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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 3 May 1945

Vol. 97 No. 2

Committee on Finance. - Resolution No. 3—General (Resumed).

Question again proposed:—
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.—(Minister for Finance.)

The Budget introduced by the Minister yesterday has been described, both here and outside, as a standstill Budget. I do not think it merits that description at all. I fail to see how the bill presented by the Minister for Finance, that is £2,250,000 greater than the bill presented to the House last year, can be described as standing still, especially as the Minister admits that the Budget as introduced by him yesterday does not take into consideration certain further liabilities which might have been included. I mention two. By the end of this financial year, on the Minister's own figures, under the fertilisers credit scheme, the State will owe to the farmers of this country something over £1,000,000. The second item I shall mention—of course there are others—is the obligation of the State to members of the Defence Forces in respect of deferred pay. By the end of this financial year, that will amount to something between £900,000 and £1,000,000.

There is one fact which emerges from the Minister's statement yesterday, and that is that he was a little more candid as to the actual state of this country than he was in his previous Budget statements. He went a little nearer to the heart of things. He let us see some of the difficulties which have arisen, during the last five years particularly, and he issued several notes of warning. The fact, no matter how it is glossed over, is that we to-day in this country are carrying, both in respect of national and local taxation, the greatest load that was ever placed on the shoulders of the people. We have, too, this other fact to face up to—and this is something of which the Minister for Finance and every member who sits behind him ought to think— that in the 13 years since they became the Government of this country they have not balanced a single budget. Our dead weight national debt is over £100,000,000, and we still go on gaily borrowing, notwithstanding the fact that the Minister told the House in his Budget statement that already the servicing of that debt is costing £4,000,000 a year. Of course, as we go on borrowing year after year, that amount will increase.

The Minister said, on page 16 of his statement:—

"I would like to emphasise here that our extensive programme of post-war development in these and other spheres can become a reality only if the cost of Supply Services after the war is radically curtailed, and if the emergency services, such as food and fuel allowances and subsidies, disappear. The country cannot carry the double burden of emergency services and post-war development."

"If the cost of Supply Services after the war is radically curtailed"; I think the Minister conveyed to the House and to the country yesterday that he sees no prospect of that curtailment. He was not able to hold out any hope that there will be any reduction in this sum of approximately £53,000,000.

He spoke about the Army, and demobilisation from the Army, but he went on to warn the House that, certainly in the coming year, far from that leading to any reduction in the Army Estimate he would probably have to come here looking for a substantial addition to the amount of the Estimate already placed before the House. Apart from that, I suggest to this House and to the Minister that, merely by demobilising men out of the Army when you are not in a position to put them into gainful employment, you will not effect any saving to this State. On the contrary, it may be a much more costly process. Certainly, it is not going to be either a saving or a credit to the State to transfer from the Army Estimate to the Estimate for Unemployment Assistance men who, as the Minister very properly said yesterday, have given good and loyal service to this country.

The Minister, in accordance with the usual practice of the Government, dwelt at some length on and rather gloried in the millions that are being made available for social services. May I again suggest, as I have often done before, that so far as a considerable amount of that money provided for at least certain classes of social services is concerned it is something not to be gloried in but something to be ashamed of, because certain of those services have to be provided only because we have failed to provide those men and women with an opportunity of earning their own living.

The Minister mentioned on more than one occasion the fact that over £5,000,000 of this Budget was being set aside to help to provide employment. He went back over the last four or five years. I should like if he had gone a bit further than that, and had examined the position regarding employment in this country, notwithstanding the expenditure of that £5,000,000. If it takes £5,000,000 out of the national Exchequer to bring about the present position, where we have 70,000 people lined up at the labour exchange—notwithstanding the large numbers who have gone to Britain; notwithstanding the enormous increase in tillage; notwithstanding turf development, and all the money that has been poured into it; notwithstanding all the other State activities over the past five years; notwithstanding, because of the war, the capacity of certain people to give more employment—how many £5,000,000 will be required to meet the situation with which we will be confronted in a few years, perhaps in a few months?

In the course of his Budget speech, the Minister made one statement which I consider an amazing and a very disquieting one, when he informed the House that, notwithstanding all the efforts which have been made by the Government, by Parliament and by all sections of the community, to induce the fullest productivity from our soil, the output in volume from agriculture has decreased by 11 per cent. over the past five years, in spite of the inducement of high prices due to the war. The Minister goes on to say that the farmers should look to greater production rather than to present day prices. If high war prices for agricultural produce, plus a patriotic sense of duty, have resulted in a reduction of 11 per cent. in the last five years, now that the war is coming to an end and the tendency of prices is to go down rather than up, does the Minister see any prospect of improvement in agricultural production? Does the Minister see a prospect of agriculture absorbing more people into employment in the next five years than it has taken into employment in the last five years? I would be very doubtful if the Minister would think any such thing.

The Minister, as I said, was a little more candid with regard to the position of the country. But the Minister was delightfully vague—as a matter of fact, it was not a question of vagueness at all—he shied completely away from the future, even the immediate future. Our position, as some of us see it to-day, is that, as I said at the beginning, with the biggest load of taxation that the country has ever had to carry, with the largest number of actual and potential unemployed which this country ever had, we are facing into a black future. There is no evidence from the Government that there is any plan ready to be put into operation, within any reasonable time. We hear vague talk about national drainage schemes, electricity schemes and the turf scheme, of course. But I venture to say that the paradise which was referred to in one of the newspapers this morning in which this country is supposed to be living is at an end. Because of the war and for no other reason, we have been enjoying prosperity over the last five years; a prosperity which enabled the people of this country, and even then not without substantial sacrifice, to meet the very heavy load placed upon them. That financial prosperity is going to come to an end.

We have had a position here that many thousands, if not hundreds of thousands of our people, for whom we ourselves were unable to provide, went across and found a living in another country and, through their work there, were enabled not only to provide for themselves, but to send back here between £12,000,000 and £14,000,000 per year to provide for their dependents at home. That is going to come to an end. The Minister does not concern himself with that. The Minister has nothing to offer to the House for next year. I venture to make this propheey—I suppose it is, to say the least of it, foolish for anyone to prophesy—but I certainly doubt very much if the people of this country in our time will ever see a lower Budget than £53,000,000; and they will be facing a Budget of that size without the same capacity to meet it as they have to-day or had 12 months ago. The Minister may say what he likes about social services. But, if we are to provide for our people, either by way of employment or social services, then we have to plan, to construct, and to spend money.

We got a White Paper dealing with the Government's building scheme at a cost of millions upon millions upon millions of pounds. I am sure a lot of thought and consideration was given to it. One of the principal raw materials in building is timber. In this country we are in the position that our own native supplies of timber suitable for building are almost completely, if not completely, exhausted; that it is unlikely, to say the least of it, that within the next two, three, four or five years it will be possible for us to import as much timber as we were importing in pre-war days. I understand that in pre-war days we imported 60,000 standards of commercial timber. I am informed that, even if the difficulty of paying for that timber in foreign countries were got over, we will be extremely fortunate if within the next one, two, three or four years we are able to import one-sixth of our pre-war imports of timber suitable for building. Of course anybody having a knowledge of the conditions or anybody reading in the daily newspapers of the conditions that are supposed to exist on the Continent and in Great Britain will fully appreciate the difficulty in our position of our getting a chance of buying any of that limited supply, and it will be a limited supply, of suitable timber. I am not blaming the Government for that; I believe that they will make every effort they can. But I do blame them for putting forward their building programme in a White Paper without telling the people of the very great difficulty, the almost insurmountable difficulty, that is there.

One other point, and it is a very important one. Coming back for a moment to this reduction of 11 per cent. in the volume of agricultural produce, the Minister stated that farmers should look to greater production rather than to present-day prices. The Minister, towards the end of his speech, referred to exports. Will the Minister tell the agricultural community that, if they can be induced to go in for more and more and greater production from the soil of the country, there will be markets outside this country available for their produce? Will the Minister tell the House what steps have been taken by the present Government in the past three, six, or 12 months, or what steps they propose to take in the immediate future, to see in what way suitable markets for our surplus agricultural produce can be secured?

We are too inclined, the Government in particular, to think that the proper way to meet difficulties is to ignore them, to refuse to believe that they are there, or to hope that before we come smack up against them they will, by some miracle, have disappeared. We have a happy, or unhappy, knack in this country, and particularly in this House, of sticking our heads in the sand and refusing to see what is proceeding in the rest of the world. The fact of the matter is that at present there are representatives of 40 or 50 nations sitting in San Francisco trying to decide the future economic life of this world. We have as little say in what is happening there, or what is going to emerge from it, and what will probably govern us all as well as the rest of the world, as the man in the moon.

I would have thought that this period, at the end of five and a half years of a world war, would have called for a far more outspoken and courageous statement than we got from the Minister yesterday. I thought we would have some recognition, in the review of our national position, of the fact that we are entering on a completely new period of world history. We have had no such recognition. I think the Minister should have gone further. He should have warned our people that we have been fortunate enough during the past five and a half years, not only to escape the horrors of war, but actually to benefit from it substantially in a financial way.

We were doubly fortunate in the sense that the war, and what flowed from it, struck us at a period when agriculture had been so weakened, from 1932 to 1938, that it was almost exhausted. The agriculturists of this country, or the vast bulk of them, have been enabled during the five and a half years of war to recover what, under normal circumstances, they would not have been able to recover in 50 years.

We have, again, in the Minister's talk about turf, a failure to face up to realities. I want to be quite clear on this question of turf. I know something about turf. I fully appreciate, and I am glad, that we had in this country, during the last five years, the bogs which we could fall back upon for fuel. I am perfectly satisfied that turf had to be produced and made available to our people at £10 a ton, if it could not be produced at any lower figure; but what I am appalled at is the unnecessary, the almost criminal waste of time, labour and money. We have the Minister, after the experience of the past five years, saying he hopes that we will have better turf, first-class turf, produced at an economic price.

Let me quote two examples, which may be familiar to some Deputies. I am talking now of turf produced by county councils. Last year, after four years' experience, in one county 25,000 tons of turf were produced at a first cost of £54,000. That turf was produced and clamped in the bog. I inquired how much turf was produced and I got the figure from the responsible official. I asked what it cost, and I was told it cost £54,000. I inquired what had become of the 25,000 tons and I was told that so much had been sold locally, so much had been given to local institutions, and so much was allocated to the company operating as fuel distributors. I found that there was a balance of 8,725 tons out of the 25,000 tons of turf. I asked what had become of the 8,725 tons. Those questions were asked by me within the past six weeks. The answer I got was that the 8,725 tons were on the bog since last September. I leave it to any Deputy who has a knowledge of turf to decide how much of the turf that has been left for seven months on the bog, and particularly during last winter, can be brought now out of the bog, and how much will be added to the £54,000 which it originally cost to produce the turf.

In another county there was a loss of £30,000. When the assistant county manager was questioned about it by the members of the local authority, what did he say? He said:—

"Although we were satisfied that we could not cut turf with any prospect of saving it after the middle of July, as a result of the special appeal made by the Taoiseach to cut more turf we continued cutting it up to 30th September."

I do not mind if it is necessary to spend £10 a ton during an emergency to procure turf and place it at the disposal of our people because it is essential to do so, but I do object to criminal waste of that type, using men and machines and money to cut and save turf on the bog when there is never a hope of bringing it from the bog. It is simply shovelled back into a boghole in the following spring.

Is the Minister aware that, even with five years' experience, it is costing £3 2s. 6d. a ton on some bogs to produce turf and put it on the bank? I do not know how much it costs to bring it to the side of the road, how much it costs to put it on the lorries, or what are the transport charges to bring it to the consumers. However, we get some idea when we are asked in this Budget to provide £860,000. That is not anything like the end of the story. I would like the Minister to give those of us who are members of local authorities and have a sense of responsibility to our people, some information as to whether local authorities that have, as a result of acting on instructions from the central authority, got deeply into debt, in some cases to the tune of £20,000 or £100,000, will be recouped by the central authority, or whether it is the intention to saddle the local ratepayer with these huge sums which were largely, if not altogether, due to the local authority acting against their own judgment on the instructions issued from headquarters.

This country has every right to feel uneasy, to put it mildly, in facing the future, with this load of taxation in which there is no real prospect of a reduction, with the certainty that the people's capacity to meet that heavy load is going to be reduced, with 70,000 unemployed at the moment, with anything from 10,000 to 30,000 men to be demobilised from the Army and anything from 50,000 to 150,000 men and women to come back from across the water, with the almost inevitable reduction in the prices which have been operating in the past few years for our agricultural produce, with the certainty of a reduction in the £13,500,000 which has been flowing into this country from our workers in Britain and without one single concrete, practical proposal in this Budget to meet the situation that arises now that the war has ended. The country is entitled to expect more than that from a Government which has been in office for 13 years; the country should get more than that from a Government which has an overwhelming majority in this House and which can put through any proposal it thinks fit, if there are any proposals. Frankly, I do not believe the Government has any. It is an appalling thing that a Government which was immune from all the major worries of a war situation which, in fact, had many of its existing difficulties made easy because of the war, finds itself at the end of the war without any provision having been made to meet the aftermath.

The bill is £53,000,000 approximately, which is over £1,000,000 per week—the Minister said that it may have pinched some people here and there, but it did not make them lame. The road worker, who had 35/- per week in 1938, and who, because of the Government Order, has not been allowed to rise beyond 38/- up to the present moment, to meet the high cost of living, has felt more than a pinch. The cost of living cannot be accurately or truly represented by the cost-of-living figure. Speaking as a parent, I can tell the Minister that if I bought a pair of shoes for a child in 1938 for 18/- and if I now have to pay 24/—allowing only that increase—for the same sized shoe, it does not mean that I am paying only 6/- more. I am really paying 24/- for a pair of shoes which will not last a third or a fourth of the time the 1938 pair would last. Those are factors in the cost of living which are not taken into consideration in the index figure.

It is all nonsense for the Minister or anybody else to say here that there has been a determined, sincere and honest attempt by the Government to equalise sacrifice and hardship over all sections of the community. The Government has succeeded effectively and only too well in controlling one thing, wages and salaries, but they did not control at the other end. When they did go about it, particularly in the case of one type of business, they fixed the prices and the margins so high that in the last two years or up to the present moment you could walk into shops in Dublin and buy the articles there displayed at 5, 10, 15 and 20 per cent. under the Government marked price. That is no hearsay statement: I have done it myself. The trader can afford to do it, and is glad to do it. At the other end of the scale, you have the man with a family, facing the huge increase in the cost of living, who had 35/- a week six years ago, and who now, by the grace of the Minister for Local Government and Public Health, has been allowed to get a maximum increase of 3/- per week.

I do not take such a doleful and depressing view of the future as the last speaker. I happen to be a farmer, and farmers in every country are incurable optimists. Crops may fail, stock may die, but the farmer goes on with his ploughing and sowing. Budget may follow Budget in a depressing line of ever-increasing burdens, and Budgets may continue to be unbalanced, but the ordinary farmer will go on hoping that a real effort will be made in the future to rectify matters. I am quite prepared to agree that the dawn of peace in the world may be for this country a rather cold and bleak dawn, but I feel it should be recognised that this is still a young nation, with all the resources, the agility and the gift of improvisation which youth possesses. If we face the future boldly, we can overcome whatever problems and difficulties the return to peace in the world may bring for our country.

The Minister's Budget statement, however, does not offer us very much upon which to build hope for the future. I have a feeling that this year, as in other years, the Minister has been handicapped somewhat by reason of the fact that he seems always to have to introduce an election Budget. This may be an election Budget of a different kind from that which he had to introduce last year and the year before, but it is, nevertheless, an election Budget. I have a feeling that it may be difficult to make the Minister fully interested in financial, social or economic problems at the present moment. Perhaps in his imagination at the moment he is entertaining distinguished visitors from other countries.

I think it would be wiser that we should leave elections out of it.

I do not intend to pursue the subject or to intrude upon any visions which the Minister may be forming in his mind. If, however, we are to ignore elections past and present, if we are to consider ourselves as a young nation facing grave and serious problems and trying to overcome them, we have reason to be disappointed that the Minister did not outline some suggestions as to how the ever-increasing cost of unproductive public services could be reduced or how the productive capacity of our people might be increased.

We, of this Party, have suggested to the Minister that there ought to be a searching inquiry into all Government Departments with a view to preventing overlapping, preventing waste, preventing one Department from working, perhaps, in contradiction of or opposition to, another. It is mainly, however, in our ability to expand production that our future lies. When I speak of expanding production I mean, first of all, agricultural production, and I mean, secondly, industrial production. There are, I think, some rather exaggerated ideas of the extent to which agricultural production could be increased in this country. But there is no doubt whatever that agricultural production can be very substantially increased. There are some who hold that we could double the agricultural production of this country. I do not hold that view, because I have examined figures with regard to production in Denmark and I find that the production in Denmark, per thousand acres of land, is approximately 50 per cent. higher than ours. Denmark has been working by methods of intensive production for some considerable time. Therefore, if we can set ourselves out to achieve the standard reached by Denmark, we can at least hope to expand production in agriculture here by 50 per cent. That, in our circumstances, would be an enormous increase. It would change entirely the standard of living of our people, and we would have much better conditions here. We should not, however, labour under any wild illusions as to the extent to which we could increase agricultural production beyond that. Neither should we have any illusions as to the amount of further employment that can be provided in agriculture. There, again, in connection with Denmark, there are about 25 per cent. more workers engaged in agriculture in that country, in proportion to its size, than we have in this country. Therefore, you have a possibility of increasing employment on the land here by 25 per cent., but 25 per cent. is also a very substantial increase. We have at the present time over 600,000 people working on the land, and if we could get another 100,000 people employed on the land, that would be a very substantial gain.

The Minister has not indicated in his Budget statement by what means he proposes to expand agricultural production. He has told us — I might almost say that he lectured us—that in regard to the future we must look, not to higher prices, but to higher production. It is a pity, however, that he did not give us some idea as to how he proposes to assist us in increasing production. We, of this Party, did try to put before the Minister certain proposals which would have had a substantial effect in promoting increased production in agriculture. I am referring to the proposal we put forward in regard to the subsidisation of tillage. We know that one of the reasons why there is such substantial agricultural production in Denmark is that that country is intensively cultivated. We have no intention—and I do not think it would be desirable—of carrying on tillage in the same proportion that they have reached in Denmark, but at the same time I think everybody will agree that whether we are to look forward to grass as a basic foodstuff, or to roots or cereals, a very considerable increase in tillage is desirable. In order to get the best out of the land, it is desirable that the plough should be taken over the entire farm, and taken over it frequently. That is one proposal that we put forward to the Minister. Some people ask, why is it that Denmark is so intensively cultivated, whereas we have a comparatively small portion of our land under tillage? The reason is that climatic conditions play a large part there. You cannot grow grass there without having a lot of tillage. Here, however, you can grow a lot of grass without tillage, and that factor has tended to act against having a substantial acreage of our land put under cultivation. To offset that climatic obstacle to cultivation, we suggested that the State should tilt the scale in favour of tillage, but our suggestion was turned down without a moment's consideration by the Government, and I am sure that the Minister for Finance heartily concurred in that. Nevertheless, we have seen the marvellous results that have been brought about, during this emergency, by tillage in Great Britain and other countries which are similar to ours.

Great Britain is not similar to our country.

The suggestion may be made—it has been made just now by Deputy Dillon—that agricultural conditions in Great Britain are not the same as ours.

No, but conditions in Ballydehob are not the same as those in Birmingham.

Neither are conditions in Ballydehob the same as in Dublin. The British built up their Birminghams, Liverpools and Manchesters on a certain type of economy over the past 100 years, but it is only now that they have discovered that their Ballydehobs and their rural areas are the most important to their nation. We also ought to realise that now, and we ought to ensure that we should have the highest number possible of our population working on the land. There is no national advantage in drawing away the population from our Ballydehobs and bringing them under the shadow of the Nelson Pillar in Dublin. We will not make our nation a better nation, a healthier nation or a happier nation by crowding our people into the cities of this State or sending them across to the cities of other countries. We of this Party also suggested to the Minister that you cannot get increased production from agriculture unless you give the farmer a decent reward for his work. You cannot expect the farmers to produce, and produce efficiently, under the same conditions as they were forced to produce during the past 20 years. The question of giving the farmer a decent return raises two considerations: the farmer's cost of production and the prices which he obtains. Both must be considered, because, as Deputy Dillon will agree, the farmer's income is the margin between what it costs him to produce and the price he gets for his produce.

You are telling me!

I am trying to educate the Deputy. He will admit that that margin must be preserved. It was allowed to disappear during the greater part of this Government's administration, and, as a result of leaving no margin between the cost of production and the price of agricultural produce, we had an appalling condition created. Not only was production kept down, not only was inefficiency created because the farmer had not the capital or the incentive to produce, but there was a general demoralisation of the entire population. We had a position in which everybody looked on the farmer as a beggar, as a person to be despised and trampled upon. A man will be despised and disregarded so long as he is poor and no man can hold up his head and look the world in the face if the clothes he wears are not paid for. So long as he is unable to pay his way, so long as he is forced to go into debt, so long as he must beg for credit from the shopkeeper and for assistance wherever he can get it, so long will we have an outlook amongst our young people completely adverse to agricultural prosperity and productivity. We must inspire confidence, particularly amongst our young people, in the agricultural industry. We must ensure that people with even a fair education will be prepared to take up agriculture as a means of living. We cannot do that unless we ensure that the margin of profit in agriculture is reasonable.

There are some people who hold that nothing can be done in regard to agricultural prices, that no measure the Government can adopt will have any possible effect on agricultural prices. I do not think that view can be seriously held. So far as a very considerable proportion of agricultural commodities are concerned, we can ensure that the producer will get a reasonable return. I indicated on another occasion that the price of pigs, barley, sugar beet, and quite a number of other agricultural commodities can be stabilised at a reasonable level, and one of the results of such a stabilisation is to ensure that, no matter what economic blizzard hits the agricultural markets of the world, the farmer has a basic income which he can be sure will remain stable.

That is what is known as security of price, and I am glad the Minister for Industry and Commerce has come around to the view that the farmer ought to be guaranteed security of price so far as it is humanly possible. If it is humanly possible to ensure security of price for a substantial portion of the farmer's income, then it will be open to the farmer to gamble in regard to other commodities which are not so guaranteed. He can keep a few greyhounds, and his wife can keep a few turkeys, and they can indulge in a little speculation of that type, which is quite desirable. It is the failure of the Government to give that guarantee that has disappointed farmers, because we know there is always a danger that economic conditions so far as agricultural markets are concerned may deteriorate.

With regard to those products—and they are, and must remain, substantial in number—of which no Government can guarantee the price, it is certainly essential that production costs should be kept as low as possible, and that I think is true also of products which are intended solely for the home market, because when you increase the farmer's production cost and give him power to add that to his price, you are increasing the cost to the home consumer of farm produce. It is desirable and essential that agricultural costs should be kept as low as possible. How is that to be achieved? We must consider, first, what are the farmer's costs of production. The most important item in agricultural production is the cost of labour and whether a farmer pays his workers weekly, or does his own work with the assistance of members of his family, there is a heavy labour cost, because the small farmer must face the cost of providing the necessaries of life for his family.

There are people who hold that the only way to cut down the farmer's costs of production is to admit all articles which the farmer requires for production into the country free of all duties. If we accept that view, it means abolishing all forms of protective tariffs, because in order to provide for his family the farmer must use practically all manufactured goods which are affected by protection, and before we agree to accept the idea that all protective duties upon every item of industrial produce should be abolished, we should ask ourselves whether it is the only possible, whether it is a desirable, means of securing a reduced cost for agriculture. We know, for example, and this is an example that I would like to quote for the Minister, that the farmer, his family and his workers could, during the years before the war, have purchased sugar much more cheaply than they actually did, if there had been no restrictions on sugar imports to this country. We decided, however, many years ago, long before the present Government came into office, to inaugurate here a sugar-producing industry. We built up that industry by protecting it from external competition.

We did not. We did it by means of subsidy.

There is no use in quibbling between subsidies and protective tariffs, because a protective tariff and a subsidy mean the same thing. When you provide a protective tariff for an industry you are indirectly subsidising it, and when you provide a subsidy for an industry you are indirectly protecting it. No one can suggest that there is any essential difference between subsidising an industry directly out of State funds, or subsidising it by means of a protective tariff. At any rate we built up the sugar industry under protection, and I think every Deputy will agree that it has proved to be a valuable national asset. I think it will be agreed that farmers, as much as any other section of the community— perhaps more than any other section of the community—have benefited as a result of the building up of that industry.

What applies to the sugar industry can be applied to practically all other industries here. We could, perhaps, reduce the cost of production in agriculture, slightly, by completely abolishing all protective duties on imported goods, but if we did we would find ourselves compelled to pay increased taxation in order to maintain the workers engaged in those industries on the dole, unless we considered the alternative of shipping them out of the country. There are some people, I think, who might say that would be a desirable thing. If I were to approach this question from a narrow, sectional point of view, I might say: "Well, perhaps, we farmers would get on just as well without the urban population—without the industrial population; we could let them go out of the country to America, Great Britain or wherever else they liked to go, and we would be able to import the goods, which they produce, cheaper." But, if we take the view that this nation has to support its present population, and not only the present population, but an increasing population, we must agree that it is essential to keep that population working. It is, to a great extent, true to say that the farmer carries the rest of the population on his back, but if I had to carry Deputy Dillon on my back I would be better pleased to see that he was doing something useful. I would give him a set of knitting needles to knit a few pairs of stockings. In the same way, if we have to carry the industrial or urban population on our backs—and we, as farmers, have to carry the urban population on our backs—I think it is desirable to see that they are employed: that they are producing something that will add to the national pool of goods and commodities.

That is our view in regard to industrial development here. Some people may approach it from another angle. They may say that there is widespread profiteering and inefficiency amongst those engaged in industrial production. If there is profiteering or inefficiency in any branch of the economic life of this State, let us seek to eliminate it, but let us not set out to destroy completely the industry in which this profiteering or inefficiency exists. If, for example, there is some profiteering or inefficiency in the sugar-producing industry, we are not to go out, like Deputy Dillon, to blow up the sugar factories. It would be better to try to reorganise those industries and see that inefficiency and profiteering are eliminated. What applies to industry and agriculture can also be applied to State services. If there is inefficiency and profiteering in the State services—because the man who draws a salary from the State without giving a good return for it is profiteering just the same as the business man or industrialist who overcharges — we are not to go out and overthrow, by revolutionary means, the entire administration of the country. We should, first of all, seek to improve it. I think that one of the reasons why our Civil Service is costing so much, why it is operating, I will not say so inefficiently but less efficiently than we would desire, is because each Department has been under the same Minister for too long a period. Under the Fianna Fáil Government we have built up a system whereby each Department feels it has no need for extra effort. The Departments have had, for such a long period, the same Government that they feel a sense of absolute security, regardless of what return they may give.

In addition, our public services are corroded by being interfered with to a great extent by politicians. I think that Government Departments and Government officials must be permitted to decide every question that comes before them on its merits without being pulled or dragged by any political body or by politicians. We had recently a new Parliamentary Secretary in control of the old age pensions department, and immediately that man set out to eliminate interference with the judicial officers of his Department. I would like to observe, first of all, that we have no security whatever that that elimination of interference will be enforced impartially. We have no security that that Parliamentary Secretary may not exert his own influence on behalf of his constituents or on behalf of his Party. I hope that if he does achieve substantial reforms in that particular Department and cleans it up, as he professes to be about to do, that he will be sent around with a mop and brush to every other Department to clean them up, too.

During the past 12 years we have been propagating in this country a new race of people. For want of a better name, I would call them "wangleorums". "Wangleorums" are people who seek to secure not their lawful rights but something for themselves and their friends out of a Government Department by political influence. That system has grown up. The decent citizen who asks for nothing and expects nothing but his bare rights and simple justice ought to be respected and his rights ought to be upheld. We ought not to have a system under which governmental power is used to secure concessions for those favourable to the Government in office.

I want briefly to refer to the only relief given in this Budget—the one small relief that the taxpayer receives. Taxpayers have been looking forward anxiously to some remission of the excessive burden imposed upon them. The Minister has only one gift to offer and that is a relief of the duty on matches. The extraordinary thing is that this relief is not afforded to ensure that matches will be cheaper, but to ensure that there will be more matches. It is questionable that there is a tremendous advantage to be gained by having more matches when we have the statement that we may have less tobacco. It is questionable also that it is worth while spending £53,000 of the people's money to provide this concession. The money might have been used to better advantage. I am neither a pipe nor a cigarette smoker, but I have observed that smokers seem to have got along fairly well on the supply of matches available to them during the past year or two years. There is one advantage in having a certain scarcity of matches: it promotes good fellowship amongst our people. It is a nice thing to see the newsvendor getting a light for his cigarette from the governor of a bank, the head of a Government Department or some other highly-placed person. "One touch of nature makes the whole world kin."

In the days of our grandfathers very few matches were to be obtained, but there were far more matrimonial matches at that time. An old man told me that, in the days when there were no matches, a young man found that it was very helpful in the matrimonial business to go out with your pipe filled and, when you were passing a house where there was an eligible young lady, to drop in to light your pipe at the kitchen fire. Then you had the advantage of seeing how the household was run, and you could claim that the pipe was not working properly and spend quite a considerable time in getting it going. By the time that was achieved you might have made some progress in the direction of matrimony. Since matches became plentiful and cheap match-making has declined in rural Ireland.

We have observed lately that Clann na Talmhan and the Federation of Irish Manufacturers have been having secret conclaves. Apparently one of the results of the conclaves is that Deputy Cogan has been persuaded that, in the absence of tariffs, there can be no industry. Did Deputy Cogan ever hear of Arthur Guinness, Son and Company? Did he ever hear of Jacobs? Did he ever hear of Harland and Wolffs? Did he ever hear of the linen industry or the woollen industry or the boot and shoe industry? Did he ever hear of any industry in this country that gives decent employment because, if he did, he heard of an industry that was built up under free trade?

Guinness were not built up under free trade.

How were they built up?

Under protection in a free country.

Who protected it?

The Irish Government.

You cannot conquer unconquerable ignorance, and when a man shrouds and wraps himself in ignorance and, from that vantage point, proceeds to give voice to his political views, you might as well throw your hat at him. The tragedy is that Deputy Cogan can get up here as a representative of the farmers and, shrouding himself in impenetrable ignorance, plunge from one economic and political folly into another. Every decent industry in this country was built up under free trade. Every industry that is being built up under high-tariff protection would collapse to-morrow if its licence to exploit the consumers were taken from it. The solitary farmer on the Farmers' Benches at present is clamouring to give these gentlemen extra screws with which to squeeze more blood out of the carcase of the farmers of this country. It is marvellous what the powers of the persuasive elements of the Federation of Manufacturers can achieve in half an hour's conversation. Deputy Donnellan, when he came in here first, was so independent that you could not bid him "good morning". He went off and had half an hour's interview with the Taoiseach and came out like jelly on a plate. The whole of Clann na Talmhan go off and have half an hour's conversation with the Federation of Manufacturers and they come back here to cry out for giving these decent men better and bigger opportunities to scourge and bleed the farmers.

Speaking on behalf of the farmers, Deputy Cogan says that he will cheerfully bleed for the industrialists. When will Deputy Cogan learn this simple, economic fact, that if you have an agricultural surplus—an amount over and above the power of our people to consume—on the domestic market and if you have to sell that surplus on a foreign market, ultimately the price for all the produce will be controlled by the price you secure for that surplus? Can I explain that to the Deputy in words of one syllable? Let us assume that we produce 1,000,000 pigs and, by packing the stomach of every Irish citizen with a ramrod, we manage to consume 800,000 pigs, leaving us with 200,000 over. We fix the price of pigs to be consumed here at £10 per pig. The first 800,000 pigs are sold at £10 per pig. Then there are 200,000 farmers with a pig apiece and they have to sell these pigs at what they will fetch in Britain. Is that not so?

It is not.

Then what are you going to do with the 200,000 pigs?

What are we going to do with the Deputy?

Are you going to bury them or slaughter them, as Fianna Fáil would do? Are you going to set fire to them or sell them? If you are going to sell them, are you going to sell them to the Irish people whose stomachs are already packed with bacon? You must sell them somewhere and if you cannot sell them in Ireland you must sell them outside.

You are very incompetent if you allow these 200,000 pigs to bring down the price.

Let us assume that the price these 200,000 pigs will fetch in the foreign market is only £6 apiece. There are 200,000 farmers who have this fact before them, that while their neighbours get £10 apiece on the home market they must take £6 apiece in the foreign market. Accordingly, these 200,000 farmers go to the factories who contemplate buying 800,000 pigs at £10, the fixed price, and say to them: "Look here, if we are left with these pigs on our hands we shall have to take £6 apiece for them in England. Rather than do that, we shall sell them to you at £8 apiece, which is £2 lower than the fixed price."

Could the industry not be co-operatively organised, so as to get over that difficulty?

Is it not inevitably the case that ultimately the farmer who knows that he can only get £6 on the British market, will prefer to take £8——

The Deputy has not answered my question.

——rather than accept £6 on the British market? The moment that happens, the man who had hoped to get the fixed price finds that, when he comes to the factory, that it is already full of pigs at £8 apiece. Therefore, he is forced by competition to accept the lower price or else to dispose of his pigs on the foreign market even at a still lower price. By accepting that £8 he manages to get £2 more than he would get on the foreign market. Ultimately, the gradual pressure of that operation brings down the price of pigs to something closely approximating to the price which rules for pigs in the export market in which the surplus of our pigs has ultimately to be sold. I do not know whether Deputy Cogan understands that or not, but if he does not I cannot do any more to make him understand it.

Deputy Cogan says that we ought to subsidise tillage. Now either of two propositions is true. Either the farmers of this country are carrying the whole community on their backs, which I believe to be true, or they are not. Is it true that ultimately everybody in this country is depending on the land for his income? If it is true that ultimately the entire national income comes from the land, how in the name of goodness are you going to subsidise tillage on that land? How can you feed a dog on its own tail? Who is going to pay the subsidy?

An increased output.

If the land is the sole source of national income, and if you are going to subsidise tillage, who is going to pay that subsidy except the people on the land? Is it not like turning a dog round in a hoop, putting its tail in its mouth and saying: "Go ahead laddie and get fat on that"? If the Deputy cannot see that two and two make four, it may be a most difficult proposition to demonstrate — but fortunately 999 people out of 1,000 can see it without demonstration.

Everyone, says Deputy Cogan, has come to look on the farmers of this country as beggars. Is it any wonder that the people look upon the farmers as beggars if the farmers, knowing, as Deputy Cogan says they know, that tilling their land is the best use to which they can turn it, crave from the community £3 per acre, to carry out on their own land what they believe themselves to be the most efficient form of agriculture? Why should any man be paid to do to his own property what he considers himself the best thing to do? Will Deputy Cogan come to me and give me a subsidy for standing inside my own counter and being civil to my own customers? I am civil to my customers because it pays me to be civil to them. It is the right way to run my business. I do not come along and ask the community to pay me a shilling for every customer to whom I am civil. If I decided to be rude to every customer unless the State paid me a shilling for every customer to whom I am civil, I would soon lose my customers and if the farmers decided that they would not till their land, unless the Government was prepared to pay them a subsidy of a certain amount for every acre they till, they would soon lose their land.

Thanks be to goodness, I do not believe that Deputy Cogan speaks for the farmers of this country. I ask only one thing for the farmers of this country, and I say quite deliberately that every Deputy in this House, every industrial worker, every industrial magnate, every individual with an income in this country ultimately derives that income from the land. I say deliberately that the national income to which the Minister for Finance has referred in his speech, and on which every social reform in this country depends, derives from the land and is extracted from the land by the farmers who live on the land. I say deliberately that the day the farmers of this country cease to have a profitable export market for the produce of that land, the national income, the industrial income and every other income in this country will dry up and there will be nothing but poverty and degradation for such of our people as are fools enough to remain in the desolation produced by such a situation. That being so, I ask for nothing except this: Take, off the raw materials of the agricultural industry, the taxes, the tariffs and the quotas that Fianna Fáil put on them. If the Government will only do that and nothing else I will undertake on behalf of the agricultural community that they will carry the whole country on their back. They ask no subsidy; they ask no assistance; they ask no interference, only that. Do not pile upon their cost of production a burden in order to fatten the tariff racketeers of this country and paralyse producers in the only market they have got. I suppose that I should be flattered that Fianna Fáil borrowed the idea of the Children's Allowances Act from me and protested that they meant to do it before I was ever heard of.

Another subsidy.

I suppose I should be grateful when I heard Deputy Cogan quoting my definition of a farmer's profit, but it is a little embarrassing. It is a little embarrassing because to have one's thunder so obviously stolen seems to cramp one's style. Nevertheless, the fact is that Fianna Fáil proved, not only to our people, but to the whole world that there was only one market in the world for our agricultural surplus and that that was Great Britain. I always think of the day when I walked into the Department of Agriculture in the salad days of Fianna Fáil and met there an old friend of mine, a distinguished civil servant, now gone to Heaven. He was hurrying along the corridors, a sheaf of papers in his hand and a worried look on his face. I said: "What are you up to?" He said: "Mr. Dillon, I am looking for alternative markets for eggs, markets I know do not exist." Being a loyal civil servant, he was told to look for an alternative market for eggs, and he was hurrying along the corridors of the Department looking for them, hotly pursued by Taoiseach de Valera, Tánaiste O Ceallaigh and Minister Ryan, all of them expecting that at any moment, round any corner of the corridor, would emerge a Golconda with alternative markets where Irish eggs would fetch their weight in gold.

They discovered to their cost, and to our cost, that they were chasing a Fata Morgana. Now we have all come to realise that there is one market for us. Deputy Cogan stated that the position of the British agricultural industry was identical with ours. Does Deputy Cogan not realise that Great Britain is the greatest food importer in the world, that it is one of the greatest industrial countries, that it is one of the countries with the greatest merchant marine, that its income from domestic agriculture is a microscopic drop in the bucket of the national income, and that if Great Britain can subsidise the agricultural industry it does so by taking money out of great industries, out of its great carrying industry, out of every industry except agriculture, and, having taken money from these industries, gives it to agriculture, whereas in this country, any subsidy must be taken from the only source of national income we have, the land? Try to remember that this country has nothing but land and water—too much water. Do Deputies realise that this country has no national resources whatever, except land and water, and a great deal of the water is in the wrong place and at the wrong level? Yet, we could have the highest standard of living of any agricultural country if we used all our simple limited natural resources to their limit. We have at our door the British market. It is the only market we have and by the mercy of God's Providence it is the best market in the world for agricultural produce. We have this extraordinary advantage, that our geographical position enables us to put into that market stuff that no other country in the world can compete with, perishable agricultural produce in fresh condition. No country in the Antipodes or at the far side of the Atlantic can compete with us in that class of produce in Great Britain, because the distance over which it has to be transported makes delivery in fresh condition impossible. But we have to compete with Denmark and Holland, where farmers can buy their raw materials in any country in the world where they get them cheap, so that it follows that when it comes to selling their produce in the British market they can do so under the least possible cost of production, and with the highest possible margin of profit, accepting the fact that they must take whatever price their produce will fetch in the British market.

What is our position? Our position is that selling in the same market as the Danes and the Dutch, without their alternative of diverting agricultural surplus to the Continent of Europe—because they can sell in Europe as well as in England—we are bound to sell in England and everything that our farmers use in the production of the finished product is heavily taxed. Their representative, so called, in Dáil Eireann cries out for the maintenance of these taxes. He wants them taxed. If anybody dares to suggest that the taxes should be withdrawn, he writes letters to the newspapers protesting against such a proposal. He thinks they ought to be taxed. Does Deputy Cogan think it fair that on every cwt. of Indian meal farmers have to pay the millers 1/-? I know, because I stood behind my counter and collected from the farmers the tax that the millers put upon Indian meal. Remember the tax was not put on Indian meal by Oireachtas Eireann for the benefit of the taxpayers. It was a tax put on Indian meal by the millers for the benefit of the millers. I saw the millers grow rich while the farmers who bought that commodity grew poor. Deputies will tell me that there is no tax on maize. Of course there is no tax on maize. Catch the industrialists to let the Government put a tax on their raw materials! There is no tax on raw material coming in for industrialists, because the Federation of Irish Industries would stop subscriptions to the funds of Fianna Fáil if they dare to put a tax on them. The best the poor farmers can do is to send Deputy Cogan here to cry out for more taxes on raw materials of agriculture so that the industrialists can grow fatter and their wallets thicker, in order to finance more liberal subscriptions to the funds of Fianna Fáil. Where do you think Fianna Fáil gets money to contest elections? How is it the Fianna Fáil Party has never any financial complications or difficulty at election time? Does it fall like Manna from Heaven on Mount Street, or in bank notes from the inflated profits enjoyed by tariff racketeers in this country?

Does any Deputy realise that at one time I sold superphosphate of lime to farmers at 3/- per cwt. until a tariff was put on for the benefit of the manure ring, when the price went up to £4 10s. per ton? Deputy Cogan glories in that. He is not astounded at the manure ring taking that from the Irish farmer. Remember that not one farthing of the extra 30/- went into the Irish Exchequer, except by way of supertax and income-tax, and a good deal of it never went into the Irish Exchequer from that source as a result of the mutual agreement between the two Governments for the relief of income-tax in the case of those who reside in England, and who pay no tax in this country. Does Deputy Cogan realise that if we accept the traditional reckoning, that it takes 7 cwt. of meal to fatten a pig, with the tariff, when the Irish farmer goes to sell the pig in Great Britain, he is required, in effect, to accept 7/- less than what was given to farmers in Denmark and Holland for the same animal? Does Deputy Cogan realise that if a man in this country put out 10 cwt. of superphosphate on a statute acre of grassland, it was a tax of 15/- per annum on his land? Clanrickarde would never have dared to impose such a rent. For levying half of that we drove the landlords out of this country; we expropriated a whole class; we precipitated a revolution; and, having cleaned them out, we hand a licence to the racketeers of this country to levy on the land of our people a heavier rent than Clanrickarde ever dared to dream of. Deputy Cogan says: "Why not? Why should not they? Would it not be an awful thing if an Irish Government would not give them that opportunity?" Whose Government is this? Is it a Government chosen and elected by the tariff racketeers of this country? True, it is drawn from a Party subsidised and sustained by the tariff racketeers of this country but whencever they draw their funds, their votes come from the people and they are here as trustees for the people, not to sell the people into servitude to those who subsidise their political funds, but to see that justice is done and that all are given a chance to live.

The farmers of this country are not beggars; they were able to live under more adverse conditions than confront them now, but they have a right to expect that their own people will not bow them down with burdens that no agricultural community could carry. There is a tax on feeding stuffs; there is a tax on artificial manures; there is a tax on ploughs, on harrows, on rakes; there is a tax on shovels, on spades, on buckets. On every single commodity that a farmer uses in his daily work there is a tax which yields not a single penny to the Exchequer of this country, the entire produce of which goes into the pockets of the tariff racketeers of Ireland. Is it any wonder that these gentlemen grow rich? It is Dáil Éireann, elected by our own people, who sanction that and it is Deputy Cogan, the Deputy-Leader of Clann na Talmhan, the people of the land, who cries out for more of it. More of it!—and let us live by becoming beggars of the public purse for £3 an acre to till our land. What a destiny for those on whom this nation is founded that the entire agricultural community could become mendicants at the Irish Exchequer. We used to think it humiliating that in the old days the congested areas of western Ireland were forever seeking grants and doles because they could not live.

What about the family allowances?

And we worked to change that and to give the people on the poorest parts of our western seaboard dignity and independence, but Clann na Talmhan would appear to wish to restore the condition, not only on the western seaboard but on every acre of Irish land, that to be a farmer was to be a beggar for all time, never again to earn your living, never again to stand upon your own feet, never again to claim your home as your own.

And draw 2/6 for each child.

That is not the destiny I see for the Irish farmer.

Why did you lead them into another Party? You led them up the garden path. They became submerged and gradually washed out. The prophet has arrived.

I am going to keep my temper with Deputy O'Donnell. He is a decent man and he comes of decent people, but at the same time I would ask him not to provoke me too far.

Come out with it.

I repeat the offer. Give the Irish farmers a chance——

Why did you leave the Farmers' Party?

Take off their raw materials the taxes, restrictions and quotas you put on and they will do the job. Perhaps I may quote a distinguished European statesman if I say: "Take off their tools the taxes and they will finish the job."

Now I want to speak on a few technical matters relating to the Budget itself.

Farmers were never the cadgers you make them out.

A practice has grown up of habital over-estimation. As the House probably knows, when a Minister for Finance prepares his Budget, he prepares his Estimates and then proceeds to raise revenue to meet the requirements of these Estimates. If a Minister for Finance wants to justify a level of taxation higher than is prudent or discreet, he artificially inflates his Estimates and says to the Dáil: "That is what the public services are going to cost and the money must be found to pay for them." But when you examine the Appropriation Fund you then discover what has become of the money which the Minister has extracted from the taxpayer in taxation, and you discover on page XIV of the Appropriation Accounts, 1943-44, that the Minister for Finance, out of a total supply services Estimate of £44,000,000 has turned back to the Exchequer at the end of the year over £2,000,000, so that he secured the consent of Dáil Éireann to the levy of taxes which he asked for on the representation that, in fact, he had to meet expenditure £2,000,000 greater than, in fact, that expenditure was. It is to be borne in mind that as a rule in arriving at the net figure of expenditure which he anticipates he does make some allowance for over-estimation, but he does not make so great an allowance for over-estimation. The Lord have mercy on the late Deputy Hugo Flinn. I remember his delivering a very eloquent speech on the subject of how vast sums of money were appropriated for the relief of unemployment, handed to the Land Commission to spend and returned to the Exchequer at the end of the financial year unexpended. The burden of his allegation was that there was an attempt made to deceive the unemployed and that, in fact, the money was not spent on the unemployed. It is exactly the same procedure that I deprecate here, that is, estimating for expenditure of £2,000,000 more than you actually spend and raising taxes to finance them. Instead of honestly coming before the Dáil and telling us that our total expenditure will be in the order of £42,250,000, as, in fact, it turned out to be, the Minister came to the Dáil and said he had to find money to meet a supply services expenditure of £44,250,000, and levied his taxes accordingly. That is a thoroughly unsound practice, and one that ought to be watched.

The Minister is continually crying out for suggestions in regard to economy. I want to put one to him which is of very vital importance. During the last five years the Army authorities, with perfect propriety, laid orders with the British Government for immense quantities of war stores. The General Staff, very properly, drew up inventories of what they required on the basis of getting the best possible equipment in suffcient supply. Well, of course, the British Government was not able to deliver all that the Army wanted, with the result that, on every order, huge balances remained outstanding. But acceptance of those orders by the British Government created a contract between us and them, and one of the conditions of the contract, as I understand the position, is that those goods can be delivered when available. There is a very real danger that, with the conclusion of the European War, we may have delivered to us £2,000,000 to £3,000,000 worth of Army equipment that we do not now require, but for which we would have to pay. I suggest to the Minister that that matter ought to be looked into at once and urgently, and negotiations opened with the British Government at the earliest opportunity with a view to liquidating our liability under those contracts.

So far as the other pathetic if dishonest applications of the Minister for suggestions as to how economies might be effected are concerned, if he really is in earnest about that there is a perfectly well-tried method of getting constructive and effective proposals for public economy, and that is the setting up of a committee of this House analogous to the Public Accounts Committee, not to examine the Appropriation Accounts of two years ago but to examine the Estimates for the present year, with a view to discussing them with the accounting officers, suggesting methods by which economies might be effected, and, if necessary, reporting criticisms to the House of the methods employed in the preparation of the Estimates for the current year. The practice I understand is long established in the British House of Commons, and, as we are all aware, President Truman of the United States of America made his name in the public life of that country as chairman of the committee which was largely given over to examining the Army contracts for the current year.

A lot of people in this country think that the Public Accounts Committee does that kind of work, but of course it does not. It is quite irrelevant to the Public Accounts Committee's duties to attempt it. The only duty the Public Accounts Committee has is to ascertain whether the accounting officer spent the money entrusted to him by Dáil Eireann in the manner stipulated by Dáil Eireann when they gave him the money, and that is all— not whether he spent it wisely or unwisely; not whether he spent it providently or improvidently, but whether he spent it in accordance with the instructions he got. It is a very limited function, and, as Deputies realise, very often inquiries relate to accounts which are two years old. The very nature of the work makes that inevitable. I do not want to go into that at length, except for the purpose of demonstrating to the House that, if they really want intelligent suggestions for economy, the only way they can get them is through a committee of the House which will have permission to send for accounting officers and informed persons and consult with them. It is a fraud on the House and a fraud on the country for Ministers to get up in this House and repeatedly say: "Make your proposals for economy." No responsible Deputy on these benches can make many proposals for detailed economies without first sitting down with the accounting officers of the various Departments and their finance officers and examining the proposals which they have brought forward, with a view to seeing whether it is practicable, be it ever so desirable, to make those economies. It is only cod-acting, like the proposals to reduce the President's salary and the old Fianna Fáil gag which they tried in this House so often, to be getting up and saying: "You should slash this Vote and you should slash that Vote." That is county council kind of blather, and no responsible Deputy in this House is going to demean himself by that kind of codology. But, if a committee were set up of the kind I envisage here——

Of the kind suggested in the Clann na Talmhan motion.

——which would examine the Estimates and consult intelligently with the finance officers and accounting officers of the various Departments, there are plenty of Deputies in this House who would be glad to serve on it. I will serve on it for one, and I am sure there are many better Deputies in the House who are prepared to serve on it, and for nothing, in addition to our existing Parliamentary duties. There ought to be an end of the clap-trap about making suggestions for the reduction of expenditure. With the information I now have, I am not going to make any effective recommendations, because for all I know the recommendations that might seem practicable and desirable to me now would, had I all the information that the Minister for Finance had about them, prove perfectly ridiculous and utterly impracticable. I am not going to waste my time going on with nonsense of that kind in order to impress a few innocent creatures down the country, persuade them that I am the apostle of economy in this House, that they ought to vote for me, and that we will reduce taxation and increase social services, and in fact complete the Fianna Fáil trick of 1931.

There is one thing of which we have a surplus in this country. Perhaps it is the most precious natural resource that any country in the world can have, though it usually is not catalogued under that category. We have a surplus of brains in this country. If anyone doubts that, he can look around the old British Empire, when we formed part of it, and he will find that we practically ran it, from one end of the world to the other, because the superior mental equipment of this country, with our small population, gave us a phenomenal position in the public administration of every land to which our people resorted.

I could name distinguished figures in the judicial life, the Civil Service and the public life of England and throughout the Colonies, of Irish birth, of Irish education, who attained their present high distinction purely as a result of intellectual superiority, with no fortuitous aid at all, and in spite of the very considerable obstacles which their upbringing and extraction brought down upon them. With that immense asset, I suggest to the Minister for Finance that he is denying them an opportunity of realising to the full their almost inexhaustible potentialities, and he is denying it to them because he is starving the universities of this country. I know that there are dozens of brilliant men and women in our universities at the present time who, literally for want of common equipment, are not able to get an opportunity to do the research which they are peculiarly fitted to do. Because the college has not got funds to pay a sufficient number of lecturers, those who are on the lecturing staff are lecturing all day long to pass students, and, when their day is done, pure physical exhaustion deters them from pursuing the study that would bring distinction to them, to their university and to their country. A capital expenditure of, perhaps, £50,000 would complete the building of University College, Dublin, which is incomplete simply because the contractor went bankrupt and nobody ever took the matter up again. Perhaps the Minister knows that. The history of the Earlsfort Terrace building is that there was a plan for a quadrangle there. The building was started just before the 1914 war and, when the contractor had built one side of the quadrangle and before he pulled down the old ruin which was the old exhibition building at the back, he went bankrupt and the British Treasury would not put up any more money on the ground that the war was in progress. Then you had the Anglo-Irish war, the Treaty, and one thing or another, and the building was simply never finished.

To this day there is no library in University College, Dublin. The students have a library out in the old room at the back, a desperate place, but if you are a research worker, and you want to get a book or a publication on any technical subject, you may have to search six laboratories before you locate the particular professor's room in which that book is parked, because there is no common room to which the professors and research workers may have recourse. It is literally true that in some research laboratories it is necessary to tie the equipment together with pieces of string because there are no funds with which to purchase new equipment. It is literally true that men doing complicated research work are required to write out every piece of their work in longhand because there is no money to pay a typist.

That is not surprising when you realise that the grants given to the college to-day are virtually the same, except in the School of Celtic Studies, as were given 20 years ago and, in the meantime, the student population of University College, Dublin, has doubled. You have fewer professors per student in University College, Dublin, than you have in any other university in the world—I do not mean, of course, in Zagreb or Liberia, but in any comparable country in the world —with the result that men who ought to be shedding lustre on Irish learning and science are, in fact, pounding away lecturing students in such circumstances that, when the day's work is done, they are not physically able to turn their minds to the research work which they are equipped to do and which they ought to be doing, but which they simply cannot do. The college has not money wherewith to provide the buildings or the ordinary laboratory equipment essential to the work which should be done, because all the funds are absorbed in providing for the vast bulk of the students who go to the college in order to get the utilitarian degrees which are requisite to earn their living. The bulk of the students are poor people's children, and they want to get their B.D.S., or B.A., or B.Comm., or LL.B., or M.B., B.Ch., B.A.O. in the shortest possible time that diligence and industry will permit, with the result that the whole of the teaching staff must be turned on to them in order to get them out of the college to earn their bread at the earliest possible moment. The result is that every available penny by way of salary must be used to hire professors and lecturers whose prime function is to get boys and girls through their course of study in order that they may earn a living. There is no money left for research; there is no money to pay for research equipment; there is no money to do building.

It would be a graceful act on the part of the Minister for Finance if this year money might be found—and I think he will find it in the Army contracts (1) to complete the building of University College, Dublin; (2) to give them a grant proportionate to the number of students they have at present. I will not go further in my proposal, though it might be wiser to do so, than to ask the Minister to give the college pari passu the same grant per student that the British Government were prepared to give. I think he will find to his astonishment that we, an Irish Government, are giving the university about one-half of the amount per student that the British Treasury were prepared to afford, always excepting the special grants that have been given to the School of Celtic Studies.

The last thing I want to refer to is this. I rejoice that the Minister for Finance has forecast in his Budget speech that the people of this country are to be afforded an opportunity of shouldering the heavy burden of contributing to the food supplies of starving Europe. If we are going to face that burden, let us face it in no light spirit. If we are going to help to feed our friends and our enemies on the Continent of Europe—and if they are suffering, it does not matter whether they are friends or enemies, it is our duty to come to their aid—it will mean that we must take on our shoulders a not inconsiderable share of their burden of suffering. If we are going to relieve their hunger, the only effective way in which we can do it is to take upon ourselves some share of that hunger. We may do much to provide food by increased production and so forth, but we will do poorly indeed if we give nothing but our surplus. Better far that we should refuse to do anything than that we should declare in advance that we here must have 100 per cent. of our requirements before we will spare any for those who are on the verge of the grave. What we must undertake is, without imposing ill-health or malnutrition on the children of our people, that we will send all that the endurance of our mature population can bear to relieve those who are worse off until such time as the crisis has gone by. Let it be wholehearted or not at all. There is nothing more contemptible in the world than a charity which vacillates. If we wish to vindicate the reputation of this country as one which believes that, when its friends and its enemies are afflicted, it is our duty to come to their aid, let us give generously, let us give magnificently, or else let us not give at all.

The chief characteristic of our financial and economic position here for many years is the steady rise in the spiral of taxation and, in recent years, the steep rise in the curve of expenditure and the alarming drop in the curve of production. Expenditure has risen, as the Minister has pointed out in his Budget statement, from £33,000,000 in 1939 to the staggering sum of £52,000,000, the estimated figure for the coming year. Unbalanced Budgets over that period account for £16,800,000, and the Minister, on page 41 of his Budget statement, makes this comment on unbalanced Budgets:

"High budgetary expenditure and deficit financing are the most potent of all inflationary forces and their effect is most harmful where through heavy rates of taxation enterprise is deterred from an extension of productivity. Expenditure in productive enterprise by the very fact of its productivity provides its own assurance that it will not be inflationary."

The other side of the picture that the Minister painted for the House is that the gross volume of agricultural output during that period from 1939 has fallen by 11 per cent.; the volume of industrial output has fallen by 24 per cent.; imports have declined by 70 per cent. and exports by 44 per cent. We are informed by other Ministers that the incidence of disease is particularly high at present, and the incidence of crime, the Minister for Justice tells us, is stabilised round about double what it was pre-war.

The Minister has taken the opportunity afforded by the last two budgets to warn the House and the people that it is time to call a halt. He has invited Deputies to suggest where economies can be effected, but no effort has been made, so far as we can judge, to use the axe. If we include some Supplementary Estimates which will probably be introduced during the present year, the expenditure will be well over £3,000,000. The Minister informed us that the national indebtedness, the dead-weight debt, will be over £130,000,000. I include in that the £24,000,000 for which local bodies are responsible. We must take into account that during that period large numbers of people were forced to leave the country to find a living. Possibly 250,000 people had to seek a livelihood in other countries. The position at the present time, with all the uncertainties of the future to be considered, is not by any means satisfactory. There are difficult times ahead.

The Minister gave the House much useful information, and some of the axioms and principles to which he adverted are very sound. But we have no assurance that these will be put into operation. I have a good deal of doubt in that connection. The Minister gave us certain figures with regard to the Civil Service. There are over 30,000 people engaged in the Civil Service. The increase in the number of civil servants last year was nearly 800 and the increase for 1943 was 1,250. The cost of the Civil Service, notwithstanding the stabilisation policy, is over £8,000,000, or approximately £1 in every £6 of our annual expenditure. The whole problem, as the Minister has pointed out, is not so much the volume of expenditure as the fact that there is a reduction in the amount of goods available. If the imposition of taxation has to be heavy, there is no corresponding improvement in the value of our production.

The Minister attempted to estimate the national income and he referred to the figures he gave as monetary phenomena. That is quite true, because if we want to get to the root of the problem, to the reality of our production, we must measure it by volume rather than by value, and while one can understand the abnormal fall in industrial output because of the difficulty of importing raw material, it is incomprehensible that there should be such a fall in agricultural output in a country situated like ours, with the advantages we have for the production of food and the sale of surplus food. During a period when we should stimulate production, our production has fallen.

I was very interested in what Deputy Dillon had to say in reply to the rather erroneous views of Deputy Cogan. Deputy Cogan talked about a subsidy. His Party appear to be rather keen on subsidies. I always look on a subsidy as something that helps to crystallise inefficiency. While subsidisation may be necessary at times to help an industry over a difficult period, it ought not to be a definite policy. I do not think anyone could regard it as a fundamentally sound principle. I have as much interest in agriculture as Deputy Cogan and I would not agree with his line of approach at all so far as our agricultural industry is concerned.

Right through his Budget statement the Minister laid down very useful principles, but he has not given us any indication as to the methods by which he proposes to carry out those principles. On page 41 of the Budget statement he says:—

"The agricultural prices index has receded slightly from the very high level of the beginning of 1944 when it was about 100 per cent. above prewar. The recession continued up to November but the index has risen continuously in each of the four subsequent months. It is very desirable that the rise should be checked and that agriculturists should look for their income to higher production rather than to the continuance of the present abnormal price level."

I have nothing to say against that. I do not think it is healthy for prices in industry to hit the ceiling because we must consider the reaction that sets in. The reaction is bound to come and a good many people get hurt. What the primary producer the world over wants is some assurance that he will be left a fair margin and, above all, some assurance of stability. The extraordinary thing about prices, especially in export trades, is that the speculative interests that come in are mainly responsible for the fluctuation in prices.

The Minister expressed concern about the future. Towards the end of his Budget statement he referred to the Bretton Woods Conference and the principles that the people who met at that conference have tried to lay down. There are certain principles that apply to people in every country in the world, including this country. The Minister said:—

"In all countries these are basic considerations in the working of the economic and social system. In every country, including our own, the right of ordering them is primarily a task for domestic treatment. Such treatment must, of course, be supplemented by proper relations with the outside world, and especially so when the limited character of the national resources demands a high proportion of external trade."

I must compliment the Minister on that axiom. I am glad he has wakened up to a realisation of the value of exports from the point of view of a national asset.

"Facilities for this purpose——"

The purpose of foreign exchange, which the Bretton Woods Conference attempted to provide, so as to loosen up credit and foreign exchange generally in the world——

"——would be very strictly limited. Accordingly, it is clear, and has been emphatically stressed by many exponents of the scheme, that it does not and cannot do anything to relieve any member of the inalienable obligation to keep his own house in financial order and to procure imports by the old and essential method of maintaining a sufficient volume of exports to appropriate places on an efficient and competitive basis."

That is absolutely true. Deputy Dillon has dealt with many aspects of that problem in its relation to this country. It is time the whole House, including the Minister and the Government, should turn its best attention to this matter of our trade. With all the difficulties, social, economic and internal that have to be faced here, possibly the one big problem we have to solve is our capacity to import our essential requirements and raw materials for industry. If that can be overcome, the planning and ordering of our internal life and of our social conditions otherwise is not by any means a difficult matter. We have not got any information from the Minister or the Government as to what attempts are being made to ensure the provision of the necessary exchange facilities so that we may get a pretty fair volume of our essential requirements.

On going back a few years and examining our trade position, we are reminded of the Minister's reference to those conferences that have been in operation between many nations in recent years. There was a conference which the Minister himself visited in person, with some of his colleagues, the Ottawa Conference, and I wish to call the attention of the House to the result of that conference so far as Commonwealth trade is concerned. The Canadian trade with Great Britain in 1931 is returned at £38,860,000, and as a result of the Ottawa agreement it rose to £67,103,000 in 1938. The Commonwealth of Australia trade in 1931 was £33,511,000 and had risen in 1938 to £62,284,000. New Zealand trade stood in 1931 at £27,489,000 and rose to £38,374,000 in 1938. Our trade in 1931 was £34,214,000 and had fallen by 1938 to £22,109,000. At that time, of course, we were subscribing here to a policy of isolation and we were not worrying about the securing of any preferential treatment it was possible to secure in trade with Great Britain.

We must bear in mind that, for the five years immediately before this war, our adverse trade balance averaged £19,000,000. Its lowest was £17,000,000 and highest £21,000,000 in the five years, giving the average of £19,000,000. Our exports were capable of purchasing for us 45 per cent. of our import requirements and we purchased the remaining 55 per cent. by the use of or sterling assets. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, in some recent speeches, has questioned whether those are or will be available in the future for the purchase of our capital goods of every description. We have not got any definite information on that point. It has been rightly said—and the Minister himself has made it clear—that the only way we can make sure of our requirements in imports is by expanding our production. He told the farmers they should not be looking for higher prices, but should expand production by more efficient methods. I think that is an absolutely sound statement. There is, however, a responsibility on the Government to ensure that the best facilities are available and that the best agreements are entered into for the disposal of those exports.

In my opinion the Government's responsibility does not end there. One might ask why our production has fallen during this war and how it is that Britain, engaged in a life and death struggle during the past five years, was able to expand her agricultural production. It was in a desperately low way before the war, but was expanded by 70 per cent., while our production fell here by 11 per cent. The reason for that fall in our case was that it was left to each individual farmer to pursue his own line of production, by passing a compulsory Order and leaving it to a few tillage inspectors to try to force farmers to do a certain amount of tillage, regardless of capital, equipment, machinery, the condition of the land, or anything else. There was no attempt to provide raw materials or to secure them to any great extent. There was no attention to the detail that is so essential if we are to ensure expansion in production.

Our production can very definitely be expanded considerably, but I do not believe that we can get that result by the use of subsidies here and there, as suggested by Deputy Cogan. We must have a proper plan, a systematic approach and a proper organisation and, above all, we must ensure that our people get the right scientific education. Agriculture is a specialised job and in recent years more and more scientific methods have been introduced by the more progressive countries. Notwithstanding the very considerable sum we are spending on advisory services and such schemes, we have not got the results as we have not attempted to approach the problem as more progressive countries have approached it. We must make up our minds to do that and to ensure decent conditions for our people in the future, by facing the problems that have to be faced. The Post-War Planning Committee has published some interim reports, and one report—that of the veterinary surgeons—has been with the Government since last July and was circulated a few days ago; but if we are to have plans, and if these plans are to be put into operation, I hope that they will be submitted to us before the difficulties and problems that are to be met in the future are actually upon us.

In that connection, I may say that I think that great opportunities were missed in this war — opportunities to provide to our best customer and, in fact, the only customer we have, the food which she badly needed. She had to face the perils of the sea during this emergency in order to buy food from countries from whom she did not buy such supplies in the past. The only thing that would make me, or any man who thinks about these problems, optimistic in regard to the supply position in the future, is that in regard to the food situation, and particularly the more valuable foods, there will be a great demand in the near future for a supply of the protective foods, the high-calorie and carbohydrate foods, and those containing the necessary vitamins and proteins. The world has always had a sufficient supply of calories, but not of the protective foods. The Minister, in his statement, referred to the Bretton Woods Conference, but I should like to direct his attention to the findings of the Hot Springs Conference. At that conference it was decided to attempt to provide for all the people of the world sufficient food to maintain them in good health. That, in my opinion, involves a balanced dietary for the people of the world and will involve an enormous increase in the production of the protective foods.

Deputy Dillon has referred to the question of the supply of fresh foods, and when he talked about the supply of fresh foods to Great Britain he meant the highly protective foods, those containing the proper quantities of vitamins and proteins. I believe that with our wet climate here, and our general tendency to produce grass, and all that sort of thing, we are particularly well fitted to produce protective foods. Accordingly, having regard to the views expressed by highly qualified specialists at that conference, in which something like 44 nations took part—although we had no part in it or in any of the decisions arrived at—the views expressed there, in my opinion at any rate, will largely determine the decisions as to the future pursuits of a number of countries. I believe that, as in the past few years, and even before the war, the protective foods will command a much higher price in the post-war period than the calories.

Taking all that into account, it is an extraordinary state of affairs that during the war, according to recent figures in regard to our trade, our exports in live cattle fell by 100,000, although there was some slight increase in the export of dead-weight cattle. That is a very serious matter, and I hold that if our capacity to produce had been efficiently and properly organised, that would not have happened. It may be held that the increase in tillage was bound to react on our production of cattle, but I do not believe that. I think that if tillage were properly organised, and if the right methods were adopted, our production would be definitely helped. For that reason, I think that an efficient and properly organised mixed-farming policy should be adopted. The Minister has asked for that efficiency, and my reply is that that efficiency is possible, but that it requires organisation and capital, and that it is the Government's responsibility to provide those things, in the first place, and, lastly, that it is the Government's responsibility to ensure that a market will be there to absorb the produce resulting from the efforts we make. The market is bound to be there for the years immediately following the war, but if we are to harness our people to the production of certain types of food, we must ensure the continuance of that market for a number of years. Hitherto, so far as food production in this country is concerned, our policy has been merely a day-to-day policy—a plan for to-morrow's breakfast, because that is all it was. We have tremendous assets in this country, such as wonderful climatic conditions, facilities for marketing our produce, and so on, but we have very serious deficiencies here in our soil, which have not been corrected. As Deputy Dillon has pointed out, we have the ability and the brains here. We have, in this country, scientists second to none in the world, but their abilities have not been availed of for the solving of our problems in regard to the productive capacity of this country.

I am glad, at all events, that there is a change of front, so far as Government policy is concerned, in regard to that matter. The Minister has indicated in his Budget statement that it is beginning to dawn on the Minister for Industry and Commerce and for Supplies that he, too, is realising that a policy of isolation is not in the best interests of this country or, in fact, of any country, and that we must look after our own interests. I will say, when it comes to talking about our export trade, that our live-stock export trade, rather fortuitously, has remained to us, but it is not as a result of the policy of any Minister of the Government. It automatically follows from the fact that our production, or our gross output, has fallen that there would be a reaction to that in the way of a demand by the producer for a higher price, and the only way to correct that is to show these people, scientifically, how our production can be expanded.

It is very disheartening to me to realise that, although many of the statements made by the Minister in his Budget statement are sound, this state of affairs should continue to exist, and I think we should appreciate that some of the principles the Minister has attempted to lay down in that statement definitely govern our economy here and that we should endeavour to apply them continuously to our plans for the future. Deputy Dillon has referred to the tariff racketeers, but I want to say this, at any rate, that, with Deputy Dillon, I believe that we must look to the land and its capacity to maintain our people as the prime essential of our very existence, and that no outside policy, so far as the encouragement of secondary industries in this country is concerned, ought to be allowed to react to the prejudice of our capacity to produce the maximum quantity of goods from the soil of this country.

I agree with what Deputy Dillon said about the use of artificial manures. We were the users of the smallest quantities of artificial manures in the world when the price was at a very low level. The manure ring here got protection when they did not want it, because, before Fianna Fáil came into power—in fact, before the Treaty—the manure manufacturers here were able to compete against foreign competition. I remember when Belgian manure came in here immediately after the last war and when there was a substantial differential between the price of the imported article and home manufactured manure. The home manufacturers wakened up to the fact that there was competition and were able to compete. There was, in the end, a small margin between the cost of the home manufactured artificial and the imported article, and the home manufactured article was always worth the difference because it was in slightly better condition.

The Deputy might reserve those details for the relevant Estimates.

Quite so; I do not want to dwell on it further. I agree with Deputy Morrissey that it is most disappointing that no effort has been made to solve the problems which exist. In spite of all the grand things said and all the principles laid down, the Minister has not adverted to a solution of the real problem—what the Government proposes to do in existing circumstances and what efforts have been made to secure the best terms for our future export trade.

I approve of the proposal to help Europe in its present position. It would be utterly unChristian for this country to ignore the deplorable, the appalling conditions, which exist, and to have regard merely to its own selfish interests, regardless of what exists outside. I greatly approve of what the Government intend to do in the matter and I feel that Deputy Dillon is right in his suggestion that we ought to do it, even if we have to make substantial sacrifices.

Ní raibh sé de rún agamsa aon chaint do dhéanamh mar gheall ar na tairigsintí seo. Do chuir an chaint a chuala mé ón gcainteoir deireannach fonn orm cúpla focal a rá maidir leis na rudaí a bhí i gceist aige. Tá súile Teachtaí áirithe sa Tigh, chomh fada agus tá mé ag éisteacht leo, i bhfad ó bhaile. Measaimse gur bhfearr ar fad dúinn ár súile bheith dírithe ar an margadh atá againn anseo i dtosach; is é an margadh is fearr é atá againn. Is é an margadh is sábháilte é agus, más féidir linn an margadh sin do choimeád agus go leór earraí do sholáthar ón dtalamh chun an margadh sin do shásamh, beidh sé in am dúinn bheith ag caint mar gheall ar mhargaí iasachta ina dhiaidh sin.

Nílim i gcoinne margaí iasachta, ach mar aduairt mé cheana, is sábháilte go mór dúinn ár súile do dhíriú ar an margadh atá againn annso le haghaidh toradh na talún. Conus atá an scéal againn fe láthair? Tá ganntanas ime ann mar is léir d'aoinne ó Chó. Luimnighe; tá ganntanas siúcra ann; tá ganntanas prátaí ann; agus tá ganntanas a lán earraí eile gurbh féidir linn iad do sholáthar ar an dtalamh anso. Tá cúiseanna leis na ganntanasaí seo. Dá mbeadh fuíleach ime againn le cúpla bliain anuas conus a bheadh an scéal ag na feirmeóirí go bhfuil baint acu le déiríocht dá mbeadh orthu bheith ag brath ar an luach a gheobhaidís ar im ar an margadh iasachta? Sin ceann de na fáthanna gur oiriúnach dúinn bheith ag brath ar ár muintir féin an méid a thagann ón dtalamh do chaitheamh in ionad bheith ag brath ar fad ar an margadh iasachta. Tá fuíleach bulán agus stoic againn agus ní mór an t-éileamh ná an luach atá orthu. I láthair na huaire, ní dóigh liom go bhfuil na feirmeóirí sásta le luach stoic i láthair na huaire. Mar adúras, cloisimid caint ón dtaobh sin thall mar gheall ar mhargaí iasachta ach b'fhearr dhúinn claoi leis an margadh atá againn anso i dtosach agus nuair bheimid i ndon gach rud do sholáthar don mhargadh san, beidh sé in am dúinn ansan bheith ag cuimhneamh ar an margadh iasachta.

Maidir leis na tairigsintí a chuir an tAire os ar gcomhair, tá bille mór le n-íoc againn agus tá súil agam go mbeidh luach le fáil againn ar an méid airgid a baileófar agus a caithfear de bharr na dtairigsintí seo. Má tá, is fiú é do chaitheamh. Is minic a chloisimid Teachta á iarraidh go gcaifí breis airgid. Táimid go léir ag iarraidh níos mó airgid le haghaidh na scéime seo, na scéime sin agus na scéime úd eile. Rinne an tAire tagairt ina chuid cainte don taobh sin den scéal agus is baolach go ndéanaimid dearmad air nuair bhímid ag iarraidh na mbreiseanna go leir. Do thángamar go maith as an droch-shaol a bhí ann go dtí seo agus tá súil agam go mbeidh an scéal níos fearr againn nuair thiocfas na tairigsintí os ar gcomhair an bhlian seo chugainn. Molaim an tAire i dtaobh na dea-oibre atá déanta aige ó deineadh Aire Airgeadais de. Sílim gur dhein sé a chuid oibre go stuama agus go tuigseanach agus gur chuidigh sé leis na daoine do thabhairt tríd an droch-shaol a bhí ar fud an domhan agus gur bhuail iarracht bheag de ar muintir anso— iarracht fíor-bheag a bhuí le Dia, ó tháinig an cogadh uafásach.

The people generally are disappointed that the Minister did not grant some concessions by way of reductions in taxation. It is quite obvious, from the very cool reception they gave his statement yesterday, that the members of his own Party were disappointed. The Budget speech was prepared at a time when the European phase of the war, one might say, was almost ended. In view of that the Minister, surely, could have taken his courage in his hands and granted some further concessions. After all, the concession in respect of matches is not really a concession at all because the price of matches is to remain what it is to-day. The British Chancellor of the Exchequer a few weeks ago, when introducing his budget, held out the promise, at least by implication, that he would be introducing a supplementary budget later in the year, and that under it some tax remissions would be granted. The members of Parliament and the newspapers in England generally have assumed, from the manner in which the British Chancellor of the Exchequer phrased his remarks, that the supplementary budget will be introduced some time before Christmas, and that substantial remissions in taxation will be granted. One newspaper has prophesied that the income-tax rate in England will be brought down to 7/6 in the £, the level operating here.

The Minister, in the course of his speech, said that he was trying to keep a middle course between austerity and prodigality. There is no doubt but that, during the period when he was in opposition, the Minister was rigidly austere on financial questions, and his austerity was observed for a period after his Party assumed responsibility for the government of the country. The Party, however, soon forgot to practise austerity, and since then everybody must admit that they have dealt in a most prodigal way with the taxes which they have taken from the pockets of the people. The Minister went on to say that it was

"difficult to draw from the available statistics any hard and fast conclusion as to whether our expenditure in general and particularly our taxation have outstripped the economic capacity of the country to bear them."

I cannot understand how the Minister could expect statistics to help him in that respect. Surely, he has sufficient experience of the country to realise, as he admitted in a previous Budget statement, that the country at the present time is taxed to the hilt. In fact, it is the opinion of the majority of the people that the country is taxed beyond its capacity. Anybody with experience of the conditions of life amongst some sections of our people, at all events, must realise that they find it extremely difficult to make ends meet, and that the impact of taxation is having a very serious and demoralising effect on their standard of life. This fact is more or less borne out so far as the agricultural community is concerned.

According to the figures given by the Minister in his Budget statement, the arrears of Land Commission annuities now amount to £582,000, despite the fact that these annuities were halved some ten years ago, and that the Land Commission now enjoy very drastic powers to assist them in the collection of the annuities. The Minister will recall that before the land annuities were halved, in the period immediately before the Minister and his Party took over responsibility for the government of the country, the arrears on the full annuities scarcely ever exceeded £400,000. He knows enough about the psychology of our farmers to realise that there is one debt which every farmer will pay promptly if he is in a position to pay it, and that is his Land Commission annuity. The fact that there is to-day a sum of £582,000 outstanding on account of unpaid Land Commission annuities is, in my view, indicative of the low condition to which very many of our farmers have been reduced by exorbitant and excessive taxation, in the form of high charges and a high cost of living.

The two outstanding characteristics of this Budget are, first, the very big increase in expenditure, and, secondly, the fact that there has been no corresponding increase in production. Previous speakers have referred to what the Minister himself has admitted, that the volume of agricultural output has decreased by 11 per cent. and of industrial output by 24 per cent., and yet, notwithstanding that, there has been an increase in taxation over a period of four years of something like 58 per cent. Even last year there was a decrease not merely in the volume of agricultural production but in industrial production as well. Despite that unhealthy symptom in our national economy, expenditure still soars to higher levels. That is a symptom which, I suggest, the Minister should have dealt with in his Budget statement, but, beyond giving the figures relating to these decreases, he made no further comment on them. He did advise farmers to embark on increased agricultural production while price levels are high. In a sense, of course, I agree that was sound advice to give to them. I have no doubt that, for some years after the war, the farmers will be able to sell whatever they produce on the land, but when the world situation becomes reasonably normal again, especially in the Commonwealth countries, it is quite conceivable that our farmers will have to meet considerable competition when the bargains made during the past few years between Britain and the members of the Commonwealth and other countries begin to take effect. I refer especially to the bargains made in respect to the supply of meat from South America and supplies of mutton and other agricultural commodities from other countries.

It seems to me that the time is now opportune for the Government to envisage the conditions that will obtain when these bargains begin to take effect. They should give the farmers expert advice as to the kind and type of production they should engage in. Not just immediately, but certainly at the end of another two years, I have no doubt that the situation will have so altered that our exports will be restricted in quantity. There is every likelihood, I think, in view of the conditions created during the war which, if they continue into the post-war period, will make it incumbent on us to vary our economy, especially in regard to our live stock. It appears to me that, some time after the war, we may have to concentrate on producing a smaller number of animals for export and ensure that their quality will be much higher than it is at present if we are to retain any reasonable share at all of the foreign market.

I suggest this is a time when the Government should engage in some serious thinking, especially in regard to the problem of agricultural production. As I have said, I do not think there is likely to be any immediate restriction on the quantity of agricultural produce that we can export, but it is quite conceivable, when the bargains which were made during the past few years begin to take effect, that our exports will have to be restricted considerably, and that their character and quality may be changed in a very marked way. The farmers should be given some indication of what will be expected from them in the post-war period. They need expert advice as to the class and quality of production in which they should engage.

I said a moment ago that the tendency has been for taxation to reach ever-increasing heights. Not only has general taxation increased, but local taxation has increased at an even greater rate than national taxation. According to the Minister's figures, the indebtedness of local authorities amounts to £37,500,000. On looking through the book of Estimates, we find that the tendency has been for the rates to increase correspondingly with national expenditure over a period of years. The rates collected for the year 1941-42 amounted to £7,800,000, while the rates collected in 1943-44 amounted to £9,600,000, an increase of approximately £1,750,000. Referring to the years prior to 1941-42, we find that the rates collected in 1931-32 amounted only to £4,677,000. It was stated on a previous occasion, I think, when these figures were quoted, that the rates for that year were exceptionally low. If we take the rates for the three years 1930-33, we find that the average amount collected was £4,721,433. In 1943, the amount was just double that and the tendency is for the rates to increase, as general taxation is increasing, year by year. The net expenditure by local authorities in 1943-44 amounted almost to £16,000,000. In 1941-42, it was £13,000,000 and in 1931-32, £9,000,000. In a period of about five years, there has been an increase in the net expenditure by local authorities of, approximately, £6,000,000. The factors accounting for the increase were the rise in the cost of living, reflected in the outlay on public assistance and the upkeep of mental hospitals, and the transfer to local authorities of charges which, strictly, should be borne by the State. Not only is general taxation increasing at an abnormal rate, but local taxation has increased even at a greater rate and the impact of local taxation is felt more keenly by the vast majority of the people than is the impact of general taxation.

The question arises: how much farther can we go on the road of increased general or local taxation? I suggest that taxation has reached its limit and that any further imposts in future Budgets will have a disastrous effect on the country. The Minister is satisfied that the people have responded wonderfully well to the demands — exorbitant demands, I should say—which he made upon them. There is no question about the response, and I suggest, as I suggested at the outset, that, in view of the cheerful response made by the people, the Minister should have made some gesture to them on this occasion in the form of reductions—however slight—in taxation. I consider that these reductions would have been warranted not alone by world circumstances but by conditions in our own country. In his statement, the Minister indicated only two savings which it will be possible to effect in the post-war period. One is concerned with the subsidy for food and the other with the subsidy for fuel. These two subsidies amount to about £4,000,000. Provision is made in the Budget for the expenditure of £5,000,000 on employment schemes of one kind or another. The Minister stated that he believed that that was the maximum amount he would require at any period for the provision of employment for necessitous people. I wonder if the Minister has taken into consideration the probability that, when the war is over, a large number of people will be either sent back or will come back to this country because of absence of need for their assistance in Great Britain. Many men will also be disbanded from the Army. Does the Minister not think that, in those circumstances, he will have to increase very substantially the sum which he is providing for employment purposes?

The Minister is also providing a sum of £860,000 to finance turf production. In his statement, he said that he did not consider it would be necessary to make provision for turf production on the same scale in future years, that both consumers and taxpayers were aware that the arrangements for turf production which had to be improvised during the past few years were costly but there was reason to believe that plans at present being made will show improved results. After four years of experiment, this seems an enormous sum to provide by way of subsidy for turf production. Surely, a stage should now be reached when the subsidy should be almost negligible and the turf schemes virtually self-supporting. Seemingly, some plans are being made not only to improve methods of production but to reduce the cost of production. The Minister did not state what those plans were. I recollect the Minister for Industry and Commerce mentioning about two years ago that similar plans to improve turf production and reduce the cost of turf were being made. We have heard nothing of those plans since and turf is costing almost as much to-day as it did two years ago. I should be interested to hear the Minister explain the new plans to the House. What steps does he propose to take to improve the methods of turf production and, perhaps, more important, to reduce the cost of turf to the unfortunate consumers? The Minister said that the country cannot carry the double burden of emergency services and post-war development. I agree that the country cannot do so but, beyond the two items I have mentioned—food and fuel subsidies—the Minister did not indicate what reductions are to be made in the present scale of taxation to meet the requirements of post-war development. Notwithstanding the fact that elaborate plans have been made for spending millions of pounds on post-war schemes of one kind or another, no indication has been given by the Minister as to where the money is to be found for the purpose of financing these schemes. He has said, not merely in this Budget but in a previous Budget, that the money must come out of economies to be effected in expenditure—but he has given no indication beyond the two items I have mentioned in what direction they can be effected. He has indicated that he will require further moneys before the end of this year for the purpose of providing gratuities and insurance for members of the Army disbanded. Surely at this stage the Minister should be able to envisage the circumstances which will arise in the post-war period, and what particular items of expenditure he will be able to reduce in order to defray the expenditure on these schemes of post-war development he has formulated.

The Minister expressed concern about the extension of Governmental authority and the growth of bureaucracy in this country. The Minister expressed the same concern in a previous Budget—I am not quite sure that he did not express the same views in the two previous Budgets. Notwithstanding these pious expressions of opinion, this Government seems to be still bent on assuming for themselves a greater and ever-increasing degree of authority. I agree with the Minister that it is a dangerous symptom in any country that officials should enjoy the degree of authority which they have at the moment in this country. I sincerely hope that it is an emergency symptom and the Government will take steps speedily to restore to the ordinary people of this country some of the liberties they enjoyed before the emergency began. Such an assumption of authority as is enjoyed by the Government at the moment is bad for the individual, bad for the nation and bad for the healthy development of that kind of civic spirit which we all want to see developed, and the sooner the present emergency restrictions are relaxed in many directions, the better it will be for the country and the individual. The desire now in all countries, at least judging by the plans made for the post-war period, is to make the individual just a tool of the State. I am glad that the Minister, judging by his remarks in the Budget statement, has not fallen a victim to the opinions expressed by social reformers in other countries. I sincerely hope that he will preserve, in any event in this country, the main features of the democratic system we established here when the State was first set up. After all, if the nation is to progress on normal lines we want to encourage self-reliance and independence amongst our people. The more self-reliant the people are, the healthier will be the nation and the more successful it will be not only in its economic but in its financial life as well.

The Minister expressed alarm at the expenditure on social services. He mentioned a sum of £9,000,000, which is an enormous amount of money to spend on social services in a small State like ours. I feel myself that all that expenditure is not entirely justified. From my experience of local administration, I am satisfied that there is a great deal of extravagance and a great waste of money on social service schemes. I am perfectly certain that if the Minister for Local Government especially exercised a more rigid supervision over many of these social service schemes it would be possible to effect very substantial economies. There is no justification for extravagance even in an emergency, and it seems to me at the moment that Government Departments are failing in their duty and that many Departments have not exercised the supervision which they should have exercised over expenditure of money, especially on social service schemes of one kind or another. I doubt very much if the country is getting value for this huge expenditure on social service schemes. There are some schemes which are indispensable to the life of the community and I must exclude them from my criticism. An enormous amount of money has been spent on sanitation schemes and housing schemes. I know from experience of certain housing schemes and sanitation schemes that a substantial percentage of this money was spent very badly. There was no proper supervision either at headquarters or locally, and I am afraid that the lack of supervision observed in one area applies to very many areas throughout the country. I think that it behoves the Minister for Finance especially to see that the Minister of the Department charged with the expenditure of this money exercises greater supervision than in the past, so that the country will get value for whatever money it is spending on social services.

Very many subjects have been touched upon in the debate to-day. In fact, one might say that nothing has been left unsaid, but I shall be forgiven, I hope, if I refer to one or two subjects affecting the City of Dublin. No doubt the Minister's speech yesterday brought no pleasant surprise to anybody, but it caused no heartbreaks either. People went about their business in the ordinary way this morning. They said :"We told you so; there was little else left to tax." Things appear to be going well to the ordinary visitor or outsider passing along O'Connell Streets or some of the other principal streets in Dublin which look bright and gay, but I want to assure the House that there is a lot of hidden poverty in the City of Dublin. That hidden poverty in Dublin was discovered by a very eminent body set up by the Government and presided over by his Lordship Most Rev. Dr. Dignan. In order to relieve that poverty in Dublin, he made special recommendations in a paper which was afterwards submitted to the Government and caused some discussion in the country. Many bodies have passed resolutions asking the Government to recognise the body which was set up by it to report on health insurance. It reported that there was need for a special effort in Dublin and in the country generally to relieve poverty.

I hope I will be forgiven if I touch in a small way on things with which I am familiar. In Dublin there are 10,000 people miserably poor, living on what is called home assistance, amounting in some cases to less than £1 a week. We have also in Dublin 10,000 families receiving widows' and orphans' pensions. That scheme has undoubtedly done much good, but it does not provide sufficient funds for the needs of the families concerned. It does not provide a rent allowance and, as a result, many of these people are faced with eviction. I am sure that mention of an eviction of people living in a small dwelling in Dublin will have as much sympathy from Deputies as if it were an eviction from a big farm. I appeal to Deputies to be tolerant with me when I bring these matters before the House. For some reason or other people come to me thinking that I can perform miracles. They tell me that they cannot pay rent and that there is no allowance in the widows' and orphans' scheme for that purpose. Some of them live in houses, the rents of which are 12/6 a week, others in flats, the rents of which are 5/- a week and others in rooms, the rents of which may be 2/6. I ask the Government to do something for that class, seeing that they have to pay the same price for food as people who have good wages. I am sure that the Minister for Justice, who knows Dublin so well, if he had his way would try to have something done. I hope the recommendation of Most Rev. Dr. Dignan regarding health benefits will be given effect to at an early date in order to ease the burden of people concerned. Where the family breadwinner breaks down in health and has to go into a sanatorium the inadequacy of the grant is evident. While he is in hospital the man is worrying about his wife and children, because the amount he receives is only a quarter of the wages that he would be earning if he was able to work. In the case of a man with a family of four children, living in a cottage, the rent of which is 10/- a week, very little is left for their support. Possibly a few shillings extra may be given the family by the relieving officer. There is a considerable sum of money in the National Health Insurance Fund and I suggest that the amount of the benefits could be extended.

I consider that high rents in Dublin are due to the inadequacy of the grant given by the Department of Local Government for house - building. Deputies will be amazed to know that the grant for a four-roomed house or a flat for a working-class family costing £1,000 is the same now as was given when such accommodation cost from £300 to £400. Although the rents of these cottages or flats vary from 12/6 to 10/- weekly, the economic rents would be double these amounts. The situation would be eased if the Government grant were increased. The House has been considering during the week the Education Estimate, during which the appalling condition of school teachers was touched upon. I wish to join with other Deputies in the appeal for improved conditions made on behalf of the school teachers. Many of the teachers are walking about in threadbare clothes because they are not in a position to pay the high prices demanded for clothing. Owing to the scarcity of materials and the high cost of manufacture, it would take a month's salary of the lower-paid teachers to buy a suit of clothes.

That is a matter that might come up on the Vote for the Department of Education.

I did not intend to say as much as I did on that subject. Every Deputy has been pressed by pensioned teachers to have their position reviewed. These unfortunate people have asked T.D.s to see that something is done to relieve the hardship under which they suffer. I wish to refer also to the position of civil servants who remained in the service after the Treaty. As many of them are now about to go out on pension they state that they will be in receipt of smaller pensions than those who retired under Article X. They ask that the Government should do something to enable them to have a reasonable chance of meeting the high cost of living. Unemployment has been referred to by several Deputies, and there was mention of the position of thousands of young people who are leaving school, between the ages of 15 and 18, seeking work. For the past few years there appears to have been nothing for them to do but to look for passports to get out of the country. Although they are under age they approach T.D.s, asking them to help them to get passports on compassionate grounds, so that they might seek work elsewhere. The Government should put on its considering cap to see if anything can be done for these young people. Quite recently many citizens were sent home from Belfast because the emergency is over. They include people who joined the auxiliary fire brigade and the A.R.P. services in Belfast. As the services have been disbanded these people are now on the unemployed list in Dublin. They hope that something will be done for them. To-day I received a deputation from a couple of unemployed soldiers who have just left the National Army. There appears to be some discontent at the way they are treated when they leave the Army. It appears that their grants are being withheld and that they are not being treated fairly.

That matter may be raised on the Army Vote or on Vote 59, dealing with unemployment assistance, more properly than on the Budget.

On a point of order, is it not in order to raise the general question of demobilisation?

The general question, yes.

At one stage of the debate I noticed there were only seven Deputies in the House. I took notice of what other Deputies were saying and the matters that they dealt with. I thought I could touch on them, seeing that others who are more clever in their choice of words succeeded in getting it across. I thought I would add to what they said. They did it exceptionally well. Could I ask the Minister, or will I have to wait until the Vote comes up for discussion, if he thinks the time has come to increase the grant in connection with the national milk scheme? According as the price of milk goes up, the quantity of milk supplied is reduced because the grant remains the same.

That also arises on a specific Estimate. Matters that are dealt with specifically on an Estimate cannot be discussed.

If it is in order to discuss the matter at all, surely it is in order on this discussion, where further moneys may be advocated?

In a general way, but you cannot deal with any matter that is dealt with specifically by a particular Estimate. There is plenty of scope allowed to Deputies on these particular Estimates.

Is it correct to state that no private Deputy can move a motion to increase an Estimate but that he can advocate that on the General Resolution?

No, I do not think so.

In the whole list of Estimates hundreds of pounds are being voted for various purposes and I thought this would be an occasion when I could make these suggestions. Having heard others getting it over I thought I would be equally entitled to refer to these matters. Nearly every Department was touched upon to-day by other Deputies. However, I shall try to avoid going into detail, but when I see such a sum of money included in the Estimates for the purpose of administration, I feel compelled to raise these points. I do not know whether I will be in order in referring to the allowances of turf. Why is it that the turf allowance is withdrawn in the summer? They only give half the amount of turf in the summer as they do in the winter for the same money. I think that is the clearest way I can put it. I must recognise my shortcomings and my difficulty in putting these points over in the way that Deputy Dillon or Deputy Dan Morrissey or Deputy McGilligan might get them over.

The Deputy is as well able to do it as anybody.

I recognise that I will have to wait for each individual Estimate.

The Deputy has nothing to learn at that game.

I thank the Deputy for his help. I had taken a note also in connection with school meals, but I suppose I cannot touch on that topic either.

I do not think so.

I will not try. I must respect the ruling of the Chair. The Chair has been very good to me and I got as many points over as I possibly could. I will wait for another occasion. I appeal to the Government and to the Minister to recognise the difficulties of some 30,000 or 40,000 people who are unemployed or who are on small wages or home assistance or widows' and orphans' pensions, who have no rent allowances. They are suffering hardships and they have to meet the same high cost of living as the person who is in receipt of good wages.

Once a year the Minister for Finance presents an account of his stewardship to this House. The members of this Party and the people in general must have been very disappointed that there was no change in this year's Budget other than an increase over last year's. When one remembers how the Party who now hold the reins of office and who are responsible for the administration of this country, got into power, then one is entitled to ask why should there be this vast expenditure, this increase year after year since the first day they took office. We have got no reply to that question. Time and again suggestions have been made, particularly by this Party, as to how economies can be effected. These suggestions have been rejected in a hostile fashion. Even when forced to a division, we have been opposed bitterly and strongly. The Party Whip has been active.

Who would think that in a country like this, with a population of about 3,000,000, administration would cost £1,000,000 a week, especially having regard to the conditions under which the people are living, and realising that these conditions would be still worse were it not for the fact that many thousands had to emigrate and are sending back to this country £13,000,000 per annum to maintain their friends and their families at home? We are entitled to assume, therefore, that it would cost another £13,000,000 in addition to the £52,000,000 if those who had emigrated since the outbreak of war had remained here and had to be maintained at the standard at which the few who are here to-day are maintained and that we would be budgeting for something like £65,000,000 instead of £52,000,000. I do not think the Minister can deny that. However, the position is that the people must make up their minds that as long as the present Government is in power and so long as they are prepared to give the present Government such an overwhelming majority and such power, they will continue to be taxed, because the Minister in his Budget speech has made it quite clear that he cannot see any reduction in taxation in the post-war period for a considerable time. Like Deputy Morrissey, I venture to say that we will not see a reduction in taxation while the Party who now hold office are in power, but that there will be a continuance of the increase that we have been experiencing in the past ten or 11 years.

I have often listened to the spokesmen of the Fianna Fáil Party outside this House telling the people that the ordinary citizen, the ordinary man and woman, is not responsible for the finding of this £52,000,000; that they do not pay any taxation; that the ordinary man and woman who toils hard from early morning until late at night contributes nothing towards this huge sum of money; that it is only the rich, the upper classes and the middle classes who are responsible. We find that income-tax and property tax, surtax and corporation profits tax total only £16,559,000. There is a huge balance to be found by indirect taxation. I should like some of the speakers on the Government Benches to explain how they disclaim that the ordinary people are not contributing towards this immense sum. They are contributing, and in a way which necessitates big sacrifices on their part. If they were heavily burdened in 1931, if they were then shivering under the weight of taxation, what must their condition be to-day?

I should like the Minister for Finance to tell us what is the position of our farmers and workers to-day, when they are carrying a double burden of taxation on their shoulders, if in 1928, 1929, 1930 and 1931 they were already overtaxed? We have got no such explanation from the Government. Tobacco, spirits, tea, and all the commodities that the ordinary man needs for his daily life are taxed in excess of his income. The Minister has told us that the farmer is prosperous. But, if the price of his produce has gone up, what about the cost of living? Look at the cost of everything for which he has to pay, the cost of clothes, food, agricultural implements, fertilisers, and so on. Every item that he has to purchase is four or five times the price it was pre-war. Therefore, if he gets an extra few shillings for his produce, an extra few pounds for his cattle, horses or sheep, that amount is more than offset by the increased price of food and clothes, and all other essential commodities.

In his speech, which lasted one and threequarter hours or so yesterday, the Minister goes on to tell us that "our extensive programme of post-war development in these and other spheres can become a reality only if the cost of supply services after the war is radically curtailed, and if the emergency services, such as food and fuel allowances and subsidies, disappear. The country cannot carry the double burden of emergency services and post-war development". The only social services which the Minister has suggested cutting out are food and fuel allowances and subsidies. According to his speech, then, we are entitled to assume that the post-war plans about which the Government shouted so much will not materialise unless the people are prepared to make sacrifices—unless the social services from which they derive some benefit are dispensed with. That is the sum total of what the Minister has told us.

He has not even given us the complete truth in his Budget statement, because he does not include the £700,000 for fertilisers or the amount of the Army gratuities which will be paid out at the end of this year, or whenever the Army is demobilised. Those two figures would mean an additional £2,000,000 or £2,500,000. If that figure had been included, the Budget would be £54,000,000 instead of £52,000,000, and instead of borrowing £3,500,000 we would be borrowing £5,500,000.

The end of hostilities in Europe is now in sight, and many thousands of soldiers in Britain will be allowed home. Many thousands of our young men and women who are in England and in the Six Counties at present will return here, but not one word about them appears in the Minister's Budget speech. No provision is made for them. There is no suggestion as to what will be done with them when they arrive here. I suppose they will have to join those who are begging on the streets, those who are dependent on the miserable assistance they get from the relieving officer or the St. Vincent de Paul and other societies, or those who line up at the labour exchange. When they return to this country, a long speech like the Minister's Budget statement is not going to satisfy those men and women. I am sure it has not satisfied many men and women who are here at present. Here in the City of Dublin and also in the rural areas there is great dissatisfaction because of the fact that the people still have to pay 1/3 for tobacco, and a high price for cigarettes and other commodities. There is dissatisfaction because of the fact that when people go into a shop for a suit of clothes they can be told by the shopkeeper: "I can sell you this suit for £2 under the controlled price. The Minister for Industry and Commerce is a very decent and honourable man. He allows us an excessive profit, and in all decency we can afford to give you poor people this suit for £2 less." There is a little boy in my home, for whom his mother bought a ready-made suit two weeks ago. She was handed that suit across the counter for £2 less than the controlled price imposed by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. That is the position. Is the Government fulfilling its responsibility towards the poor people of this country? Is the Government doing its duty towards them, or is the Government deliberately sowing the seeds of a revolution in this country? I remember the time when Deputies representing the county which I now have the honour to represent said that the day would come when it would be necessary to go and knock at Ministers' doors in order to see that justice would be done. In those days there was a certain amount of reason for that grumbling, but there is far more reason to-day for the people to knock at Ministers' doors to find out what they are doing for them.

Last week, one of the only two weeks I was not here, through no fault of my own, since elected to the House, this Party had a motion down pointing out where a reduction in taxation could be made. Was that motion accepted? No, it was defeated. We believe in starting at the highest person in this land and then reducing the other salaries accordingly. I hold that until that is done, starting at the highest citizen in this land and then coming down and reducing other salaries, we will not be able to carry on in this country. I see that between salaries and bonus the Civil Service is costing something like £8,000,000. I agree that there are many young men and women in the service getting miserable pay who were entitled to the increased bonus. But what I cannot understand is that higher grade civil servants in receipt of £1,000, £700, £600, £500 down to £400, should get an increase when the typist or junior civil servant receiving £2 10s. or £3 10s. or even £5 a week gets an increase. That is ridiculous. That should be stopped; that kind of idea should be rooted out of the mind, not only of civil servants, but of every person in this country in receipt of a State salary. The same thing exists in the Army. If an ordinary private soldier gets an increase of 1d. per day, the commanding officer has to get an increase accordingly. Can the State stand that? Is that what the Government intended when entering office? Can the Irish people stand it? Have the Government any real plan by which they will keep our youth at home? Can they keep our youth at home in present circumstances? The Government know well that they have no plan or policy. They do not give a damn whether the youth of the country continue to emigrate for the next 20 years or the next 100 years. The youth of the country are leaving continually. The only desire in the minds of the youth to-day is to get out of the country, to go away and never to see it again, because they are fed up and disgusted with it. They are fed up and disgusted with what has come from the benches opposite for the past 11 years.

They did not show that at the last election.

The last election, like every other election, was a false one. The representatives on the benches opposite were elected on false pretences by making false promises. They were political frauds. During the last election I heard statements about invasion and about a threat of war, and the following week I saw orders given by the local authorities to have the road signs re-erected and the names on the stations put up again. If an invasion was so imminent two or three days before the people went to the poll and two or three days afterwards we found these signs up again so that the invader had facilities to run through this country without inquiring the way, it was all tommy-rot and boloney. You got into this House under false pretences. In 1927 and in 1932 and since then you have got in under false pretences. Can any Deputy across the floor of the House point out where the people are better off now? Can any Deputy who represents the Fianna Fáil Party point out where he has prevented emigration? Emigration to-day is greater than it has ever been in the history of the country.

Will the Deputy come to the Budget statement now, please?

I am pointing out that this Budget of £52,000,000 is a very extravagant one; that this £52,000,000 will not bring about the social system envisaged by the Fianna Fáil Party prior to entering office and immediately after taking over the Administration when they told us that the burden that the farmers, the ratepayers, and the ordinary workers were carrying on their shoulders was too large; that they were bent to the ground; that they would reduce taxation and increase the social services to such a standard that they would be equal to those in any country in Europe. What do we find to-day? Perhaps the Minister for Finance will tell us about the children's allowances, old age pensions, and widows' and orphans' pensions. If you add them all up together what do they amount to? A few million pounds in comparison with the almost trebled taxation which has taken place since 1932.

The war is about to come to an end. During the war this country was certainly in a position in which it could have secured a market for our produce for many years to come if only the Government went about it in the proper way. Our chief market, namely Great Britain, has to a certain extent to import food from abroad. We had a great opportunity of taking advantage of that situation. We have a great opportunity even at the present moment as Denmark, Holland, and other countries who used to supply Great Britain with agricultural produce in pre-war days are to a certain extent out of production. We have a golden opportunity of securing a hold on the British market that at other times was to a certain extent almost impossible owing to the fact that we were up against competition from other countries who, in regard to agricultural production, were far more advanced, technically and scientifically. What are the Government doing with regard to capturing the British market or making sure that at least we will have our share of the market and that we will be able to supply the British people with as much agricultural produce as we can produce over and above our own requirements? I do not believe, of course, in exporting our produce if our population can consume it. I believe that our people should be fed, not half fed. I do not believe in exporting until our people are properly fed. I believe the home market is the best market. But, when the home market has been satisfied, and when our people have got sufficient for their requirements, we should take every advantage to secure the nearest market for our surplus, and the nearest market is the British market. As I say, we have a golden opportunity. The Government will be held responsible in the post-war period if they have not made some move towards that end because, no matter what we may say or what argument we may develop, whether we like it or not we must admit that there is only one market which is of any benefit to this country outside the home market, and that is the British market.

Deputy Dillon pointed out that it was necessary that an inquiry should be set up to investigate how economies could be effected. This Party has a motion before the House asking that a committee of the House be set up in order to have a thorough investigation as to how the money is being spent and where economies could be made. Therefore, Deputy Dillon's suggestion is not original.

I notice he made an attack upon Deputy Cogan about subsidies. I am not versed in subsidies; I do not know whether they would be a success or a failure; but if there are to be subsidies, I think the one thing that should be subsidised is fertilisers. I see there is some kind of system which has developed over the war period in this connection, and I think if a subsidy can be given at all it should be given for fertilisers, so that the small farmer, the middle farmer, and the large farmer can get some advantage by being able to get fertilisers at a cheap rate. If the price of fertilisers is so high that the farmer cannot obtain them easily, I would support the granting of a subsidy to help the farmer to get whatever fertilisers he requires both for tillage and grass land.

There is grave disappointment throughout the country because there is no decrease in taxation. When I mention taxation I want to be perfectly understood. I do not mean surtax or income-tax; what I have in mind is indirect taxation. I still believe the rich can afford to pay a little more. The rich are not suffering in any way comparable with the poor, and when I refer to the poor I do not mean the down-and-outs in Dublin, or any other city—I mean the ordinary man and woman struggling through life. No one knows more about them than the man who is constantly in touch with them, the man who is brought up in that environment. That type of man knows what a struggle it is for a mother to go out on a Friday or Saturday to budget for the upkeep of the little home for a week. He knows how often she has to hang her head in shame when she has to borrow so as to bring food to keep the family from one week to another until such time as her children are old enough to emigrate, when they will be able to send home something to defray the cost of rearing them to the age of 18 or 21 years. The poor mother has to beg or borrow in order to bring her children to the earning stage.

Does the Minister for Finance realise that? Has his exalted position taken him away completely from a realisation of the conditions under which the poor have to live? Have the exalted positions of Ministers taken their minds and thoughts away from the suffering poor of this country? If so, I will give the Minister or any of his colleagues the hospitality of my house for one week. It is a simple house in the country. I will let the Minister or his colleagues see what humanity in certain circumstances has to suffer. Admittedly, it is not comparable with what is happening in Europe, but there is a reason for what is happening there, whereas there is no reason at all for what has happened here within the past 20 years. So far as one can judge, the same conditions will prevail here for the next 50 years unless we make up our minds now to bring about an improvement. If the Government carry on with their present policy, if they carry out what is envisaged in the Budget statement, then the immediate prospect in this country does not look too promising.

Most speakers who have contributed to the debate have given us certain details and pointed out many defects. They have criticised things better than I could criticise them. Most of them are experienced men. It is by experience we learn. I want to put on record that I am dissatisfied and disappointed, and if we could only know the Minister's mind we would find he, too, is dissatisfied and disappointed, and so are the members of the Party of which he has the honour to be the deputy Prime Minister.

Some of the political prophets in the Fianna Fáil Party told me in the Lobby that this is the Minister's farewell Budget and that they hope—whether the Minister hopes it or not, I do not know—that the Minister will find himself in more congenial surroundings when the next Budget is before the House.

I could not be in more congenial surroundings than I am now.

If the Minister finds himself in the pleasant place I have in mind, he will be free from the turmoil that has surrounded him here and outside during the past 25 years.

He will be quite lonely.

I recognise in the Minister a man who has made, perhaps, more than a generous contribution to the fight for the freedom of this country. I hope when the Minister was actively associated with the Sinn Féin and Volunteer movements in other days that he did not, like others, think that the fight was merely for the sake of getting political freedom, but that it was a fight which would enable the citizens of this Christian land of ours—men, women and children—to get the right to live and to enjoy a decent livelihood in their own land. The contents of the Budget which he presented yesterday do not contain that promise for all the citizens of the State.

I feel a little bit impatient when I hear a certain section of our citizens clamouring for a reduction in taxation and protesting against any increase in taxation, even though it might be for the purpose of getting a better livelihood for their fellow-citizens. I wonder do those who clamour for a reduction in taxation realise what, if we had been involved in the world war which is now coming to a conclusion, it would have cost them. Those who shout for a reduction in taxation, and protest against any increase for any purpose, should consider that aspect. We have to thank God that the world war is coming to a conclusion without having involved us in the terrible things that have happened in almost every country under the sun.

The Minister in this and previous Budgets boasted to a considerable extent—I doubt if he has any good reason to do so—about the increasing amount set aside from year to year for what he is pleased to call social services. I do not think there is very much in these social services, or certain of them, to boast about, in a country that is supposed to be governed on Christian lines. Is it a matter for pride that we have a certain amount included in the social services for the purpose of providing rotational relief work for certain citizens at certain periods of the year for three or four days a week, and then letting them wait, as they have had to in my constituency on some occasions, for three or four weeks to get paid? Is it a matter for boasting that a certain amount is included in this figure of £9,000,000 for the purpose of giving 5/- a week to a widow in a rural area? Surely the Minister, in bidding farewell to the House as Minister for Finance, cannot claim much credit for fixing such a low standard of maintenance for a widow in a rural area, and a slightly higher figure for those in the cities and towns, where the cost of living is so much higher.

On a recent occasion I found the Minister's supporters in my constituency trying to save money at the expense of the destitute poor. I received some complaints concerning their decisions, and I found that they reduced allowances to the destitute poor, allowances by way of home assistance, from 10/- to 7/-. Then they boast on the eve of local elections that they are doing all they possibly can to reduce local taxation. Is there anything to boast about in this farewell speech of the Minister which maintains the miserable means test and prevents 22 per cent. of the old age pensioners from getting the miserable maximum allowance of 10/-?

The Deputy is rambling into the Estimates again.

I am not rambling into the Estimates. This is a matter of Government policy, and I want to know what it costs the Government for advisers, investigation officers, who are engaged in imposing this miserable means test. Is it worth the amount that it costs the taxpayers of the country to continue that out-of-date unchristian system? I am satisfied, from my limited experience of those who are engaged in this public service in administering the means test, that it is a system which should be done away with. It would save a considerable amount of money, if some courageous Finance Minister would decide to abolish it.

The Deputy is discussing administration, on his own admission.

The cost of Government, with great respect to you.

The Deputy has just stated that it was properly administered. If that is not administration, I do not know the meaning of the word.

I am talking about the cost of Government and the doubtful wisdom of continuing this means test, as a method of depriving citizens of the State of the allowances which this House has provided for them in certain circumstances. I feel that every person who comes to a certain age, having served the country to the best of his ability in whatever sphere of activity he may have been engaged, is entitled to an old age pension, without resort to a means test of any kind. That has been done in countries which cannot boast of the same Christian civilisation that we too often boast of here. I am advocating the abolition of that system, in order to enable the small percentage of our citizens who are entitled to widows' and orphans' pensions, old age pensions and other allowances of that kind, which are provided for under our social services, to get what this House intended they should get. If the Minister were expressing his own private opinion, I have no doubt he would agree with that policy, but I daresay he is told by his Civil Service advisers that he could not balance the Budget if some system of controlling expenditure of this kind were not resorted to.

It is not balanced.

I know perfectly well it is not balanced, at least in the way that a national Budget should be balanced. Other Deputies have referred to the Minister's failure to give any detailed outline in the Budget of the Government's plans for the post-war period. The Minister himself has given certain excuses, in his speech, as to why this country cannot afford to bear the cost of a system of social security such as is to be brought into operation in a neighbouring country from the beginning of next year. Surely the Government has had sufficient time to examine this question in the light of the Beveridge Plan, which the British Government proposes to bring into operation at the beginning of next year. I wonder if the Minister and his colleagues have given any consideration to the position, from the point of view of the effect the introduction of that plan in Great Britain will have upon emigration here subsequent to the 1st January next. Will it not be an inducement to our young men and women to emigrate to Great Britain? I think it will be.

Who said that scheme would come into operation next year?

The British Government and all Parties in the British House of Commons.

Did they fix a date?

Yes, they fixed a date. Does the Minister challenge that?

It is not the original Beveridge Plan.

I know that. The British Government issued a White Paper, a copy of which I hold, and they have also announced the intention to bring this scheme into operation on the 1st January, 1946. All Parties in the British House of Commons have indicated their support for that scheme and I understand it will not be an issue in the coming general election in Great Britain, whenever it takes place. However, I am not as well informed on these matters as the Minister is. Has the Minister seen the White Paper?

I am sure it is possible for the Government of this country to frame some kind of scheme of social security based on what are considered to be the Christian standards which should be applied in a Christian country and which would conform to the reasonable requirements of the people as a whole.

Such a scheme could be related, if so required, to the national income. I do not want to get involved in a definition of the words "national income," as different people in various Parties give different versions of the meaning of those words. The Minister will not deny that, when this Government came into office, they undertook the duty to provide out of national taxation work for all the able-bodied citizens or maintenance at decent standards where they were not able to provide useful work.

So far as members of this group are concerned, we would prefer to advocate the provision of employment at decent rates of wages, rather than advocate the provision of relief for those for whom work cannot be found. I hope that, before this year comes to an end, the responsible members of the Government, and the Minister for Finance, in particular, will appear in this House with a detailed scheme for the provision of work for all our citizens, or a system of social security which will enable those who cannot find work and those unable to work, to provide themselves with the necessaries of life.

There are two or three matters I wish to bring under the special notice of the Minister, and I hope he will deal with them, even briefly, in his reply. Is it the intention of the Government, during the present year or in the post-war period, to provide an increased subsidy for local authorities who are willing to build houses? I have received, as every Deputy has received, a brief outline of the building plans which the Government intend to put into operation in the post-war period, but there is nothing in that document to indicate how far the Government is prepared to go to help local authorities to provide houses for those who need them, by way of increasing the grants that are given at present. The cost of building houses has increased considerably. It had increased considerably even during the pre-war period, and if we are to proceed with the house-building scheme on any extensive lines, and if the local authorities are to be pressed to carry out these schemes, as I think they should be, wherever houses are badly needed in large numbers, I think the Government should give a higher subsidy so that the rents of these houses will be fixed within the means of those who require them. If houses have to be built in large numbers all over the country at the present cost—provided you can get the materials—you are either going to impose a heavier burden on the local ratepayers or a higher rent on the tenants of these houses. I should like the Minister, when he is replying, to deal with that matter.

I do not intend to do so, Deputy.

Well, then, it would appear that although the Government has issued this document indicating their post-war building plans, we are to have no statement or indication from the Minister for Finance as to how it is proposed to deal with the matter.

A statement on that question would come, properly, from the Minister for Local Government and Public Health.

Yes, but after consultation with the Minister for Finance.

Surely, then, the Minister for Finance can give us some indication——

The Deputy should be guided by the fact that in connection with the Budget a statement on that matter should not be expected to come from the Minister for Finance but from the Minister for Local Government on the Vote for his Department.

I understood, Sir, that the Minister for Finance is solely responsible for financial policy, so far as this House is concerned, and that he should be able to answer on this matter.

It would appear, therefore, that he has not made up his mind, or that the Government have not made up their minds, with regard to the housing scheme that was outlined in the document recently issued to Deputies. Now, during the discussion on the Land Commission Vote last week the Minister for Lands admitted for the first time—at least, he was the first Minister for Lands to admit it—that from sad experience of the acquisition and division of lands during the last few years and giving them to landless men or smallholders, those people have failed to make good because they had not the necessary capital, stock or equipment to enable them to work these lands properly. That is a statement of policy that was made by the Minister in charge of that Department, and I should like to know from the Minister for Finance whether, in view of that statement and in view of the fact that it is the intention of the Government to proceed with the division of lands, it is proposed to provide the necessary capital for these people to enable them to work the land.

That is a matter for the Land Commission.

I want to know, Sir, whether it is the intention of the Government in future to provide the necessary capital for these people to enable them to work their lands.

It is not my affair.

That was all discussed on the Vote for Lands.

Well, Sir, I am constantly being put from one to another. As a matter of fact, I did raise this matter on the Vote for Lands, but the Minister for Lands could not answer me because he has no authority to provide the capital. It is the Government itself, and the Minister for Finance in particular, that is responsible or has the authority for the provision of the capital. I understood that this is the only occasion in the year on which we can raise these questions, particularly when the Minister, who is in charge of the Budget, is here. Now, the Minister for Finance was asked here in the House by Deputy Norton a couple of weeks ago whether he could give particulars of the amounts derived by ground landlords from ground rents, the proportion of these ground rents sent out from this country, and the income, by way of tax, derived by this Government in respect of such moneys sent out from the country. To my surprise, the Minister for Finance said that he could not answer the question. Surely, he has only to ask the heads of the Revenue Department or the Income Tax Commissioners to furnish the House with the particulars requested by Deputy Norton. If the Minister for Finance tells me that he is not able to get those figures from the Revenue Commissioners, I suppose I shall have to admit that they cannot be found, but I would be amazed to hear the Minister say so.

The Deputy may take my word for it that if I could get the information for which he is asking, I should be glad to get it.

Surely there is an income, by way of tax on ground rents, derived by the Government, and surely those returns are summarised in the particular Department of the Castle concerned in that way, as I know other tax returns are summarised. I wonder why he is not able to get these particulars. I know that he can get the figures as to the returns of taxes on tea, tobacco, beer, and so on.

Will the Deputy take my word for it that if I could get those figures I should be only too glad to give them to the House? I have no reason to hide them; none at all. I should be very glad to have them. Will the Deputy accept my word for it?

Of course, since the Minister says so, I do accept his word on that, but I wish to express my surprise that such figures are not available. Deputy Cafferky spoke of the necessity and urgency for trade agreements, and I certainly would encourage the Minister and the Government along the same lines. I do not think we will know where we are going in the post-war period until we are able to make some satisfactory agreements with other countries, and particularly with the country to whom we sell most of our surplus agricultural produce. I assume that the Minister met some of the representatives of the Governments of other countries when they visited this country during the last six months. I assume that he met the representatives of the New Zealand Government when they were over here, and I hope he had fairly long conversations with those people, some of whom were Irishmen, as to how they were carrying on as a result of the agreements they had with Great Britain, and how it was that in that country they were able to keep down the cost-of-living figure to 13 per cent. over the pre-war figure, whereas, in this country, it is admitted that the cost-of-living figure has gone up 80 per cent. over the pre-war figure. I would encourage our Government to do as much as they possibly can to come to agreements with other countries in regard to this matter. I would encourage them to do what every other Government has done, namely, to open up negotiations at the earliest opportunity between the Ministers of this Government and those of other Governments, because I think that prosperity in the post-war-period in this country will depend on the value of the agreements made between our Government and the Governments of neighbouring and other countries. I would encourage our Government to make these agreements over a period of years. That kind of trading agreement, made between Great Britain and other countries, has worked out satisfactorily. I know, of course, that the same financial method of working does not exist here as exists between the Governments of other countries that I have in mind, but if trade agreements over a period of years can be made between our Government and a neighbouring Government or any other Governments that are prepared to purchase our surplus agricultural or industrial products, then you will have stability in that industry or industries over the period for which the agreements are made, and it will be found that that generally works in a satisfactory way so far as every section of our citizens is concerned.

There is one other matter to which I should like to refer very briefly. I welcomed the statement which was made on a recent occasion, outside the House, by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, when he said it was the intention of the Government to carry on our mercantile marine service in the post-war period. I think that that statement was welcomed by every Party in the House, and I hope that the Government will take steps, in furtherance of that policy, to purchase or build modern ships at the earliest possible opportunity, and that when these ships are purchased or built on modern lines, steps will be taken to see that proper living conditions and accommodation are provided for the crews.

That is a matter for Industry and Commerce. Obviously, it is a matter for Industry and Commerce.

I am asking that the best accommodation in those ships should be provided for the crews. With all respect, Sir, I protest against being held up in this way.

The Deputy, in my view, has gone into the discussion of Estimates instead of general policy, and when the Chair tells him that the provision of accommodation in ships to be provided by the Minister for Industry and Commerce is a matter for that Minister he must accept it, as it is certainly a matter for that Minister.

But he does not provide the money for the ships.

It is a question of administration.

I am talking about the policy of the Government.

The question of the provision of living accommodation in ships to be bought is not a matter of general policy.

I know that there are certain things which it is almost criminal to mention in this House.

As this may be taken as a precedent, I should like to submit, with respect, that there are matters which may be considered to arise on Estimates, even details, which can be discussed only on the Budget, because if they in any way require legislation, they are immediately —and very properly, if I may say so— ruled out by the Chair. I submit that there are very few matters in connection with national administration which cannot relevantly be discussed on this Budget.

I have no doubt whatever of my ruling that the provision of proper living accommodation in ships to be provided in some prospective future is not a matter of general policy to be raised on the Budget. Rulings have been given by my predecessor 20 years back that the guide for Deputies in discussing a Budget is that matters which are concerned with and may be raised on an Estimate should not be raised in a Budget debate.

May I say on that that Deputy Davin was speaking about a matter of major policy when speaking about an Irish mercantile marine. He said—and he had only got so far as making a passing reference—that when the ships were being built or purchased, they should be of such a character as to allow decent conditions for those employed in them.

And that, too, is a matter of policy.

The Chair does not stand reproved, despite the protests and obvious objections to accepting its ruling.

But when I raise these matters on the Estimates, the Chair tells me that I should raise them on some other occasion.

The Minister and everyone else will agree that agriculture is the principal industry of the country. If the farmers are not prosperous, the country is not prosperous, and in view of the policy of the Government to-day, it is very hard for the farmer to be prosperous. He is entitled to a living wage as is everybody else, and he should be in a position to pay a living wage to his agricultural workers. The cost of living is soaring every day, but the farmer is not getting a fair price for his produce. I had two questions on the Order Paper last week asking the Minister for Agriculture to fix the price of barley and oats for the 1945 season. I did not put those questions down until all the wheat being sold was sold, so that the Minister could not say that I was endeavouring to undermine the Government and induce the people to sow barley instead of wheat. I sow a big proportion of my land in wheat and only a very small proportion in barley, and, two years ago, through growing wheat, I had not enough barley for my own requirements and I was not allowed to buy any from my neighbours. Yet the Minister told me yesterday that he did not want to raise the price of barley higher than 35/- and he spoke of farmers buying barley for their own purposes. Those farmers must have had corn merchants' licences to buy barley, because that is what I was told when I applied for permission to buy barley.

It was not the Minister for Finance who made the regulation.

The Minister for Finance, and other members of the Government, when seeking power told the people that they had alternative markets. They also told the old people that when they reached the age of 70, whether they were farmers or business people, if they made over their property to their children to allow them to marry, they were entitled to 10/- per week. Two or three months afterwards, they brought in the means test. I, together with other Deputies, have asked for an increase in old age pensions, blind pensions, widows and orphans' pensions, and home assistance, and the Minister sheds crocodile tears. He said that the old age pensioners had his sincere sympathy, but that if he raised the old age pension by only 1/- a week, it would have such an effect on industry that any number of people would be unemployed. That is one thing I cannot understand.

During the economic war when the farmers were bled to death, the Minister went to bed one night thinking of what plan he could devise for the provision of alternative markets. It is a sin to believe in dreams, but the Minister believed in his. He dreamt he had beaten John Bull and had got alternative markets. I should like to know where they are. Last August in Ennis, the Taoiseach told the farmers of Clare that we had only one market, the British market, and that we were not getting a fair "do" in that market. I have traded with England in a small way and I never saw my stock getting other than fair treatment on the British market. When American cattle were landed in thousands at Birkenhead, the majority of the wholesale butchers always gave a preference to Irish beasts. Yet these gentlemen told us that they had got alternative markets and that England would not give us value for our stock.

One thing I am sure about is that the old age pensioner, the blind pensioner, and the widows and orphans are not being properly treated. If they had 10/- a week to support them when Fianna Fáil was making glorious promises in 1932, it was much better than 25/- a week now. Yet nothing can be done for these unfortunate people. The promises made by Fianna Fáil before the 1932 election——

That is a long way back from this year.

——"codded" very many people.

Surely a period so far back is not relevant to this debate.

I and people like me have long memories, but if you will not allow me to go back, I will not insist on it.

Very good; the Deputy is not going back.

Can I go back?

Then I will have to go forward. The pig industry was an industry from which a lot of money was derived. We always had a big surplus of live pigs and of bacon for the British market, but when Fianna Fáil came into power they killed that industry.

We have not got even bacon now for our own people, and, so far as butter is concerned, we have as many cows, but we have not as much milk, the reason being that we have not got a proper ration for our cows. Imagine a country like this, which used to export thousands of pounds of butter, having to put its people on a ration of six ounces a week. Surely that is not to the credit of the Government? I am not allowed to go back, but if I were, I could tell many a sad tale.

The Minister some time ago told us that the farmer was well off. I wish that were true. Is the farmer not entitled to be able to lay some money aside for his children? He is not able to do it to-day, and that is the reason why his sons and daughters are leaving the land. He should be in a position also to pay his agricultural labourer a better wage, in order to encourage him to stay on the land. The Minister and every Deputy in the House is aware, I am sure, that there is a big shortage of agricultural labour. We have increased tillage, which is perfectly right, but we have a decreased labour supply.

On going through the country one can see that the crops are not as well looked after as they were before the war. The reason is that we had more farm labourers then, and the farmer was in a position to pay them a wage on which they could live. Nearly all the good labourers that we had have gone across the water, because they found they could not live on what the farmer was able to pay them. If you want to make this country prosperous you must start by making the farmers prosperous. All the nation's wealth comes out of the land.

We have heard a lot about our new industries. The Government have told us that the industrial wheel was revolving so fast that we would have to bring the exiles home from England and America. If it were not for all the employment that has been given to so many of our people in the factories in England, engaged on making munitions, this country would be in a terrible state. We would be eating the ears off each other. That is what would have happened if it were not for the fact that so many of our people in England are sending home £4, £5 and £6 a week to keep their families. This country would be in a sad plight if it were not for that. As I cannot go back, I will sit down.

I do not think there are many of our people worrying as to whether this Budget is a satisfactory one or not. The reason is that our people are more or less in a position of drift, and are not worrying as to whether the Government bring them anything good or bad. There is nothing to be proud of as regards the Government's actions during the last 10 years. In all their legislation we have nothing but the seeds of idleness and drift. We find the Government boasting at cross-roads of all the great things they have done, of the social services and of all the money they are spending. I believe that has been the curse of the country, because if half the money spent on social services were spent on agriculture that industry would be in the premier position which it should occupy. It would then be in a position to enable it to carry the burden that it should carry. The Government do not appear to realise that agriculture is the mainstay of the country, and that it should get every support. The great cry with the Government when they came into power was that there was going to be a new industrial drive. I agree it is only right that we should have an industrial arm, but I do not want to see it propped up at the expense of the agricultural arm. Before we got a Government of our own we had the idle rich and the desperately poor. After nearly 25 years of native Government, we have the idle rich, the new rich and the desperately poor. I blame the Government for that because during the last ten years they had leaned too heavily on the middle-class people, who are carrying all the burdens, and the Government do not seem to worry about them at all. Vote-catching is responsible for a lot of our high taxation. Half of the social services provided are there simply for vote-catching purposes. There is always some new stunt in the legislation that comes before us. We find after a few months, in the case of the widows' and orphans' pensions, old age pensions and blind pensions, that of the tens of thousands of our people who look for these pensions, or for home help, not one in 20 gets them. In the case of a genuine man seeking an old age pension or a blind pension every obstacle that it is possible is put in his way, and if he does get an old age pension it is never the 10/- a week. I do not know any man in my county, unless a man who is in desperate straits, who is getting the full old age pension.

That is administration.

The most he gets is 2/- or 3/- a week.

The Deputy can raise that on the Estimate for old age pensions, but not on this Resolution.

I hold that the policy of the Government is killing initiative, and until that policy is changed the land of this country will not be properly worked. The first essential is to provide a stable market for agricultural produce over a period of years. I admit that while prices are fairly good to-day they may be down to-morrow. The Government have made no effort to find outside markets for our agricultural produce. We are solely dependent on what England will give us. If we had a Government which was not blind to the drift that is going on something could be done. What agriculture wants is a policy that will provide it with outside markets. We are supplying the needs of our own people at home, but we have a big surplus and need outside markets to dispose of it. I ask the Government to get away from the political isolation which has been their curse for the last ten or 15 years—to drown it and drop it. Ministers should face the British Government and see what can be done in the way of providing us with an outside market and not be sending over civil servants. Even if they do not succeed in doing anything they can come back and tell the House that.

The farmers are carrying more than their share of the burden, so far as increased tillage is concerned. They have done their work faithfully and well. There is absolutely no policy for agriculture in this Budget. It is all very well for the Taoiseach and the Minister for Finance to go out and praise the farmers for all the hard work they are doing, but beyond that the farmers did not get very much help from the Government Front Bench.

Now that the war is coming to an end, bad prices and uncertain markets may be expected. If the Government do not make some effort to stabilise agriculture it will be a sad day for the country. The Government said in 1932 that taxation was too high. We all thought that it was, although at that time it was not more than £28,000,000 or £30,000,000. the British Government were able to run the whole country on £22,000,000 or £26,000,000 a year, and they ran it fairly well. The country was never so prosperous as it was between 1914 and 1918. The policy of drift seems to have set in now. One of the chief planks of Fianna Fáil when they came into power was the unity of Ireland. I welcomed that, and so did everybody else. I believe that some effort should be made to unite the country so as to have one Government and one centre for taxation, but instead we have two Governments, or, as I might call them, juntas.

A Government may not be called a junta.

The Government of the North is a junta, but I am sorry for saying that this Government is. I hold that we cannot make any progress, or have any stability, unless we get national unity, North and South, with one Government. We have too many State officials, North and South. I know that if this Government had stood by their promises in 1932, and had tried to create some sort of friendship and fair dealing between North and South, they could have managed matters better; but they are standing in splendid isolation to-day, and are nothing more than the laughing stock of the country. Governments all over Europe are banding themselves together and seeing what they can do to get out of the rut they are in; but here we are sitting with our fingers in our mouths and doing nothing for our people. We had the same at Ottawa. We tried to get in by the back door to see if we could get some of the crumbs. This nation is too old and too noble to have to do things like that. This should be one of the leading nations in Europe to-day, but that cannot be, because we must continue to carry on the old political side-tracking which has been the curse of the country for the last 25 years.

In 1932 the Government said that this country was overloaded with taxation. I agreed with them in that. They also said it was overloaded with State officials. At that time we had about 15,000 civil servants, and to-day we have over 30,000. Taxation has gone up and up. The Government were to bring about the unity of the country, but they have never made the slightest effort to do so. We were to stop emigration. We did not do so. Emigration is the only safety-valve now. The Government are smiling because there is an outlet to Britain for our people at present. They are sending £10,000,000 home and that saves them from the necessity of imposing additional taxation to that amount. They were to abolish the Seanad and the Governor-General. Those were institutions remarkable for grandeur and pomp.

Those matters are not connected with financial policy.

I am only showing what their policy was in 1932. They were to abolish the Governor-General but he is back with far more pomp and humbug than ever.

There is no Governor-General now.

He is sitting on the Front Bench.

He is the nominee of the Irish people, not of the British Government.

He is the nominee of Fianna Fáil.

They were to abolish military pensions, which, they said, were the curse of the country. Instead of abolishing those pensions they increased the number of pensioners. The Government stands condemned by its Budget of £50,000,000, with a dead weight debt of £150,000,000. They have no policy but the policy of drift. There is no future, so far as they are concerned. They have made no effort to improve relations between this country and Great Britain. The war is over. Certain Powers have come out of it victorious. They are in a position to crack the whip, as the Minister said he could do some time ago. I ask the Government to say where they stand and where we stand. Are they prepared to go across the Channel and try to get some of the fruits of victory, or do they propose to stay here and let the tide go by? I say "shame" to those who support the Government if they do not force them to do something for us. Trade is being opened up all over Europe. America is out for all the markets she can get. Britain is seeking to retain her markets. We are making no effort to increase our markets, or even hold on to the markets which we had, so as to stabilise our agriculture.

Our industrial arm, instead of being a help to agriculture, is a definite hindrance. Men like ourselves who entered upon industry about 10 years ago, are now almost multi-millionaires. They have thousands to invest in any industry which they choose. Some of them started with practically nothing. I blame the Government for that. They showered sops on industry at the expense of agriculture. All the raw deals go to agriculture. I believe in Irish industry set up under reasonable conditions, but I see Jew and Gentile from all over Europe coming in here and making profits. I do not want to see even Irishmen making tens of thousands of pounds here in a few years while agriculture has to pay high prices for all that it needs. The tariffs which have been imposed have been far too high, and have been left on far too long. If some of the industries are not able to stand on their own feet, let them fade out, and save the people the direct taxation necessary to keep them going. Many of the industries are a drag on the country, and if our tariffs were brought down, as they should be in the interests of agriculture, they would fade out.

I know that tens of thousands of people have been employed following upon the new industrial drive. But where are you getting those people? They have come from the land. You are bringing them into the towns and cities and employing them in so-called factories, maintained by the agricultural community at huge expense. If half of these so-called industrial magnates were to get out of industry it would do no harm, because the industries in which they are engaged are of greater benefit to those interested in them than to the country. They are making a huge thing out of these enterprises. I admit that many honest men, honest business men, are interested in industry, but how many handy-men came in just at the right time and are getting too much out of their efforts?

Many of the articles produced in this country are not up to the mark, although they have ten or 15 years' tariffs behind them. The manufacturers of these goods should be able now to produce an article which would be almost able to compete with any article from outside. The spades, shovels and forks with which the farmer has to work his land are not what they should be. That is why I hold that the Government are sticking too long to the policy of keeping these people in a position of comfort and luxury. Lower the tariffs and give agriculture a chance of getting in some machinery in fair competition. There is no competition at present and these industries are not developed as they should be. Stick a four-grain fork in the ground and one grain will be looking north and the other south. These implements should be properly tempered. I stuck a spade in the ground the other day and found half of it going one way and half the other. There is not the slightest attempt at tempering in the case of half the implements used for agricultural purposes. In addition, they are cumbersome and ugly. Go into the shops and have a look at a slashing-hook there.

Does the Deputy consider that that comes under the heading of "general policy"?

I think it does becauses it arises from the policy of the Government.

The Chair does not consider that slashing-hooks could be regarded as a matter of general policy.

It arises from general policy. If there was a proper policy in operation, that type of article would not be sold in our shops. I should rather see none at all than such types of products from Irish industry. There are plenty of good industries which everybody would like to see developed but it is time that the tariff wall was lowered and that reasonable competition was permitted. The right type of Irish enterprise will stand up to competition from outside if it does not get too many sops. It is time that all this bragging about social services should stop. So far as I see, nobody —farmer, labourer, or anybody else— is pulling his weight. How many people are trying to get sops out of the Government without doing any work in return? How many idle men have we in the country? We have far too much waste land. Though we are tilling the best of our land, we have too much waste. We have thousands of acres of headland growing nothing but dirt and scutch, whereas in France, Denmark and other countries, where agriculture has been stabilised for many years, there is no such waste of headlands. All over our country, there are thousands of acres covered with weeds and dirt.

Perhaps the Deputy would tell the Minister for Agriculture that later?

I have been telling him year after year and he has taken no notice of it.

It is not the responsibility of the Minister for Finance.

We should stop this talk of social services and spend the money on work at reasonable wages. We should give the farmer a stable market and arrange in a proper way for the disposal of our surplus produce, whether live stock, grain or other crops, across the Channel.

We must be part and parcel of the world we live in. There is no use in trying to live in splendid isolation. We must play our part and pull as best we can with our neighbours, because I am convinced that the British people do not give one hoot who rules this country. All they want to know is can they get a good bargain in trading with us. I must say that I have always found English jobbers and dealers of various kinds gentlemen, and I must say, too, that, notwithstanding all the snubs they got in the past ten years, they treated us very well. They absorbed 300,000 of our unemployed in work in England, their ships brought us food and other necessities, and were it not for them we would have been in a bad way for the past couple of years. In return for that, if they meet us half-way we should be prepared to meet them. I do not want you to give away anything national or economic, but it is your duty if you represent the whole Irish nation to go across, try to finish up the old feud and make some effort to re-establish the unity of this country. We have nothing before us but a policy of drift at the moment. There seems not to be the slightest prospect of the abolition of the Border. Until the Border is wiped out, the burden on agriculture in this country will be intolerable, and there can be no progress. If we had not that Border, does anybody tell me that it would cost £50,000,000 to govern this part of the country and at least £10,000,000 to run the northern end? Until we reach the stage in this part of the country in which we can say to the people in the North: "Our agriculture is prosperous," there will not be the slightest hope of any progress. Until the Government here are able to make this portion of Ireland a better place to live in than the Six Counties, there can be no hope of progress, and until the Border is wiped out you will have your overhead charges piling up.

No matter what anybody may say as to the Government keeping us out of the war and keeping the people safe, everybody knows that is pure bunk. We were kept out of the war because of one fact alone, the fact that this country was the best cabbage garden that Britain had. That was what kept us out of the war.

What has the Deputy done to keep us out of the war?

I am an Old I.R.A. man and I know what I am talking about. As I say, there was one thing that kept us out of the war. It suited Britain to keep us out of the war, as we were the best cabbage garden they had, and we gave her cheap labour. Of course, in return, she gave us some supplies. It is time that this nonsense about republics, which we hear very little of now, and this flag waving, were stopped, and that we realised that the farmers, the people who carried on the struggle from 1916 to 1921——

What was it for?

For a free Ireland, not a humbug Ireland, nor for a political catch-cry. It was for an Ireland in which every man would have freedom to develop his business according to his own ideas, where every man would have the right to live, not an Ireland in which we have puppets and chancers running the country. The country is full of job-hunters and chancers, the type who never raised a finger for the Irish people.

Is the Deputy speaking on the Budget?

I do not know what I am speaking on, because I think one could speak of anything on earth as far as the present Budget is concerned. It is a hopeless and despicable Budget. I hope that this is the last Budget that the present Minister will bring in. He is a lackadaisical man who sits there and smiles; he seems never to do anything to ease the burdens of the people in general.

This is the second Budget debate to which I have listened, and after hearing various speeches to-day, I must confess that I do not think they will do any good. We are all glad, I believe, that there was no increase in taxation, but I should like to remind the House that when certain motions were put forward here on two different occasions by the Farmers' Party, the two big Parties went into the Lobby together in opposition to them. The members of one of these Parties get up to-day at this side of the House and speak about the volume of expenditure. Yet, when there was a proposal here to reduce the £22,000 expenditure on the President's establishment they voted against it. They also voted against the proposal that Deputies allowances should be subject to income-tax. I ask —are they honest when they talk about expenditure if they will not practise what they preach? Why did they not support the proposal to pay income-tax on their salaries as other people have to? They walked into the same Lobby as Government Deputies in opposition to that motion, and the same thing happened on the motion to reduce expenditure for the President's establishment. These Deputies talk about the farmers, and about the people from whom I come, the ordinary working class, people who enjoy only one salary. If I had my way, every Deputy in the Dáil would have only one salary, because if he does his duty it is a whole-time job. We have many of these Deputies talking about the unemployed, but that very system helps to keep men unemployed. I should like to hear Deputies on both sides of the House speak on behalf of the people who are trying to exist on a widow's pension of 5/-, or on an old age pension of 5/-. The Opposition Deputies were the very people who cut the old age pension when they were in power, therefore, I do not give them any credit for making any suggestions about increased pensions to-day. They set the bad example.

I heard Deputy Cafferky speak to-day about emigration but the same Deputy asked the Minister to allow the people of Mayo to get away from the country. I heard another Deputy saying that the Minister should stop the trains and take the men out. What would our position be if that were the case? I know there are many idle men throughout the country. I come from the best agricultural county in the whole twenty-six, yet we have a large number of unemployed farm labourers who cannot get work. The work is there but they are not getting employment. That is the position which the Government must face. As I say, we had one Deputy getting up and asking the Minister to stop the trains, while Deputy Cafferky appealed to the Minister to allow men get away from Mayo. Is that not a rather strange line to take? One day a Deputy will talk about emigration and another day he will get up and ask the Minister to let workers get out of the country. I know the Minister has listened to many speeches from the Farmers' Party and the Fine Gael Party. I must give the Minister credit for having restored the 1/- to the old age pensioners which the chief Opposition Party took away from them when they were in power. I would appeal to him now to consider the position of the working class people and to abolish the means test both in regard to old age pensioners and I.R.A. men whose efforts established this House. Another section of our people are compelled to go to the relieving officers and get from them dockets varying in value from 3/- to 8/- each. I suggest that the Minister should abolish the docket system altogether and give cash to these people because, as I said before, officials are eating up the money which the old age pensioners and other deserving classes should get. Before the last election there was a rumour spread throughout the country that old age pensions would be increased to £1 per week.

The Deputy is going into details of an Estimate.

I shall make only a short reference to it.

Perhaps the Deputy would move to report progress.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported; the Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 9 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. Friday, 4th May.
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