pursue. These are very important matters that affect the farmer in his standards of comfort and of living. What will the average farmer and his labourer purchase in the City of Dublin in exchange for what he produces? The product of his labour is his means of purchasing his needs. All his expenses are increased, whether by the transport system, or the numerous auctioneers and agents in the vegetable market. Expenses are increased; wages are increased, thereby making the goods that the agricultural workers purchase entirely too dear. In other words they demand an undue proportion of his products. I think it would be wiser to treat the subject on those lines. I think it would be more profitable for the farming industry than to pursue the lines of this motion which only a few years ago was under discussion in the House. I do not think there is anything in it apart from the question of costings.

Agriculture, for a number of years, has been depressed. That is not because agriculture is not highly organised in some of its branches. I do not think there is any modern industry that is as highly organised as the cattle trade in this country is. The reason why it is so highly organised is that the people concerned are running the business. It is not the job of Departments to organise industry or agriculture. It is the job of the people concerned in those industries. It is the job of Departments to train them technically and to lead them technically, especially in such an industry as agriculture. I do not think the industrial section of this community demand demonstrations. There may be an odd vocational class to give instruction in metal work and technical matters of that kind. Industry seems to be able to get on quite well without such demonstrations. I do not believe that this motion, even if it were accepted by the House, would do any good to anybody, even the Farmers' Party.

Procedure is not a strong point of mine. I do not know whether I rise more in sorrow than in anger. Deputy Cogan proposed a motion and asked the Government to show us how the thing is done. I am one of the few farmers in the House who have had experience of serving an apprenticeship to a business in this city. I ran a business in this city and I believe that the beginning of business is to know the difference between profit and loss. I returned to the country to carry on the farm. Farming is a thing on which I am very keen. It is for me a sentimental business rather than anything else. Sometimes I wish I had remained in the city. Sometimes I think I did the right thing in leaving it. I tried to carry on the farm on business methods for about four years, keeping books and having audited accounts. Had I continued, I would have been put in a mental home. Deputy Cogan wants the Department to demonstrate the obvious to us. He wants the farm worked on business lines. Deputy O'Reilly says the whole thing is wrong, that it cannot be worked on business lines. I believe Deputy O'Reilly is right, because he is wrong. It reminds me of the Gondoliers or the Mikado—“You are right and I am right and we are all as right as right can be”.

There was a farm at Ardfinnan near my native place. I do not remember it, but it is still called "The model farm." It was a demonstration plot, about eight miles from Clonmel and four miles from Cahir. I understand there were a couple of them in each province. They were known as model farms, and they picked out the cleverest of the young men in Marlborough Street Training College, who had a penchant for farming as well, and they put them into those model farms, as the natives said, "to teach the farmers what to do." This particular man, who has left many happy memories in Ardfinnan, was a classical teacher; the old national teachers were all great men. He failed; the balance sheet went wrong, and the poor man nearly went out of his mind. The lad who remains on the farm is always supposed to be the fool of the family. That is another Abbey Theatre joke, with their Micheál Paidín and all the rest of them. It is painful to see all this so-called theatrical crowd looking on at that kind of tripe. The poor unfortunate fellow who is kept at home on the farm is generally the eldest son. He is not picked because he is an imbecile; he is picked because of necessity he has to remain there. He has to work the farm, and perhaps the second or third son is going on for a profession. In any case, they took the farm out of this poor teacher's hands, and the poor man was nearly off his head. I should have said that those lads who were taken out of Marlborough Street Training College were put into the Glasnevin farm for two years. This teacher had 200 or 300 boys who intended going on for the Church, or for medicine or chemistry. He was teaching them, and they went into Waterford College or Maynooth afterwards. There was no secondary school there at that time. They went ahead very quickly, and the lads at home were doing the work on the demonstration farm. They were not showing a profit on the farm, only putting in long, dreary hours of work.

Under your Agricultural Wages Bill, the hours of work on the farm are from 8 o'clock in the morning until 6 o'clock in the evening. The cows come in at 8 o'clock in the morning to be milked, and you have to milk them at 5 o'clock in the evening in order to let the men off. That means nine hours one way, and 15 the other, and the result is mastitis, abortion, and all the other evils that soon put an end to the cows. That is the root cause of the loss of the butter trade. Twelve months ago we asked for 1/- a gallon for milk, but we would not get it. I know something about farming, although I spent a lot of time away from it. I was reared on a 35 acre farm. Through the death of an uncle, I got 85 acres. I now have a 125 acre farm, and I know all the joys and sorrows of the 35 acres, the 85 acres and the 125 acres, as well as any man in Ireland. At one time I milked 32 cows. Then I got down as far as 16, and I have now got back to 22. Twelve months ago here, when my Party asked for 1/-a gallon for milk in the summer, I said to Dr. Ryan, the Minister for Agriculture—my words will be found in the Official Debates—that he would not get milk or butter to meet the requirements of the country at 1/3 or even at 1/4. Am I a false prophet?

What about those demonstration farms? The Deputy seems to think everything is relevant.

I wish they would show us how to farm at a profit. It cannot be done, because the prices for agricultural produce are too low. Beet is in the very same category. When we take the mud off it and pay carriage, it costs 99/3 a ton. Let them show us how to make a profit out of milk at the present price of 10½d. a gallon, or on beet for which we get £3 5s. or £3 6s. I should like to see them running demonstration plots to show how that is done. Our men are working from 12 to 15 hours a day from the time the hay comes or until the last blade of corn is threshed. If you want to see men working, go down to Tipperary, Wexford, Kilkenny, or Limerick and see the boys working at the threshing. That is where you will see work done. Those are the boys who keep the country alive. We are told to grow this and grow that— penny-book stuff; you can read it in any weekly paper. Let them show us how we can make a profit out of it.

In any business, your profit is the difference between cost and selling price. There are lads working on our farms who could not learn anything in agricultural schools. Some of them would beat any of the Department's trained men. There are no new developments in farming—every farmer can work the reaper and binder and tractor. We know what beet costs to produce; show us how to make a profit on it. We are short of butter and milk, and to that shortage malnutrition is primarily due. Let them come along and give us demonstrations to show how those commodities can be profitably produced. We are nation lovers; we have as much, or more, stake in the country as any other section of the community. We know how to do the work. Our lads are well trained. They attend the lectures given by the Department. Show us how to make a profit. Put up to us a business-like proposition, on the lines on which, say, the Sunbeam Factory is run by Deputy Dwyer. Show us how things can be done in a business-like way. We want those demonstration plots to show us how a profit can be made. We cannot see how it can be achieved while agricultural prices are at their present low level.

I do not see that any useful purpose can be served by setting up demonstration farms, and the best case against the setting up of such farms has been made by the last speaker, a Deputy of the Farmers' Party. He tells us that he knows the practical side of farming, that the Farmers' Party know the practical side of it, and that it would be more or less presumption on the part of the Minister or the Department even to attempt to run a farm in a practical way. That is not the first time we have had that type of argument from the Farmers' Benches. As a matter of fact, over the last few years we have been listening to propaganda from the Farmers' Party telling the farming community that they have been robbed through the policy of the Department of Agriculture, that they should be annoyed by the interference of the officials of the Department, that they should not tolerate the interference of the Department in their business. They told the farmers that although they were paying well for it all, everything was not going well for the farming community.

One strange thing emerges, according to the Farmers' Party, and that is, that the land is breaking everybody connected with it, the land is bankrupting the people who are compelled to live on it, yet, if we are to believe the Deputies who have spoken on this motion, quite the contrary seems to be the fact. We are told that land is soaring in price throughout the length and breadth of the State. It is one of those things we find it very difficult to understand, that in a business which, according to the people who claim they are official spokesmen, is bankrupt and has been for years, there are still people who are clamouring to get more land and there are members of the farming community prepared to pay extraordinary prices for land.

Perhaps the Deputy will now clamour a little on the subject of demonstration farms?

I am coming to that. I merely wish to point out that if the Department of Agriculture has been so ineffectual in its policy concerning agriculture, and if its policy has had such a bad effect on the farming community, it is very difficult to reconcile practical farmers wanting to get more land and being prepared to pay enhanced prices for it. We are told by the Farmers' representatives that farming is in a bad way and that the people who are living on the land are bankrupt, although they cultivate it to the best of their ability. What can the Department of Agriculture do if these demonstration farms are established? In my own county we have demonstration plots established by the county committee of agriculture and there are demonstrations every year, covering every aspect of the farmer's business. We have classes established throughout the country under various committees of agriculture in which the technical side of farming is taught to those farmers who are progressive and interested enough to attend them and acquire the knowledge the Departmental officials have gained through experience. In these classes, even in the most backward areas, farmers can get all the information they require to enable them to use their land to the best possible advantage. They are in a position to get the best technical advice through the county committees of agriculture.

We have had a considerable amount of soil-testing, and valuable information in that connection is available if the people are sufficiently interested to avail of it. In addition, practical demonstrations are carried out constantly under the supervision of the Department's officials. Is there anything else necessary, or would any better results be achieved if we had the State setting up in business along farming lines, taking in every branch of the industry? The cry from every industrialist, no matter what branch he may be in, is to keep the State from interfering. Everybody seems to be complaining that there is too much State interference, yet we have the Farmers' Party now asking the State to enter the business of farming.

I cannot see the sense of asking the Minister for Agriculture to set up a demonstration farm in my county, to employ a host of civil servants or other officials to work it, to take over land we so badly need there. That there are some such farms necessary we all agree, but I cannot see what further results will be achieved by establishing such farms as are suggested in this motion. I cannot see what useful purpose would be served by establishing these farms. The necessary information and technical skill are already available in the State. Possibly at some other time it might be possible to have plots made available at schools. Already there are such plots in existence and they are very useful.

If we want the State to run farms you might as well suggest that every branch of industry should ask the State to run a demonstration factory. For instance, if we are to manufacture ploughs, in order to show the companies how to manufacture them the State must start a plough factory, and the same might equally apply to any other form of industry—asking the State to set a headline. I think the idea is absurd and this proposal will not have any practical results, even if the House were foolish enough to accept it.

I do not believe the farming community is burst, or that the farmers are not competent to do their work. I believe the farmers need more fixed markets. The farmers know their job well, and I do not believe they want a lead from the State as to how to carry out their work. Our farms have been worked successfully for hundreds of years, and there is nothing from A to Z that the farmers do not know about agriculture. What agriculturists need is a fixed price for their produce. We have no co-operation, and until there is a definite agreement between Britain and this country I do not think you will have a successful agricultural policy. That is really what is wrong, and until something like that takes place—and perhaps it may be a long time—we need not talk about making agriculture a really paying proposition, because it will not happen.

I do not say that agriculture does not pay. There is no use in talking nonsense. If agriculture does not pay in some way, then there would be no such thing as agriculture. I know farmers in my own county and in neighbouring counties who occupy the lands that their fathers, grandfathers and even great-grandfathers occupied, 30, 40 and 50-acre farms, and they are able to hold their heads above water. Those men are able to make that land pay. I think the thrifty, middle class farmer who works from morning to night is able to weather the storm in good and bad times. He is always able to pay 20/- in the £, and he does pay it.

I am afraid we are too individualistic; as regards agriculture, the farmer is too much of an individualist. Each farmer tries to work out on his own. Until you have co-operative farming you will make very little progress. I should like to see eight or ten or 12 farmers co-operating so that they would be able to purchase suitable machinery and help one another. A farmer on a 40-acre farm cannot purchase tractors or reapers and binders, but if you get ten or 12 fairly progressive men working together, they can buy threshing machines, reapers and binders and other suitable farming machinery and they can put their farming on a sound basis. I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
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