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Dáil Éireann debate -
Friday, 9 Feb 1945

Vol. 95 No. 19

Private Deputies' Business. - Demonstration Farms—Motion (Resumed).

Continuing the debate from last evening, I am glad to see so much time has been devoted to a consideration of agricultural problems this evening. That is a development which I think will be welcomed by everybody in the House. As regards this motion, while I have every sympathy with the farmers in this matter I have much doubt as to the wisdom of pressing the motion, because I am not satisfied that if we set up these types of farms in a number of counties they will bring any useful results. In the first place it would be absolutely impossible to get costings on a farm of this sort that would be of any advantage to the ordinary farmer because we have six or seven different types of farms in this country and if we wish to get costings that would be of any practical value it would be necessary to carry out six or seven different types of farming on the one farm. We would want farming for the uneconomic holder, farming for the economic holder, ranch farming for the rancher, tillage farming for the tillage farmer and also grazing and dairy farms. How are you to get the different costings? I think it is impossible. It would be very unwise to establish 26 such farms in this little country. We have heard a good deal about white elephants in the past. I think these farms would be real white elephants.

As the Minister stated on several occasions, we have throughout the country farms which are run on up-to-date lines where costings are kept. So far as my county is concerned, I am satisfied that we have the most scientific farming perhaps in Europe. There is the farm near Navan run by the Maynooth Mission to China which is cultivated for the benefit of the community there. It is run on first-class lines and any farmer who wants to inspect it is given every facility. Then you have the Salesian College at Warrenstown for the education of young students and the farm is open for inspection to everybody. At Maynooth College they have a huge farm which is run on up-to-date lines with modern machinery and costings kept, so that farming is brought to a fine art there. That is also open for inspection by anybody. Then you have the Albert College farm at Glasnevin which is also run on modern lines. When you have farms of these types which go into the minutest details in connection with agriculture, it would be nonsense to start the farms mentioned in the motion. I know that the motion is brought forward in the interest of agriculture, but I think, on second thoughts, the movers will find that it would be absolutely impossible to carry out. There is no use having the farms there as white elephants because they would have to be closed down again. If anyone can convince me that these farms would be a benefit to the community, I will certainly vote for the motion but, from my own experience, I do not think that they will produce very good results.

We have committees of agriculture in each county whose officials are doing splendid work in testing seeds and giving advice as to what particular varieties should be grown. These are tested on different farms and give good results. I think that is as far as we can go. All these are costly enough to the State. The farms proposed would be very costly and would put a load on the agricultural community which they should not be asked to bear. I do not think they would be useful in producing results. You would have a good many new officials in connection with them who would establish vested interests in them and who would make sure that they would be kept on for their benefit. Agriculturists are crying out against officialdom. They say that there are too many officials in this country and I think they are right. There is such a variety of farming carried on in this country that it would be impossible to know where to start. There are scores of types of farms all over my constituency which are worked on different lines. On some farms you have men who only make farming a side line. Others make farming their whole concern. Other small farmers have to go out to work for neighbours or on the roads or in the quarries.

Our farmers and farmers' sons are not as backward as some people would have us believe. I believe they are progressive and advanced in their ideas. There is nothing concerning modern farming that they do not know. They can easily acclimatise themselves to anything new. In fact, farming would be far more modernised if the finances were there. There is not a small farmer in the Midlands who would not be a first-class modern farmer if he had the means. After a few days he would be able to work any of the modern machinery. He would be progressive if he got the chance. But finance and the instability of agriculture have a great deal to do with keeping agriculture back. During the last 25 years farming has made rapid advances here; I do not say that there has been any great prosperity. When I was a young man 30 years ago there was desperate drudgery amongst the farming community and the workers on the land. The farmers and the workers were in rags. They were in a state of poverty. Their children were badly clad and badly fed and the farmers themselves were nearly as bad. At present the farmers are not the scarecrows they were then and neither are the workers. Farming has advanced and will steadily advance to the position in which we should like to see it. There will, of course, be ups and downs. During the last six years it was a case of producing the stuff no matter whether it paid or not.

I think it would be a bad thing to embark on a system of costings; it could not be done. As I say, agriculture at all times has its ups and downs. At times, any agricultural produce will pay you, at other times it will not pay. At present any farmer who is lucky enough to have had a bountiful crop of potatoes can reap a good harvest now. Unfortunately, there are not too many in that position. Then farmers in the cattle trade can do very well at times. A man could buy a heifer or a springer for £15 and be able to get £40, £50, £60 or £70 for it after some time. These things happen periodically. There is not always a lean time. The farmers, as I say, have their ups and downs and what they lose on the swings they make up on the roundabouts.

The Minister should evolve a system of mixed agriculture so that we would not have this one-line farming which I detest. Farmers who carry on that type of farming, when they come on lean days are down and out altogether. The farmer who carries on mixed farming, and who grows root crops and does some stall feeding in the winter time can nearly always weather the storms. He is able to stick it out. That is why I should like to see a permanent system of agriculture evolved so that, whether this Government is in office for a long or a short time, the new Government would take over where they left off, and agriculture would be stabilised and be in such a position that a farmer would know where his future lay, and would not be doubtful as to what would happen.

We must have a fixed line of policy. I am one of those who always believed in tillage farming. I believe we should have a certain percentage of tillage on every farm. Of course, I know that when the war ends the very large farmers in my county and neighbouring counties will do their utmost to put in all the grass seeds they can. It is a paying proposition for them at all times to be able to export big cattle. It is easy for them and does not cost much in the way of employment. I would rather see every type of farmer do his percentage of tillage so that we would be able to give more employment and have more manure to bring our land back to fertility again. I ask the Minister to keep that in mind, because it is one of the main things to be considered.

In the past the small farmer had to work hard to make ends meet; in fact, he was hardly ever able to do it. The big farmer was able to reap huge profits at a very small expenditure. When he got the money he did not spend it in this country. Probably 90 per cent. of it went abroad for the purchase of stocks and shares, so that it was not spent for the benefit of agriculture here. I should like if something could be done to see that that money is spent in this country, where these people get their bread and butter. We should have a line of agricultural policy fixed definitely for our generation and we should try to evolve the best type of policy so that farmers will know where they stand. We should do our utmost to encourage mixed farming. I think the Minister will agree that that is necessary.

I hope the Minister will make every effort to extend the markets at home and abroad for agriculture and, particularly, now that the war is coming to a close, that he will see what he can do across the channel with regard to our export trade. Our chief export trade was in agricultural produce. Unfortunately, we had not many markets for it. But there was one in which we had a fairly good footing. I believe that, with goodwill and a sustained effort on the part of the Minister and the Government, we will be able to regain what we have lost in that market. If we can do so, it will be a very good thing for every one of us.

I would ask the Minister to make every effort to induce the Minister for Local Government to relieve agriculture of the heavy overhead charges in respect of main roads. They weigh too heavily on the farmers. If these things were tackled, agriculture would be given a chance. At present, agriculture is bearing too big a burden at the top. We all know that in the future rates will be increased month after month, year after year, to meet the post-war emergency and that agriculture will have a huge load to carry. I think the Government should make some effort to take the top load off— that is, the charges in respect of main roads, mental hospitals, and so forth, and many of the State subsidies which we have to grant in order to keep people alive. If they could provide more work and less subsidies, we would be better off.

The Minister should endeavour to have the country zoned in three or four districts and to create a tillage area, a dairy area and a cattle grazing area. It would be a good thing if the country were zoned and proper attention given to the different areas so that we would not force on one county what might suit another county eminently. I would suggest also that the Minister should impress upon the Minister for Lands the necessity for making small uneconomic holdings economic before he divides any land. In my county there are too many uneconomic holdings. If we get the Minister to work along those lines there will be no need for the Farmers' Party or this Party to press for schools or classes or costings, such as are mentioned in the motion. In fact, in my opinion they would be a white elephant and would be of no advantage to the farming community.

I think Deputy Giles wandered a long way from the motion and I do not think I quite agree with some of the things he said. I do agree with him, however, in one particular respect, that is, the necessity for a balanced agriculture. I think we must all recognise that a balanced agriculture is essential. Deputy Giles referred to "one-line" farming. It is bad farming, definitely, and unwise, not merely for the individual, but for the nation. We ought to aim at a balanced agriculture by having a proper mixed farming policy for the country.

One of the peculiar characteristics of Irish agriculture is the stagnation in production that has been noticeable for many years. I think that is due, in no small measure, to the fact that we lack application of modern technical methods. Whatever knowledge is available in Merrion Street, whatever solutions to problems of soil, feeding, etc., have been discovered by our experts at Albert College and other colleges, is not disseminated, is not percolating down to the individual farmer. When we examine statistics and compare production here with the enormous expansion in production that has been secured by competitor countries in the British market—New Zealand, Denmark and the Scandinavian countries —we have definite ground for uneasiness. I think we will have to spend very much more on technical education and ensure that the technical knowledge available is brought to the individual farmer in rural Ireland.

It is unfortunate that the question of experimental or demonstration farms has been divorced in this motion from the whole question of technical education. It is inevitably bound up with that question. Peripatetic instructors are not enough to convince the farmer as to modern and efficient methods and the application of new technique. You must have practical demonstration and you must have the application of technical knowledge. Agriculture is not an exact science, but modern technical progress has gone a long way to making it much more exact than it has been in the past.

The Minister told the House his intentions regarding Johnstown Castle and that he proposes to set up a research establishment there. That is a step in the right direction. We cannot overlook the fact that, from the beginning, candidates for admission to agricultural colleges were asked was it their intention to return to the farm when qualified. I suppose the Minister will agree with me that 90 per cent. of the students—especially those who go to Albert College—do not go back to the farm. They go to Albert College for the purpose of getting a job, not for the purpose of acquiring knowledge and applying it in a practical way to agriculture. That is very unfortunate and a sad state of affairs. If we were to estimate the percentage of people who get proper technical training in this country, I think we would find that the percentage is very low. In Denmark, it is estimated that the number of farmers who receive a modern technical education is about one in five. The advantage that the Dances have over Irish farmers is that they start off with a much higher standard of technical education. That imposes a very severe handicap on Irish agriculture. We also lack research facilities. I believe the establishment of a research institution at Johnstown to be a step in the right direction. In Sweden there is a number of research stations situated through the country, in locations that are typical of the district. Albert College is situated in a most favourable location, in the dry belt, on very rich land, where there are ideal conditions from the point of view of production. The results obtained from the soil on which Albert College is situated bear no comparison at all with those that can be secured under the conditions that obtain generally throughout the country. Soil problems such as arise in other parts of the country do not occur at Albert College.

Soil conditions constitute a problem. In the past, agricultural scientists believed that it was only the more important constituents of the soil that were essential to good production. It is only in recent years that scientists have discovered that there are what are called trace deficiencies in the soil, which militate against proper production. For instance the manganese deficiencies that occur in certain soils give you grey speck in oats and browning in potatoes, which result in a very low yield. Again, beet growers know that a boron deficiency in the soil will give you trona, and calcium deficiency in the soil will result in blackleg. Those are all trace deficiencies. A stone and a half of borax to the acre will correct boron deficiency. Mind you, you can have men labouring for years trying to produce a crop because they have not the technical knowledge necessary to make those small adjustments which mean all the difference between profit and loss.

In a country like Denmark, one in every five of the population goes back to the land with modern ideas and methods, and has a profound influence on his neighbours. It has not been found necessary in any country to provide each and every individual with a modern technical education. If it were possible for even one in ten of the population here to have a proper technical education, I have no doubt that when those people went back to the land and applied modern technical methods, showing satisfactory financial results, their neighbours would immediately apply the same methods on their own farms. That is what we should aim at so far as demonstration farms are concerned. I think it is necessary to have ocular demonstration, showing the net result in pounds, shillings and pence. The farmer is just an ordinary human being. He lives in a mundane world. He has to pay his bills and balance his accounts at the end of the year. He has to try to put a little bit by to educate his family, and to have something for his old age. He must, therefore, be profoundly influenced by any demonstration which will show him conclusively that if he proceeds on certain lines he will reap financial benefit. I have no doubt that the Committee on Post-War Planning in Agriculture will give a good deal of consideration to this problem of agricultural education, because, as I said before, it is the most important problem of all. Our trouble here is that we have too many farmers getting mediocre results. Of course, there are farmers in this country who have very little to learn. They compare favourably with farmers in many other countries, but the trouble is that we still have a very high percentage of farmers getting mediocre results, and even indifferent to results. Another characteristic of Irish farmers is that they lack ambition. I will not go into the reasons for the lack of that ambition which is so essential to success. I suppose it is all a matter of education.

Whether the State is going to purchase demonstration farms, as suggested in this motion, and show how modern methods are to be applied, is a matter which requires very full and thorough investigation. The Tennessee Valley authority, one of the finest authorities in the world, has made tremendous advances in educational matters, and in many fields of activity. The policy of the Tennessee Valley authority, so far as demonstration is concerned, is not to involve the State in any financial outlay at all, but merely to approach a particular farmer and ask him if he will work his farm according to a blueprint, under the supervision of an expert, and with a guarantee against any loss. Having operated that farm for a period of years, and convinced the people of that locality that such a line of policy is the best line to pursue in their particular circumstances, they are free to shift around to some other farm. Whether the practical demonstration here should be done by means of State-owned farms, or whether we should adopt the system which has been adopted with great success in the Tennessee Valley, is a matter which should be very fully investigated. I am convinced that we want much more educational facilities for people who have to live by practical farming—not merely facilities for people who are prepared to go into residence and do a course in practical agriculture, but opportunities for day students as well. I think the Minister will agree that there will have to be far more facilities if we are to step up agricultural production. All our social services have to be provided for out of the national income, and the industry which provides the bulk of the national income of this country is agriculture. If we want to provide a standard of living here which will compare favourably with that in other countries, we will have to put our backs into the job of expanding agricultural production by a very substantial amount.

It is a mistake to divorce this question of demonstration from the whole big question of agricultural education and research, not merely soil research but animal research and the production of indigenous grasses and all that sort of thing. There is a tremendous field there for exploration and development. Mind you, we would not be by any means pioneers in that respect; other countries are forging ahead and have met with considerable success. No matter what the outlay may be—and it would mean a considerable financial outlay if we were to provide ample facilities for technical education and research—the money would be well spent, and would be repaid one hundred fold. I am satisfied, and I think many other people are satisfied too, that a considerable expansion of our production is within our capacity here, and I believe that the starting point is agricultural education. I think the system we have in operation at the present time is not meeting with success; we are not getting from the expenditure the value which we are entitled to expect. I hope the committee the Minister has set up will give this matter a thorough examination and that the Minister in the near future will bring in a comprehensive measure so that we may be able to criticise it in a constructive way.

For a number of years some of us on these benches have been advocating the provision of a demonstration farm, something similar to what is now proposed in this motion. It is, to my mind, more necessary now when we are facing a crisis in our agricultural affairs, when none of us knows what the immediate future holds for the agricultural population, or what our position in the export or the home market will be. We have in this country two or three experimental farms run by excellent, competent men. We have also two or three scientists of very high status. We are not as far short of a scientific approach to agricultural matters as some people would lead us to believe, but to my mind one ounce of practical farming is worth all the scientific and theoretical approach that one could expound in a month.

I was interested some time ago in an article in a southern paper by a very competent writer on agricultural matters, a gentleman who has farmed extensively in this country for years and in another country for almost an equal number of years. He approached the matter in a somewhat comical way. He said that in all the years of his experience he had been listening to practical people and scientific people preaching to the farmers of this country and other countries as to the methods they should adopt in running their business. He said he had never seen a scientist, with one exception, with courage enough to put his scientific theories into practice. The exception was a professor in a university in Western America. This professor or scientist, taunted that it was easy enough to preach but much more difficult to practice, said that if he had the ways and means he would immediately put his theories into practice. Some friends who had more worldly wealth than the scientist, came to his assistance.

He resigned his professorship and took over a farm and worked it for five years and, as this writer says, all the farmers in the locality were very interested in the operations and spent their Sundays and half-holidays—if the farmers in America have such things; they have not in this country, anyhow —watching the work of this farmer-scientist. At the beginning everything appeared to be lovely. After the first year it was not natural to expect results; after the second year there was not much of an advance, but really one could not expect any tangible results for at least four or five years. Anyhow, at the end of the fifth year the farmer-scientist threw in his gun, so to speak. He had spent all the money provided for him by his backers, but there were no great results. He was glad to get back his professorship in his old university and to proceed along the scientific lines to which he was accustomed in other years.

I am not saying this by way of being critical of the scientists of this or any other country. I have as much faith in and respect for scientists as most people have, but I believe that practical demonstrations are more necessary in this than in any other country. We are a highly conservative people, probably the most conservative in the world at the moment. We are liable to stick to the usages of generations— indeed, centuries. We are more apt to stick in a rut than any other people and more difficult to move. I rather resent the implication that the farmers in this country are not as capable, intelligent and hardworking as the farmers of other countries. But, unfortunately, our farmers are rather sceptical of theories and of the advice of scientific lecturers and unless they can see things demonstrated in a practical way they will not be convinced.

I am one of the people who have been anxious for a great number of years to have something done in this State to bring more immediately to the notice of the farmer the value of scientific teaching and the value of experiments made both here and in other places. It is only in that way we will get down in practical fashion to increased production and a better quality in our produce.

The Minister, it was reported in the Press yesterday, was talking in Limerick with the representatives of various southern committees of agriculture. I was particularly interested in the Minister's remarks, and I agree almost in toto with what he said. What the Minister is anxious to arrive at is the goal that most of us had in view for a great number of years, and which we are as far off reaching now as we were 25 years ago. That is tantamount to saying that we are still 25 years off reaching anything like a satisfactory solution of the dairy problem, and I am going to stand on that.

We have had in this country for years a system of cow-testing. I am as strong an advocate of cow-testing as anyone. Experiments have been made in many places. We have attempted to bring the ordinary dairy farmers into the working of this cow-testing system. Only a small percentage of them has consented to engage in cow-testing, and the reason is that we have not been able to demonstrate to them in a practical way that cow-testing offers them a particular financial advantage. My district is not one that engages very intensively in cow-testing, but it is not more backward than any other district. I venture to say, though perhaps it is not popular to say it, that not one of us could, with any degree of truth, say to our neighbours that our activities over ten, 15 or 20 years in cow-testing have given us any result beyond what the ordinary farmer who did not engage in those operations obtained. There may be reasons for this that one cannot put in words. Perhaps the great reason is, as I said on another occasion in this House, that cow-testing without a big credit behind it is useless.

I was interested in the production issued lately by the planning committee on the dairy problem. There has been some talk about good and bad counties in regard to farming at this time, but I was rather shocked— and, I must say, rather pleasurably shocked—to find that, according to the statistics in connection with the operations of cow-testing associations all over this country for many years past, there has been no advance in the production of dairy produce, except in the County of Limerick—the lazy county, as some people say, and the county where we could not do anything right. I was, as I say, pleasurably shocked or surprised to know that in our county we were producing from 30 to 50 per cent. more in milk, per cow, than in any other county in Ireland, notwithstanding the fact that in County Limerick only a small percentage of the farmers were taking part in the cow-testing scheme. Of course, I realise that that might be due to the rich pasturage in Country Limerick, and that that might be a primary reason why milk production in that country should be higher than in other counties in Ireland, but I do not say that that is altogether the reason for it.

I am going to make a statement now, and I am making it with all deliberation, in connection with this proposal of demonstration farms; and that is that I am not at all sure that we have not arrived at a stage when the shorthorn breed of cattle in this country is a decadent or a nondescript breed. I suggest that that is a possible explanation as to why the milk or butter production in this country is not as good at the moment as it was in former years. Of course, anybody who attends the show in Dublin each year will say that Deputy Bennett is talking trash; that he is talking through his hat, or does not know what he is talking about; but I think I am right. After all, the shorthorn breed has been in existence in this country for over 100 years—at least 125 years, and, probably, a century and a half. Undoubtedly, it has produced excellent results in this country, but anybody of my age, or even of somewhat lesser age, can clearly remember the type of shorthorn cattle that were at the shows 20, 30 or 40 years ago, and I am sure that they cannot deny that the shorthorn beast of to-day is very different from the beast of 30 or 40 years ago. I am sure that people of experience will agree that the shorthorn cow, or the shorthorn bull, is not as good as the beast that was on offer 30 or 40 years ago.

In this connection, I may say that I read a statement by the chairman of the Shorthorn Cattle Breeders' Association some months ago, and it appeared from that statement that he was perturbed at the scarcity of good shorthorn cattle in this country. Now, I happen to be interested in this matter of dairy cattle in County Limerick. I am acquainted with some of the best-known and largest buyers of shorthorn cattle in the country. I remember an occasion when, 40 years ago, the Dwyers of Roscrea and the O'Connors of Charleville, between the two of them, would buy 1,000 of that type of cattle, of the best possible quality, at one fair. I am sure that there are some Deputies here who would remember that: that these people could buy 1,000 head of the best of these yearlings in one day at one fair. Now, I was speaking to one of these men recently, and he said that if he were to travel through all the fairs in Ireland for a month, he could not get anything like what he could get in one day at one fair 30 or 40 years ago.

Is the Deputy suggesting that he can relate what he is saying to the question of a demonstration farm?

Yes, Sir; I am endeavouring to relate it, and do not be the least bid afraid that I shall not relate it. I am afraid that the Ceann Comhairle has broken the thread of my argument, but he has not injured the real purpose of what I am saying. One thing that I would suggest is that any Deputy should go to the Cattle Market in Dublin on any Wednesday of the week if he wants to get practical and ostensible corroboration of every word I have said with regard to the dairy shorthorn breed. I do not think you could find anywhere such a nondescript type of cattle. They are of all colours and makes. You cannot go into the market to buy these cattle without finding all types: one cow with a black nose, another with streaks of black in her hair, and another with streaks of white in her hair. Now, the Minister must be aware of that, and I am sure he realises that there must be a solution. I think that the Dairy Shorthorn Breeders' Association have gone as far as they can to deal with the problem. I think they have gone as far as they can to bring about a proper shorthorn breed, but the foundation is not there. In my opinion, it was a cursed day for this country when bulls of breeds such as the Polled-Angus, the Aberdeen-Angus and the Hereford were allowed to come in here to mix up with the dairying breeds. That was a bad thing, and I think it is time that we should get a solution for it, and I hope that when the Minister comes to deal with the matter before the House to-day he will agree to do something such as has been suggested by Deputy Hughes, and that if it is possible to set up a demonstration farm in this country, where operations could be carried on in a way that would be economical for the ordinary farmer, the Minister might adopt Deputy Hughes's suggestion and give to selected farmers, here and there, the opportunity of working on such a farm under the guidance of the best brains of agricultural scientists— people who, themselves, have experimented and worked a farm on that particular line, and who have had experience of keeping accounts of production on such a farm. That is the only way in which you will convince the conservatively-minded people of this country that there is anything tangibly good about modern methods of producing agricultural goods.

If we are to preserve shorthorn cattle we should pick out the best strain. I make these remarks in the hope that some action will be taken before that breed becomes a more nondescript type. I anticipate that it would take from 20 to 25 years before the breed would be anything like what it was in the past. On these demonstration farms only the best shorthorn heifers and bulls should be kept. It would also be necessary to undertake cow-testing so that neighbouring farmers would be impressed by the fact that such a policy was sound. Proof should be forthcoming, whether in dairying or in any other line, to show that production can be increased and that it is vital in the interests of the State to do so. It is all right to say that production can be increased, but the question is: can it done so economically? In the case of a 500-gallon cow, it is not possible to increase the yield to 570 gallons within a year. The ordinary farmer wants to know if he can economically produce the extra gallons. When he attempts to get an extra 78 or 100 gallons he generally finds it is not worth the extra expenditure that he has to incur. The contrary must be demonstrated to farmers, but not by experiments of which they know nothing. The same thing will apply to the production of beef. A heifer or bullock could be kept without any great expenditure in the stall or on a good grass farm until it reached 75 per cent. of being finished. Farmers are "up against it" when they want to get the extra 25 per cent. It is the same with regard to pig feeding. It is the last ounce of production that counts and that is expensive. The crux in agriculture is the getting of extra production economically. Until we can convince farmers that the extra 25 per cent. can, with effort, be got economically, and that those who experiment can prove that, we will not be able to get much further.

Farmers, like other Irishmen, are highly conservative and need to be convinced before they will depart from the practices carried out by their fathers and grandfathers. They need every inducement before they can get out of the rut to which they have become accustomed. All the teachings of scientists about the value of experimental stations are not going to produce results, until it can be practically demonstrated that reforms can be brought about in agricultural methods. There is certainly room for development in tillage, butter and milk producing areas. We shall have an opportunity at an early date of having a debate on the general agricultural policy. I should like to stress the importance of the motion before the House urging the setting up of some sort of demonstration farms or, as Deputy Hughes suggested, giving a guarantee to certain farmers in various localities that if they work their holdings on lines proposed by the Minister's advisers, they will be at no loss. If land is worked on modern scientific lines, I believe we could get Irish farmers to adopt such methods; otherwise I do not believe there is any hope of success.

I am not in agreement with Deputies who ask that institutions should be set up to show farmers how to carry on farming, especially in a county like Wexford which the Minister and I have the privilege of representing. To do so would be to suggest that farmers do not know how to work their land, and that they can be shown how to do so by people in colleges or by books. County Wexford is the leading county for farming. If other counties take example from the way Wexford farmers work, it will be a lesson for them without the necessity of setting up demonstration farms. I do not believe in that proposal at all. Farmers complain that they are interfered with by the Department as to the way in which they are to work land. Consider the position of the farm labourer who works as a ploughman or at any other skilled work on the land. Very few of the owners of farms plough. They engage men to do that work, and for skilled work of that kind, the ploughman gets the lowest wages paid in any calling in this State, a miserable £2 a week. We are told what ought to be done, but what the Minister ought to do is to control the price of beef and mutton. There will then be a better market for that beef and mutton because people will be able to buy more and probably the farmers will get a better price for their cattle than they are getting to-day. I ask the Minister why he made the statement that the farm labourer's wages would not be increased this year.

That has nothing to do with this motion. If the Deputy reads the motion he will see that for himself. The motion calls for the setting up of demonstration farms. The Deputy will have an opportunity on the Estimate of putting all these questions to the Minister.

The farmers in the Dáil are asking the Minister to set up farms to show the people who own the land how to farm, but I say that the man with land to-day knows how to handle it and can impart that knowledge to his sons. Land in County Wexford at present is fetching a great price and there is keen competition between farmers when land is put up for sale, so that the farmers are not losing everything. I am very glad to learn that County Wexford is to be given the honour of having this college. It is the first thing the county has got from the agricultural point of view. The farmers there felt that the model county should have got one of the beet factories and not have to send beet to Carlow. Thurless and Tuam.

From the model farm?

From the model county, which ought to be a model for all farmers. I ask the Minister if he will reconsider his statement with regard to farm labourers' wages.

He will not be in order in replying on this debate.

He will not be in order?

Any more than the Deputy is.

I will come back to it again.

On the Estimate, yes.

Some Deputies mentioned the question of potatoes——

Other Deputies mentioned it.

Was the scarcity of potatoes not referred to?

That was on a Vote earlier in the day and not on this.

I do not agree with the suggestion in the motion that the Government should set up these model farms. I think it an insult to the farmers of County Wexford, who know how to do their own business.

Deputy Hughes said that, in all probability, the Committee on Post-War Agricultural Planning would consider this question. I believe it is one of the questions that committee will consider. They have undertaken to present a report on agricultural education in general and I know that this question of State farms, colleges and demonstration farms will be considered by it. I do not know what view the committee will take, but as they may present a report on the question, in which case I would be expected to have an open mind, Deputies perhaps will understand my difficulty if I do not come down on one side or the other. I am naturally anxious to give the points for and against.

With one argument put forward by a number of Deputies, I agree; that is, that, over the years, we have spent a good deal of time in the colleges and institutions on establishing certain facts. That knowledge is there, but it is not possible in many cases to get it down to the farmer. The difficulty has always existed, and I have recognised it, of getting the farmer to realise certain facts well known to agricultural experts and scientists. I think, however, that there is an improvement in that respect. As the years go on a bigger number of the younger men are attending the winter classes. The number who go to the agricultural colleges is comparatively small, but a larger number are certainly attending the winter classes, and these boys are becoming interested in trying to find out facts for themselves. There is a very marked increase in the demand for the leaflets issued by the Department, which goes to show that the rising generation of farmers and farmers' wives are more interested in matters of this kind. It is a very slow process. The increase in the dissemination of knowledge of that kind over the last 40 years is not phenomenal and it will be many more years before the farmers will have reached the standard of education which would be useful and which one would like to see them have.

I agree with Deputy Hughes on another point: that we must not come to the conclusion that the Irish farmer is worse than the farmer of other countries in that respect. We have, as Deputy Hughes said, some farmers who are as good as any in the world, and, on the whole, I think that the general body of farmers here would probably compare fairly favourably with the general body of farmers in most other countries. I spent holidays in at least two of the Continental countries in the last 12 years, and I made whatever observations I could amongst the ordinary farmers, and I do not think they were a bit better than ours. In fact, if we sent across an ordinary Irish farmer to see how they do things, he would be inclined to say that he had nothing to learn there. That does not mean, however, that we should not try to improve things. We certainly should, so far as we can.

I am not quite sure as to what exactly Deputy Cogan advocates. One could regard his proposal as a proposal for absolute State farms—the Department of Agriculture, on behalf of the State, purchasing a farm and equipping and stocking it, and, as I take it Deputy Cogan would say, keeping accounts so that those running it could see that on the running of the farm they were getting 5 per cent. on their capital, because if an ordinary man bought a farm and stocked it, he would have to pay 5 per cent. to the bank. I take it we would then go ahead with the appointment of a manager and tell him to farm on proper lines and get him to keep accounts.

Whether that is what is visualised or not, I do not know, but there is also the method of getting it done by the county committee of agriculture. If it has to be done, it would be easier to do it in that way, because the officers of the committee are available. They have a knowledge of agriculture and they have local knowledge. They know more about local opinion on agriculture and the type of agriculture being carried out locally than others and they see what mistakes, in their view, are being made by the farmers locally. There might be an advantage in putting these farms under the control of the local authority rather than under that of the central authority, but whether it should be done at all is another matter.

I saw a review—it was prepared for the Committee on Post-War Agricultural Planning by my Department—of the trend of agricultural education in other countries. I notice that this system of model farms is being departed from. Evidently they did not find that they were completely successful in Continental countries and they are moving towards what they call the "travelling school." That would correspond, more or less, with our winter classes. An intinerant instructor goes to a certain centre and holds a school there for a certain time for farmers' sons. In most cases, I think that the instructors bring them out to the farms around and demonstrate what they teach in the lecture room. After six weeks or two months they pass on to another centre and give a similar course. They found it necessary in those Continental countries to bring instruction to the door of the farmer. The farmer was not inclined to go to the model farm even when it was within a short distance. That point regarding model farms will be taken into consideration by the post-war agricultural committee.

Deputy Cogan made the case, more or less—I do not want to wrong him because there is a "for" and an "against" in all these questions—that unless I could turn down the idea, the Dáil should accept it. I do not think that Deputy Cogan gave very strong reasons for the adoption of his proposal. He did not argue very much on the positive side. He put it up to me to argue against it and said that there was only one ground on which I could reject it —fear that it might not pay. I should not be afraid of that. I do not think that it would be very difficult to make a farm pay at present. The great majority of farmers are, I think, making their farms pay. As a Deputy said here last night, any farm that is put up for sale fetches £30, £50, £70, or even as high as £100 an acre. In many parts, land for conacre—grazing, meadowing or tillage—is let at from £5 to £14 an acre. If competition amongst farmers is so keen that they pay such a high price for land, when sold, or so high a rent for conacre, it is fairly obvious that farming is paying. I should have no great fear that it would be impossible to make those farms pay at the moment.

Deputy Cogan went on to say that, if I were afraid the farms would not pay, it proved either that the Department was incompetent in the management of farms or that the margin of profit was so small that it might not be possible to make anything out of them. That is a point on which I should like the members of Clann na Talmhan to give me information. I should like Deputy Cogan and Deputy Blowick to tell me and the Dáil whether or not they can make their farms pay. I think that they are evading that question. I imagine that, if I were ever to have the ambition to stand as a farmers' candidate, the first thing I should say to farmers, in appealing for their votes, would be: "I am a farmer and I am able to make my farm pay. I am a competent and efficient farmer and the man for whom you should vote". Clann na Talmhan do not believe in that and they give the impression that it is impossible at present to make farming pay. I may be doing them an injustice. If I am, I should like them to take advantage of the occasion to tell me that I am wrong, that they are able to make their farms pay but that they would like the farmers to be better treated. I agree with Deputy Cogan that it is the duty of a farmer to get the maximum amount out of his land and that it is the duty of the State to see that he gets a fair return for his labour and produce. That is the basis on which we have regulated beet prices, wheat prices and other prices fixed during the emergency or regulated in some way before the emergency. But I should like to assure Deputy Cogan that we did not proceed on the basis of maximum output. Again, I may say that, if I were leader of a farmers' Party, I should not like to advocate the fixing of prices on the basis of maximum output. Only a percentage of the farming community could reach the figure which would be fixed in that way. Only a percentage could make their farms pay. We must be somewhat more lenient to the farmers and we must not base our prices on maximum output. We must assume that the great majority are not able to get the maximum output but only a fair output.

Deputy Cogan wants demonstration farms established to show farmers, in the first place, how to improve their methods and, secondly, to ascertain the costings of farming. I admit that costings would be very useful. Deputy Cogan said that the Department of Agriculture decided about 20 years ago that it was unwise to continue the collection of costings because the costings were, more or less, going against them in the Department. My predecessor continued that scheme for collecting costings for many years after coming into office, and he and I pressed very hard for a costings section of the Department. The Minister for Finance would not agree; he could not afford to pay the necessary staff. Since the emergency, we dropped that question because there would be no use in building up such an organisation under the present abnormal conditions. When the war is over, I think that it will be necessary to have some organisation of that type. I have expressed the view elsewhere in public—I do not see why I should not express it here—that I should like, from a personal standpoint, to see some outside authority set up to fix and regulate the prices of agricultural produce when the war is over, because it is very difficult for a Minister or for the Government to do that. If some effective authority could be set up—it would not be easy to get an authority which would do it —that would hear the farmers' case and the consumers' case and fix or regulate the prices impartially, we would be better off all round than we are under the present system. That would, of course, necessitate the keeping of costings.

To revert for a moment to the question of the model farm; if a model farm were being set up, it would, probably, be well to have it under the local authority. If the post-war agricultural committee advise that it is not wise to go ahead with this question of model farms, then we could go back to a modified form of the scheme of costings which operated before 1923 or 1924. At that time there was a number of farmers who kept accounts. Books, which were drawn up in a certain way, were supplied to them. The farmers made entries of certain information that they were asked to supply with regard to their farming activities. At the end of the year the books were examined by competent officers, and costings were made out fairly scientifically from the returns furnished. I think that system could be revived and, perhaps, even amplified or improved to the extent, perhaps, of getting a number of individual farmers in each county who would leave their affairs open to scrutiny by some officials of the local committee of agriculture in consideration, of course, of some slight payment to the farmer for doing that, because there would be a certain amount of trouble in keeping the accounts up to date. The point that I want to get at is this: that we can get over the question of costings without model farms. We can get them almost as efficiently done. I think that, on the whole, they would be just as reliable.

There are, undoubtedly, advantages to be got from a model farm in the way of demonstrating how things might be done, but then these advantages are not there unless farmers go and see what is being done. The experience of Continental countries would appear to be to the effect that knowledge has to be brought to the doors of the farmers rather than that farmers should go and look for it. You will always have in every county a small percentage of farmers who will go a long way looking for knowledge. We all know of such men. If they hear, for instance, of demonstration plots of wheat they will go a certain distance to have a look at them, and will make inquiries as to how the wheat was sown, manured and so on. If they hear of a model cow house being built, they will go and see it to try to find out if they can improve their own cow houses. You will find farmers who will do that, but on the other hand you will find many who will not do it. It is the latter type that you want to convince because they are so sceptical about the whole thing. If you have a model farm and try to prove to them by every way possible, by books and everything else, that the model farm is paying, their comment will be: "It is easy to make a farm like that pay with the whole State behind it". But suppose you have a failure with a crop of potatoes or a crop of turnips on that model farm they will say: "How could we make farming pay when the Department of Agriculture cannot make this model farm pay?" You will have that disadvantage in the case of the very people to whose notice you want to bring knowledge.

Again, it is not so easy to get the same efficiency or, let us say, the same hard work on a model farm as you will get on a farm owned by a man himself. If, say, there is a 100-acre farm you will first of all have to appoint a manager. I suppose Deputies will agree that a 100-acre farm could not pay a very high salary to a manager. Let us say that he is paid £4 or £5 a week. He will have to employ three, four or five men. The manager is getting a salary, and will be inclined to go away a few evenings a week to enjoy himself. He will want to go away on Sundays. He will not be like the owner of a farm. In the case of the owner of a farm, if there is something essential or extra to be done in the evening, or if there is some animal to be watched on a Sunday, he will stay at home, but the manager may not stay. I am not saying that employees are not very good in their own way, but the point is that they have not the same inducement to stay and watch things as an owner has. In that way, you might not get the same efficiency on a farm of that kind as you would get in the case of a privately-owned farm. Another thing is that the manager must be, more or less, at the disposal of visitors, since the object of the model farm is that farmers can come there and have a look at things and see how they are being done. That cannot be done unless there is someone to show them around, to show them how the crops are sown, manured and so on. Therefore, the manager must be, to a great extent, at the disposal of callers. When you take that into account, he cannot give his whole time to the management of the farm. These are points that must be kept in mind.

Deputy O'Donnell told us that for some years he kept accounts on his own farm but that he gave it up because they almost drove him daft. I suppose a man's own accounts sometimes do have a disturbing effect on him. The Deputy seemed to be under the impression that the Agricultural Wages Board fixes certain hours. They do not. They fix a certain wages against a certain number of hours, but there is nothing to prevent an employee agreeing with a farmer to work 12 hours a day, if he likes. There is nothing to prevent a farmer making an agreement with his employees to have his cows milked at much more even intervals than the 15 hours, and nine hours mentioned by Deputy O'Donnell.

Deputy Giles started his speech by saying that the farmers know their own business best. I do not altogether agree with that. I do not think there is any body of men, whether farmers, business men, tradesmen or any other class, who are so knowledgeable that they cannot learn more, and if we can teach farmers some little more it is all to the good. As a matter of fact, what you will find is that it is the best farmers who are anxious to learn. They are the men who will be anxious to go to a model farm to see if they can learn a little more. What Deputy Giles said later is probably true, that a lot could be done to help farmers in the way of co-operation and so on.

With regard to another point that was made, I do not think it is possible to say that one part of the country is dairying, another part tillage and another part suitable for grazing or store cattle. We have not any such uniformity here. Take any county that you may go into, in a few parishes you may have a good deal of grazing, in other parishes you may have very intensive tillage, while in other parts you may have as intensive dairying as they have in the County Limerick. Some other Deputies said that probably the best system of farming was to try to do mixed farming as far as possible: that is to say that every farmer should try to do a bit of tillage to provide for his own stock, that he should try to do some dairying by keeping some dairy cows to supply the country with dairy products, and have other farmers with the minimum amount of land for grazing. Deputy Hughes agrees, I think, with that because he talked about a balanced agriculture being the best system. I take it he meant by that that we should have no such thing as one line agriculture. I think it is wise that there should be no such thing.

Deputy Hughes spoke about the stagnation of production. Unfortunately, there has been very little change for many years in production here. There has been very little change in the number of cattle and there has been very little change, compartively speaking, in the output from tillage. There has been, of course, a substantial increase during the emergency, but, taking the position over the last 30 or 40 years, there has been no great change in the amount of land under tillage or in the number of cattle. Apart from some reduction in the number of pigs, due to the emergency, there has been no great change.

Deputy Hughes wants to know if anything is being done, as far as this post-war agricultural committee is concerned, regarding this matter. I think it will be a very big problem for them, naturally, as to what recommendation they are going to make for future production—whether we should continue as we are or change our system slightly by giving it a bent in some other direction. I do not see that the committee can hold out any other objective but the future production policy of the country, whatever that may be. I am quite sure that the committee will give practically all its attention to the question of production and what the future trend of production should be.

Deputy Hughes spoke of the travelling instructors and I have already dealt with that point by saying that, on the whole, I think they are on the right lines at present. I do not want any Deputy to say that I am complacent or satisfied with the present system—I am not—but I say that, possibly and probably, our present line with regard to this aspect of education here is about the best one. We have the local technical staff, who go around more or less demonstrating for the farmers by means of demonstration plots showing what should be done, and who help the farmers sons by teaching them in winter classes, and so on; and that is probably just as sound as the demonstration farm idea. It may be that, if we were to elaborate and extend the present system a bit, we might be doing more than we would by turning to this idea of a model farm.

Deputy Bennett talked about the necessity for disseminating knowledge to the dairy farmers, as to how they could improve their output and he spoke about cow-testing. As he says, it is very extraordinary that the number of farmers who undertake to test their cows has not gone up. There are undoubted advantages in cow-testing: in fact, if any Deputy looks at the figures, he will find that the average yield per cow of all the cows under bodies having their cows under test, is a good deal higher than the average yield of all cows in the country. So it is evident that it has done something to improve the milk yield. Deputy Bennett says that, of course, it is not much use to a man, unless he can afford to get rid of the bad cow and get a good one. I think any farmer who is doing cow-testing, if he has a bad cow, will get rid of it. He may have to wait a year or two and take on a heifer in its place; but in that way he will gradually improve the average milk yield. A man who is not testing very often does not know he has a bad cow and may often be deceived—as those who are doing cow-testing know—by a big flush of milk in the beginning, whereas when the cow goes into a milk test, it is found to be not nearly as good as it was thought to be. In fact, the cow which is not milking well in the beginning, but is a good stayer, is more profitable to keep, as it gives the better yield in the end. The man who is not doing cow-testing does not know that and, therefore, may be inclined to breed from the wrong cow.

Deputy Bennett also referred to what is being done in the County Limerick and said that if you take all the cows in the County Limerick they have a better average yield than the cows in the rest of the country. I believe that is a well-known and well-established fact, statistically, at any rate. He says that that is true, even though cow-testing is done only to the extent of 4 per cent. in that county. I think that 4 per cent. is the figure for the whole country also, so evidently the farmers in County Limerick are up to the average in the matter of cow-testing, as compared with the rest of the country. I do not think we can come to any conclusion on that fact, which was given to us by Deputy Bennett. We cannot conclude from it that cow-testing is not doing any good, neither can it prove that cow-testing is doing a whole lot of good. However, we may leave that aside for the present.

The last point Deputy Bennett made was with regard to breeding. He said he thought the shorthorn was decadent or nondescript. There is a very well-known institution in County Limerick where they go to a lot of trouble on this point—I have not the authority of the principal to quote it, although I do not think he will object —and where they have a heard of shorthorns and a herd of Holsteins; and the average yield from the shorthorns is just as good as that from the Holsteins. Deputies will agree that, if the shorthorn is as good for milk as the Holstein, we should stick to them, because from the shorthorns we have very much better type of store.

I hope he is not going to mix the Holstein like you mixed the black.

No, he is keeping them apart. As I said in the beginning, I do not want to come down on either side in regard to this motion. I do not see a whole lot of advantage to be derived from either side. I can see some advantage, but not a whole lot, and I think there may even be some slight disadvantages from setting them up. But neither do I want to prejudice my own mind on this question, as I know that this committee is considering the matter of model farms, State farms, and so on. I do not know what the report may be, but whatever it may be, I would like to keep an open mind on the matter, at least until the committee has reported. Perhaps, if Deputies would take the same line, it would be well—that is, if they would leave this matter over until we see the report. I am not saying I would agree with the report, or that Deputies would agree with it. I cannot say, so far as I am concerned, so it would mean I would have to vote against this motion, if there is a division, as I do not want to be committed one way or the other until we see the report of the committee.

This debate must conclude at 7.40 and I am sure the mover will want some time to reply.

I only wish to make a small point. I am sorry the Minister could not decide now, as I think the motion before the House is a very reasonable one. He must admit the usefulness of the first part of the motion. Suppose we forget about the latter part, where there may be a bit of tautology. Surely the Minister could have no difficulty in agreeing to the latter part, that is, the establishing of demonstration farms in various counties, which would be typical of the localities in which they are situate. They would be for the purpose of educating the farmers and showing better and improved methods, and also for imparting knowledge about improved types of seed, and so on— knowledge which is very necessary at present.

I shall be as brief as I possibly can. The Minister must be well aware that in many parts of the country, particularly in the west, there are a few farmers in each locality who are doing pioneer work in this matter themselves but before they reach even a fair stage of perfection they have to incur a good deal of personal loss. I myself have had experience of that. The Minister has stated that, on the other hand, only a few farmers will go to seek this knowledge if it is made available. That is not the case to my knowledge. The vast majority of farmers are anxious to acquire a knowledge of the most efficient and modern methods of farming. They like to see the differences between various breeds of stock and between different types of seeds, etc., demonstrated. Even a few small holdings in each county would be sufficient for this purpose and there should be no difficulty in picking them up at the moment because there are unfortunately plenty derelict holdings all over the country. Even if they had to be run at a loss to demonstrate the most up-to-date methods of farming it would be a step in the right direction.

The motive that actuated the tabling of this motion was that in many cases, as the Minister admitted, farmers will not attend lectures given by agricultural instructors on week-nights in schools. Some of them may go there and pick up a certain amount of knowledge but by the time they have a chance of applying that knowledge to practical work they have forgotten all about it. In my opinion there could be no better instruction than the ocular instruction afforded by demonstration farms which they could visit on a Sunday or any other free day which they had.

The Minister, Deputy Moran and Deputy O'Leary spoke of the fact that land was fetching such a high price at the moment as an indication that there was prosperity amongst farmers. In my opinion that is no line to go by. In my part of the country I admit that land is going at an exorbitant price, a price in most cases out of all proportion to the value of the land or the living that can be made on it. What is the explanation of that? It is that many young people reared in farmhouses migrate to England or America and earn there sufficient money to buy a small holding. When they come home and a holding of land which is near their old home, adjacent to old friends and associations, is offered for sale, they plunge in and drive up the price. As I say, the fact that such holdings are going high prices is no indication of the kind of living which can be made subsequently on land of that kind.

Deputy Moran later on suggested that this motion advocated the taking over of a number of farms and staffing them with a host of officials. We do not agree with that at all; we are utterly opposed to it and that is not what is behind the motion. The motion is aimed at establishing demonstration farms which would carry out a certain amount of educational effort in various districts. Deputy O'Leary painted a desperate picture of farms in County Wexford. In one breath he said that it was a model county and in the next he said that there was no farmer there who could plough. At the same time he advocated gathering all the farmers of Ireland, 240,000 of them, into County Wexford.

On a point of correction, I think the Deputy misunderstood me. What I said was that the majority of the farmers in this House do not plough; they always employ a ploughman. We have the champion ploughman of Ireland in County Wexford and I asked farmers from the other counties to go down there to that model county to get some instruction in that way.

Where would the 240,000 farmers from the rest of Ireland be accommodated in Wexford? Every house in the county would have to be turned into a boardinghouse or an hotel and the fortunes of the owners would be assured. The picture which the Deputy has painted is the funniest I have heard of for quite a while. I am sorry that the Minister cannot adopt the first part of the motion even if he were to disregard the latter portion. It would do a tremendous amount of good if he could establish farms just for the purpose of demonstrating improved methods of cultivation, cattle rearing, etc. Farmers generally are anxious to improve their methods and are desirous of knowing all about the most up-to-date types of farming. Deputy Giles, Deputy O'Leary and several other Deputies would have us believe that the farmers already know the last word about farming. That is an idiotic statement because new ideas in farming, as in every other form of activity, are constantly being evolved and the farmer who falls behind while agriculturists generally are making progress, is going to lose. I am sorry the Minister could not decide to set up a number of these farms for instruction purposes.

The Minister has put the House rather in a difficulty by not being able to make up his mind as to whether he should accept the proposal contained in the motion. Whatever the Minister may decide to do, I think at least Deputies are capable of making up their minds and I am asking Deputies freely and independently to make up their minds to accept the motion. The Minister has said that the commission of inquiry into post-war agriculture is considering this question. I am very glad that they are and I think it might be helpful to that commission if we were to give them a definite lead in the matter. If we were to leave the matter to them they would probably misunderstand our action and think that we were unable to decide in favour of the motion or that it was not as good as we claimed it to be. I think that the House, therefore, should make up its mind definitely to accept the motion.

The Minister has dealt at considerable length with the various points raised in support of the motion. He has admitted right away that there is a certain difficulty in getting advanced agricultural knowledge across to every individual farmer. Everyone will appreciate that difficulty. It is not due to any lack of brain-power, initiative or any lack of desire for knowledge on the part of the farmer. It is more or less inherent in the system under which the farmer works. Each farmer works his own farm isolated to a great extent from his neighbours—isolated, at least, to a greater extent than people engaged in industry and commerce who are freely associated with one another. Therefore, individualism is naturally implied in farming and that creates certain difficulties. We know that there are progressive farmers, we know that the average farmer is progressive, but nobody should set any limit to the onward march of the farmer in the pursuit of knowledge of more advanced and scientific farming methods. Deputy O'Leary would set such a limit as far as the farmers in Wexford are concerned but I do not think that the farmers of Wexford will accept that limit. I think the farmers in Wexford would be ready and willing to avail of any opportunity to advance in the knowledge of the industry in which they are engaged. I have personal experience of the fact that a farm has been established on the border between Wexford and Wicklow to demonstrate the advantages of the new system of ley-farming. That farm has been established by a distinguished foreign gentleman who has at his disposal the highest expert advice. I think even in the district where that farm has been established a very keen interest has been taken in the experiments carried out there. There may be some people in the locality who may ridicule the idea but average prudent farmers are definitely not committing themselves for or against it but are watching the experiment very closely. I believe that that gentleman is doing a very considerable service by the experiments he is carrying out.

The Minister asked what system exactly of demonstration farms we desire. We are not definitely tied to any particular system or to the details of any scheme that may be put in operation. We think that whatever would be found to be the most efficient and fair system should be adopted. I do not think that a system of having accounts kept on farms, as was operated in the last war, is a good approach to this problem. In the first place, the Department would not have the real effective control over those farms which it would have over a farm in its possession. Then there are human factors to be taken into consideration. A farmer may decide to discontinue keeping accounts, or he may not keep the accounts exactly as the Department desires them to be kept, and that would not make for a proper accounting system which would be of advantage either to the Department or to the community. I think the Department must either lease, on a long-term basis, or purchase farms and operate them according to its own ideas as to how they should be operated.

There is no question of these farms being an infringement of the rights of private property. There are 240,000 individual farmers in this country and it is only proposed to set up about 100 demonstration farms at the outset. That would not interfere in any way with the rights of private property. On the other hand, I think it would more or less strengthen the rights of private property, because it would be a demonstration on the part of the State of the most efficient way to run farms. In that way it would help farmers to run their farms. It would also discover for the Department and for the producer and the consumer what are the costings in the industry, thereby enabling prices to be fixed and ensuring that the owner of a farm could keep on his business.

The Minister has more or less flung down a challenge to Deputies to say whether their farms are paying or not. I should like to ask the Minister this question. Suppose we had demonstration farms, such as are outlined in this motion, for the past 12 years since the Minister took office, does he think that generally those farms would have paid? Does he think that, in an industry in which there are over 600,000 people employed and the total net income of which was less than £40,000,000 per year, or about £1 per worker in the industry, a profit could have been made out of farms operated by the Department and paying a proper legal wage? He knows well that there would have been a dead loss over that period of years. But he may ask and I think some Deputy did ask, how was it that the farming community survived through all these years; how is it that farming is still going on, in spite of the fact that we claim that agriculture has not been paying for a considerable number of years? Agriculture has been carried on simply through the work contributed by unpaid workers on the farms. In the first place, we know that agricultural wages were very low during the inter-war period; they were as low almost as £1 per week. But that was not all. A very large percentage of those who worked on farms during those 20 years were unpaid members of the farmer's own family, brothers, sisters, sons and daughters. These were the people who made up for the deficiency in profits in agriculture; who made up for the fact that there was no margin of profit in agriculture. By their unpaid labour they enabled the work to continue.

I am sorry that I have not time to deal with all the points raised by various speakers. I am glad, at any rate, that the Minister has accepted the two fundamental principles which I outlined in introducing the motion, namely, that it is the duty of the farmer to work his farm to the best possible advantage, to work it as efficiently as possible, and to get the maximum output out of the farm without lowering its fertility. On the other hand, it is the duty of the State to see that the farmer gets a fair return for his work, and that he is in a position not only to pay a reasonable wage to his regular employees, but to make a fair return to his family for their work. These are the two fundamental principles on which agricultural policy must be based, and there is no means by which those principles can be embodied in agricultural policy unless the State is prepared to engage in the work of farming on the same terms as the ordinary farmer, as implied in this motion.

How can any Government Department fix a fair price for agricultural produce unless they know exactly what it costs to run a farm? You cannot find that out by piecemeal demonstrations in regard to certain crops. You cannot find it out by juggling with figures on paper. You have to engage in the actual work on a farm in order to find out what the costings are. It is not possible to ascertain the actual costings by operating one or two farms, which, as Deputy Hughes pointed out, might not be typical of agricultural conditions all over the country. This motion advocates that we should have farms set up in districts of varying agricultural conditions, varying soil fertility, and that there should be farms of varying sizes. Thus we would have all types of farms, and the Department of Agriculture would be able to see then what profits were being made under all these varying conditions. An English Minister of Agriculture some years ago put on record this view in regard to agriculture: "Farming, though perhaps the slowest, is certainly the surest way of losing money." That was a statement made by a Minister who was in control of agriculture in one of the most progressive agricultural countries in the world.

Was it not Lloyd George who said that?

I will not contradict the Minister, but I am under the impression that it was a Minister of Agriculture.

Lloyd George was no fool either.

What he said was absolutely true, not only of agriculture in Great Britain, but of agriculture in this country, at least in the period between the two wars. I therefore ask the House, notwithstanding the promise that the Minister has made to have this question considered, notwithstanding his reasonable approach to this motion, and having regard to the reasonableness of the motion itself, to express an opinion upon it by vote.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá: 20; Níl: 39.

  • Beirne, John.
  • Bennett, George C.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Coogan, Eamonn.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Dockrell, Henry M.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hughes, James.
  • Keating, John.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Donnell, William F.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.

Níl

  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, Martin.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Burke, Patrick (Co. Dublin).
  • Butler, Bernard
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Colbert, Michael.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Furlong, Walter.
  • Healy, John B.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Loughman, Frank.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McCann, John.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • O Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O Ceallaigh, Seán T.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Loghlen, Peter J.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Ua Donnchadha, Dómhnall.
  • Ward, Conn.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Cogan and Caff erky; Níl, Deputies O Ciosáin and O Briain.
Motion declared lost.
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