Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 8 Nov 1945

Vol. 98 No. 8

Cost of Administration in State Departments—Motion (Resumed).

When the House adjourned last night I was referring to the system of circumlocution prevailing in the Civil Service. In any references I make, I am not casting aspersions on individual members of the Civil Service, but I do say that the system, as at present designed, is calculated to destroy all initiative and enterprise, and to render the quick despatch of public business impossible. I do not want to go into any great detail. I did instance the case of two Departments where a committee of the kind envisaged by this motion could do very useful work, and if I did single out those two Departments, I had a particular reason for doing so. In the case of the Gárda—the old Force, as we may call them—the men who joined in the early years of the State will be going out in the next two or three years, and the opportunity is there for a committee of this kind to examine the whole problem of the policing of this country. In the same way a great number of the officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the Army will be going out in the next 12 months or so, and you will have virtually a new army, and some hundreds of officers will be brought in to control that army in the next few years. There, again, is an opportunity for a committee of this kind to take the initiative and examine whatever proposals are made in the matter of Army establishment and Army policy, generally. When I speak in this way, I am not actuated by any vindictive motives, I need hardly say, regarding either the Gárda or the Army. Far from it. I realise that these two Departments are chiefly responsible for the safety and security of the State that we have to-day.

I could make the same case for the pruning knife being used in the case of the Department of Local Government and Public Health. Quite recently, I took the trouble to examine the figures in regard to personnel for that establishment in the year 1932 and the present year, and I found that the Department has grown by almost 100 per cent., in personnel. Twelve years ago we had some 250, odd, civil servants in that Department; this year we have almost 500. Now, in addition to that increase at the top, you have under the managerial system of control, the creation of a local bureaucracy throughout the country—and I use the word "local" in inverted commas, because that local bureaucracy is now virtually being centralised and dovetailed into the Civil Service, and to call these bodies a local bureaucracy is a misnomer, as they are controlled from the Custom House. Every local official, from the manager down, has to look for such things as promotion, transfer, and so forth, to the Custom House, and if the cannot meet with the approval of the Custom House he is sunk. That is a bad position, definitely.

I notice in to-day's paper that the Minister for Local Government and Public Health has expressed the view that he will accept amendments to the Managerial Act. I hope he has every intention of doing so, because I am sure that almost every Deputy in this House can flood him with amendments at a moment's notice. The entire executive responsibility of local government is taken from the hands of local representatives and handed over to a bureaucracy, and the increase, as a result, is reflected in the local rates. The Department of Local Government, I know, has embarked on many social services, and the Minister, perhaps, in reply, will be able to tell us that because of these increased social services extra personnel will have to be brought in. That is the very thing, as I pointed out last night, that we want to stop in this country. We want to stop the policy by which the State has become the fairy godmother, the universal provider or panacea, the cure-all for all these ills. We want to devise some new policy that will put backbone into the people of this country and that will encourage private enterprise and business capacity and, generally speaking, encourage our people to look after themselves rather than be looking to the State for the satisfaction of their every little daily need.

The Department of Industry and Commerce, which now controls the Department of Supplies, is another Department where this committee can do very useful work. As every Deputy in this House knows, and as everybody in the country knows, the Department of Supplies goes right into the homes of the people. Controls of all kinds exist. The private lives of the people are regulated, and controlled by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. There are licences for practically every commodity you can name; there are quotas for them, and so on. Now, I say seriously to the Minister that we are passing away slowly but surely from the emergency period, and this committee could be very usefully employed in devising and considering ways and means for reorganising the Department of Industry and Commerce to suit the needs of the country. In doing that, I would seriously suggest to the Minister that the first object of Government policy should be to decontrol all supplies at the earliest possible moment: to do away with this system of licensing, permits, and control, generally, and let business get back to its normal functions, based on private enterprise.

The Minister may very well say in reply that the machinery of the Comptroller and Auditor-General and the Public Accounts Committee is devised specifically for the functions which we have in mind. I do not think so, because, when the Public Accounts Committee get going, it is like closing the stable door when the steed has been stolen. It is 12 months after the event, if not more, when they can consider the accounts put before them, and the Auditor-General's only function in the matter of public accounts is to ensure to this House that the moneys which this House voted are allocated properly and efficiently to the purposes for which they were voted. He cannot interfere in matters of policy, and I think, therefore, that a committee of the kind envisaged in the motion would be a very important committee. It would have very useful functions. It could anticipate certain wastages and try to prevent them. It could, perhaps, compel Ministers or other officials to come before it and justify expenditure, and at least it would have the opportunity of examining in advance proposals for new expenditure. I know that the Minister and his officials exercise great vigilance over public expenditure, but, again, only within the limits of the moneys voted by this House. There, again, the Minister and his officials will not interfere with policy, and once policy is settled by the House and the moneys voted in accordance with the policy, the officials have only to ensure that the moneys are properly expended under the various heads allotted.

I can see, therefore, that the committee would have a very useful purpose and function, and I commend the motion to the consideration of the Deputies of the House. But I do say, and I want to reiterate, that I think we have too many civil servants in the country. Thirty thousand civil servants permanently established, not including the Army and the police, and not including temporary civil servants, is a phenomenal army to carry in a country of less than 3,000,000 people. It means that one in every 98 persons of our population is a civil servant of some kind or another. Bobbie Burns once said: "Oh would some power the giftie gi'e us to see oursel's as ithers see us". He expressed profound wisdom in that couplet. We in this country are endeavouring to carry on as if we were a small power; we are endeavouring to imitate the big fellow. Our establishments are based on what was left of the Imperial machine by the British. The whole fabric of the State should be remodelled and some effort should be made to base it on, say, the model of a small State like Denmark, Norway or Sweden. If we were imitating the example of these people, we would be doing far better work for the country than can be done by endeavouring to follow the lead set by big States such as the United States of America, Great Britain or even the U.S.S.R.

I seriously commend the motion. I think it is deserving of support and I personally endorse it wholeheartedly.

It is said that far away cows have long horns. I should not like to have to bring in the bill if we were following here the example of Sweden in one regard: as far as I recollect that country has been spending £121,000,000 a year on the army.

I mentioned the Army.

Last night I was interested in finding out what the mover of this motion had to say about it. Deputy Blowick and Deputy Cogan, who seconded the motion, came in here as farmers' representatives. They both went around the country telling the farmers what they would do to cut down the expenses of government and improve the lot of the farmers if they were elected. After complaining about the general level of taxation, the only suggestion they made last night was that we should cut down the expenses of the Department of Agriculture. Deputy Blowick complained bitterly about the increased expenditure on the Department of Agriculture between the years 1930-31 and 1943-44. I should be interested to know what Deputy Blowick wants us to save on in the Department of Agriculture. It is true that the Department of Agriculture is costing a lot of money and, seeing that I may have to introduce a Budget in another few months, to ask the people to subscribe the money, I should be very glad to hear from Deputy Blowick exactly how we can save on the Department of Agriculture. Particularly, I should like him to show how we can save on the Department of Agriculture without its reacting on the general welfare of the agricultural community and, because agriculture is our major industry, on the welfare of the community as a whole. I am very anxious to cut down expenditure and I should like that information from Deputy Blowick.

It is true that we spent in 1943-44 £757,000 on agricultural education and development. Does Deputy Blowick want that stopped or cut down? We spent another £850,000, or thereabouts, on agricultural subsidies. Does Deputy Blowick want that cut down? We spent, in 1943-44, £15,000 on agricultural research work. Much as I should like to save money and little as I like the prospect of having to ask the people for taxation in the next Budget, I think that instead of cutting down research, if there are legitimate subjects for research, it should be increased. We also spent in 1943-44, on the fertiliser scheme, £259,000. Does Deputy Blowick want that cut down? Between 1930-31 and 1943-44 we increased the grants to county committees of agriculture by about £81,000 and, instead of spending nothing on allotments, as we did in 1930-31, we spent in 1943-44 £53,000.

The fact of the matter is that if we want the State to carry out work on behalf of the community as a whole or particular sections of the community, we have got to pay for it and, while I am anxious to keep down the bill which we have to ask the people to pay, I would not be anxious to cut down on expenditure which is going to improve the general standard of happiness and welfare of the people. Particularly, I would not stand for cutting down expenditure which might have the result of improving the standard of output of agriculture and, in order to get that standard of output, improving the standard of agricultural education.

But, when Deputy Blowick came down to brass tacks as to where we could put his resolution into effect, if passed by the Dáil, and cut down the cost of administration, the Department of Agriculture was the Department that was singled out for special reference.

It was Deputy Blowick also who made a reference to the decline in agricultural output during the war and he gave some quotations from my predecessor's last Budget speech, which he completely misinterpreted. The fact of the matter is, that since 1938, the net output of agriculture has gone up steadily, and net output is the important output. It is what leaves the land to go into consumption among non-farmers or for export to be exchanged for goods that the community requires. The net output of agriculture went up.

The volume went down.

The net volume of agricultural output went up. I want Deputy Cogan and Deputy Blowick, who are supposed to represent the farmers, not to go on with the slander of the farming community, that the net volume of agriculture went down during the war. The farmers of this country, in spite of their difficulties, did a most magnificent job in increasing the net volume of agricultural output right from 1938. I will give the Deputies detailed figures so that they cannot repeat that slander. In terms of current prices, the net output of agriculture in 1938 was £41.1 million worth. The net output in terms of current prices went up steadily every year, until in 1944 it reached the value of £90,000,000. That is, in 1938 the volume of net output at 1938 prices was £41.1 million, and in 1944 the £90,000,000 represents the value of agricultural net output at the prices obtaining in 1944.

Taking 1938 as a standard year and valuing every article or commodity of output at 1938 prices, so as to get the increase in the volume of net output, in 1938 the net output was £41.1 million, in 1939 it was £43.1 million and in 1943 it was 44.3 million. That was an increase in the volume of net agricultural output over those five years of 8 per cent. Lest Deputy Blowick or Deputy Coogan might sneer at that effort of the farmers, with all their difficulties in those years, let me say that that represents an increase of 1? per cent. per year.

I remember in the booming 1920's in America great shouts of joy going up because, with all their facilities, industrial output increased in a number of years by 3 per cent. per annum. They threw their hats in the air and clapped their industrialists and farmers on the back, because in America in those years, when everything was easy to get, output went up by 3 per cent. per annum. But here, in these difficult years from 1938 to 1943—I have not the figures for 1944 and 1945—net agricultural output went up by 1? per cent. per annum. I think that was a magnificent effort, and I am surprised and not a little disgusted that the people who are supposed to come here to represent the farmers should carry on the slander that the volume of net agricultural output went down instead of going up. I hope we will heár no more of that.

The idea that most Deputies who spoke on this motion seemed to propound was that if we appointed a committee of the Dáil to examine the Estimates before they were introduced into this House, and to bring before them for examination in that regard various civil servants, somehow they would get a reduction in the general costs of government. The Dáil has already appointed a committee to do that work, and that is the Government. After all, the Government is elected by this House and given charge of the Executive work of Parliament. In one sense, it is a committee to examine expenditure in detail and the Estimates in detail, to cross-examine civil servants and to cross-examine anyone else who wants to get expenditure increased or in any way altered.

I think it would be a very bad day's work if this Dáil were so foolish as to appoint two sets of masters over the Civil Service. It is said that one man cannot serve two masters and another aspect of that is that two masters giving orders to the one servant are bound to make a mess of it. The Dáil has clearly put the responsibility on the Government of controlling administration, and the Government, on its part, on taking up office accepts the responsibility of controlling administration. If the Dáil is not satisfied with the way the Government is doing its work, the proper thing for it to do is not to appoint another Government alongside it, but to get rid of the Government which it thinks is inefficient and not doing its work.

Each member of the Government considers in detail the Estimate of his Department before it is submitted to the Department of Finance every autumn, and the Department of Finance and the Minister for Finance consider carefully the Estimates put forward by the various Departments. There is discussion about the Estimates, and alteration in many cases both by the Minister in charge of the Department and by the Minister for Finance in consultation with the Minister in charge.

There are alterations in the amounts asked for and they are then printed in the Book of Estimates. There is no one here in this Dáil or elsewhere who can say that, from this Book of Estimates giving every detail as to how it is proposed to spend the money, they cannot give reasoned criticism of the proposals. Under the Department of Agriculture, there are a hundred and one various headings, and in every other Department the same thing occurs.

The committee proposed in this resolution is already in operation when the Dáil goes into Committee on Finance to discuss the Estimates, the only difference being that the Dáil cannot send for various civil servants to cross-examine them in the House. However, the Dáil cán cross-examine the Minister and can ask him for any further details or for any further subdevision of the various sub-divisions into which the Estimates are splayed. If Deputies are doing their work during the consideration of the Estimates, they can make effective criticism of expenditure on administration, if the cost of administration, in their opinion, is too high in any particular regard.

It is a very wise precaution that the Dáil Committee on Finance cannot examine a civil servant in regard to the details of the Estimates put forward by his Department. To do so would be directly to interfere as a master of the Civil Service—and the Dáil, when it appoints the Government, appoints the masters of the various Departments. If democracy is to succeed, the only way is to make sure that the Ministers put in charge of Departments are given clear authority to control the Departments and given no excuse whatever for getting out of their responsibility for exercising that authority in a fair, equitable, reasonable and economic fashion.

Having said that much, I wish to say again that I am much more anxious than Deputy Blowick to see that every penny collected in taxation is put to the best possible use for the furtherance of the national welfare. It is the Minister for Finance who has to bring forward proposals for putting the burden of taxation on the people. Deputy Blowick, Deputy Cogan and others can demand throughout the year further expenditure; but, when the Minister for Finance comes forward with proposals to raise the wind to meet the expenditure, they can object—and they do so most strenuously. To hear Deputies Blowick and Cogan the other night, one would think they never asked or voted for a single penny of expenditure; but if only they had read the paper from which they read the resolution under discussion, they would see that they had asked for expenditure running, I am sure, into hundreds of millions of pounds. Deputy Blowick was objecting to the £1,500,000 we are spending on the Department of Agriculture, but he gaily walked into the Lobby in support of the motion to put water into every house in the country. That would cost a slight bit in administration.

I do not think there was any vote on it.

The Minister is going astray now.

Deputies William O'Donnell and Patrick Halliden are two members of the Farmers' Party and surely they did not put down that motion without getting the approval of their leader?

Every farmer should pay for it.

But it would cost a little in administration and would add something to the burden of national debt, about which Deputy Blowick was complaining so bitterly the other day. I suppose it would cost a couple of hundred million pounds. I do not mean to say it would not be a good thing.

It is no wonder we are called "hewers of wood and drawers of water" and "the dirty Irish".

I am not saying it is a bad idea, but a proposition of that kind cannot be squared with complaints about the increased burden of the national debt. It is quite a good idea, but it would cost money.

We will pay for it.

It will cost money, not only to administer but as capital expenditure in the first instance.

The farmers will come here to cadge nothing.

The other night we discussed a motion to provide increased grants for free milk, up to any amount the local authorities wished to ask. That would cost a bit of money. I do not mind Deputy Blowick demanding that money be spent, but when he does that he should take care not to object to the annual taxation account.

I notice another motion which has been put down by the Farmers' Party and which they might repudiate before it comes forward for discussion, seeing that they have repudiated what they did put forward.

They may refer it to the new committee.

It was that a certain number of part-time State servants, who work a couple of hours a day, should be put on the established list and given not only reasonable remuneration but decent pensions. That would be a nice little bill. It is a pity Deputy Blowick did not suggest that that be done for the farmers as a whole—to put them all on the established list, give them all reasonable remuneration and give them all pensions. Deputy Blowick himself is on the list as one of the proposers of that resolution to single out those who work a couple of hours a day, put them on the established list, with reasonable pay and pensions as well. That would cost a lot and would cost something in administration as well.

Not Deputy Blowick this time, but Deputy Donnellan, who sits beside him on the Farmers' Bench, and Deputy John Beirne also have a little suggestion here on the Order Paper that the local authorities should be empowered to do certain things, which would cost money. Deputy Cogan and Deputy Halliden have another pretty idea here, which would cost another £1,000,000 or so— complete derating of the first £20 of the poor law valuation of each farm, further total derating of each additional £15 of the poor law valuation in respect of each adult worker employed on the holding, and that the deficit be made good from the Exchequer.

Deputy Blowick wants me to lighten the burden of taxation. Where does he think I am to get the money from to enable the Government to carry on ordinary administration? Where does he think we could get the money from if we were to carry out Deputy O'Donnell's suggestion about a water supply? If Deputy Blowick and Deputy Cogan are in earnest about reducing the burden of taxation, I think they should bring forward suggestions here as to how expenditure could be cut down rather than bring forward proposals which would mean increasing expenditure. I suggest Deputies should not bring forward suggestions to decrease the expenditure of one Department only, and that is the Department of Agriculture.

Deputy Cogan referred to 30,000 civil servants. He said that they were all established, and he calculated the number per thousand of the population. In the 30,000 there are, of course, part-time postmen, gangers and other people of that description, and it is a wrong thing to make a calculation and say there are so many civil servants per thousand of the population without taking into account that there are large numbers of Post Office workers of the type I have mentioned.

Deputy Corry suggested that during the war there were inevitable increases in various Departments to cope with the emergency situation. That is true. The number of civil servants taken in to deal with various emergency problems was very great. A new Department was created to deal with the procuring and distribution of supplies on a fair and equitable basis. That was an expenditure that could not have been avoided in the circumstances. There was, in the Department of Agriculture, increased expenditure in connection with compulsory tillage. A new branch had to be created in order to administer that particular scheme which was necessary if the nation was to survive.

Deputy Corry made a good suggestion, one of which I thoroughly approve, when he said that now that the war is over an examination should be made in order to see in what way our expenditure can be cut down. That is the Government's job; it is the responsibility of the Government; it is the responsibility of each Minister and I hope, now that the emergency is nearly over, that each Minister, assisted by his secretary and by the establishment officers, will pay particular attention to reducing the cost of administration and see that any costs that were inflated because of emergency conditions will, when the conditions allow, be deflated.

Deputy Cogan said that any ordinary businessman would have appointed somebody to ensure that no waste occurred. So has the Government. In every Department there are establishment officers whose duty it is to see that the staff is kept to a minimum and that it does its work. In the Department of Finance there is a central establishment branch whose duty it is to make sure that every proposal for an increase of staff is justified. The establishment branch in the Department of Finance can send its representatives to the other Departments concerned and they can inquire on the sport into the justification for a proposal to increase staff, or to keep staff if the staff is deemed to be redundant by the central establishment branch and a demand is made for the shifting of particular officers to another Department.

The establishment branch in the Department of Finance is in quite a different position from a committee which might be set up and which might call before it an odd civil servant and ask him to justify the cost of administration in his branch. There is a much more effective check on the work of the Departmental establishment officers when an inspection group can be sent directly from the central establishment office to a Department to sit with the various officers there and inspect them for a day or a week or a couple of weeks, or whatever length of time is necessary, in order to see whether the staff they ask for is justified or whether they can do without the staff demanded back from them.

I trust, now that the emergency is nearly over, that great care will be taken not only by the establishment branch in my Department, but by the establishment officers in all other Departments, to have a close observation of the staffs in the various Departments in order to see that there is no waste and no over-staffing. I can quite understand that during the emergency no establishment officer, either Departmental or in the central office, would hold up too long a demand for additional staff when the Department or the branch concerned could plead that additional staff was necessary to deal with a difficult and urgent emergency situation. Quite possibly in the new situation numbers of staff distributed in that way might be reduced or made available for other work.

Now that the war is over, I am sure there will be an increase— indeed, I hope there will be an increase—in other activities of the Government. There is the Land Commission to be got going again at the speed at which it was working when it had to slow down in 1939 on the outbreak of the war, or when the staff was taken from it for various emergency services, such as tillage inspection and other emergency activities. That Department was gutted of officers and left in the position that it could not carry on its work at a normal rate. Emergency branches of various kinds got these officers, and, now that the war is over, some have been returned. I hope every effort will be made by establishment officers to send back to that Department any officers still withheld from it. But the immediate and detailed inspection necessary to get back officers of that type is work which can be done only by men who go in and live in the Department concerned for the length of time necessary to enable them to discover what is going on.

I hope that the establishment branch of the Department of Finance will be able to pay more attention to that work and will be able to give assistance to the establishment officers in the various branches to do whatever reorganisation is necessary. I am quite prepared to make such officers available, and, if they want outside technical assistance of any kind to advise them on modern methods, I am prepared to ask the Government to approve the expenditure required. I know that we cannot look for any great reduction in expenditure by displacing clerical officers of various kinds by machines, but in some cases, as in the Departments of Lands, for instance, the introduction of machines, though it does not replace staff, has had the effect of getting the work done much more accurately and efficiently, and, in the long run, making savings for the State and the community. Similarly, the Post Office in some cases has introduced modern machinery and their methods were so efficient in dealing with some branches of their work that we have had visitors from other countries to see how they did their work.

I do not know that we can, as I said, reduce very much the cost of administration by that particular type of approach, but whatever could be done in that way will be done to the extent to which it is desirable. I am quite prepared to get for the various Departmental officers any outside advice they require in that regard. If we are to take a given bill for services, the bill presented in the Estimates, and if we are to take for granted, as unalterable, as I think it should be, the procedure we have of the Government being responsible for every penny of money spent and answerable to the Dáil in detail by way of debate and Parliamentary Question, I doubt whether we can cut down very much our costs of administration. If the Dáil were to say to me: "Here is a sum of £50,000,000 to do something for agriculture or to look after the Post Office, the Department of Industry and Commerce and the other Departments. Do what you like with it. Do not account for it to us," I am perfectly certain that I could cut down the administrative expenses by half and still give the people the same service. But would the Dáil be satisfied with that, or should the Dáil be satisfied with it? I do not think it should.

If we are to continue the system of each Minister being answerable for every detail of the deeds of his Department, then that system inevitably entails administrative expenditure in the neighbourhood of the magnitude of the amount we have in the Book of Estimates. Take any Parliamentary Order Paper on any day on which there are 40 or 50 questions. You could not ask a business man questions of that detail about his business. The businessman makes his decision. He pays his money, and it is a mistake or it is not a mistake. He has to account only to himself. If he were subject to questions in regard to every act of his in his business in the same fashion as a Minister is answerable to this Dáil, his administrative expenses would be bound to go up.

We have the system established as a tradition that not one penny of State money can be misspent or misappropriated without the Minister in charge of the Department being called to account. I think it is a good system, but it has to be paid for. We could run another from of Government—not the democratic responsible Government we have—at perhaps less administrative cost, but, in the long run, I think it would be dear buying for our people. Our present system, though costly, is, in the long run, cheaper and more conducive to the general welfare of the community than alternatives which could be suggested and which would work at a cheaper over-all expense.

In the last analysis, no matter what system of control the Dáil exercises and no matter what system of control the Minister for Finance and other Ministers exercise, over their Departments, we have to rely very largely for the economical expenditure of public money on the honesty of the average civil servant. I hope they realise that, if they waste time, they are doing something more than wasting their own time, that they are wasting time paid for by a lot of people through the country who can ill afford to pay the seven-eight of a penny on sugar and the other taxation which has to be imposed in order to pay them their salaries. I hope that every civil servant realises that, and will, by his own volition, do an honest day's work for the pay he gets from the community.

We are all accustomed—I am afraid the Dáil gives no good lead very often in this regard—to regard the State as something apart, from the community, and State funds as something apart from the purses of the people; but it is from the purses of the people that the State gets its funds, so that whenever Deputy Blowick or Deputy Halliden has a bright idea about expending money it is not some cold, unearthly being he is asking it from, but from the State, that is, from the various individuals in this community. Similarly, when a State servant wastes time, or in any way misspends public money, it is not from some cold, unearthly being that he is taking the money, but from Mrs. Murphy, Mrs. McGrath and all the rest of them throughout the country. I rely upon civil servants to co-operate and see that no money is misspent, and that no time is wasted: that when they enter the Civil Service, they do so in the spirit that they are going to do a decent job of work for this people.

We here have the job ahead of us of endeavouring to promote the welfare of our people, and of increasing their standard of life. To do that job of work, we want not only the co-operation of the Civil Service but of the Dáil as well. Now that the war is over, and that various emergency branches are coming to an end, I hope that the Government and the Civil Service, every member of it, will pull together to see what can be done towards cutting out, first of all, any waste in the Departments and, secondly, towards improving the standard of life of our people. Again, I want to repeat that I am not against expenditure of a kind which would promote the happiness and welfare of our people, but I do not agree with Deputy Blowick in picking out the Department of Agriculture for cutting. We want wise saving, but we also want wise spending. If we are going to be content merely with cutting down— we should cut down expenditure wherever it is possible—this country could not improve. It could not develop. We want not only saving on the part of the State and of the community, but we also want spending, wherever spending is necessary, in order to develop the national economy.

There was one particular point that I mentioned, though as Minister for Finance possibly I should not do it, and that was that I think that we are not spending enough on agricultural research. I say it again that, now that the war is over, I hope that every Department, every secretary, every administrative officer, and every other officer down the line, will do his utmost to cut down any expenditure that he can, and, at the same time, put up ideas for wise expenditure that will add to the national income of goods and services. I grant you that, in the days to come, with the way the world is wagging, not only will we require more and more decisions from the various Government Departments, but if we are to do our job well we will want to get them more quickly. I would appeal to civil servants to see that, as far as possible, decisions are taken as low down the line as possible.

Inevitably, of course, there are a number of decisions that will have to be pushed right up to the Minister who has parliamentary responsibility, but, as far as possible, executive officers should live up to their name and be executive officers and take decisions themselves, even though an odd time they may make a mistake. As Minister for Finance, I would rather be hauled before the Dáil for an odd mistake by an individual than have inordinate delay on the part of civil servants. However, one could easily go too far with that, too, because in the last analysis it is the Minister who is responsible to the Dáil. If the Dáil insists on the Minister knowing every fiddle-faddle as regards the administration of his Department, it will be necessary for files of various kinds to come up to the Minister for his decision, seeing that he has to take final responsibility in the Dáil for it.

One other branch that Parliament has set up is the Public Accounts Committee, which in itself is an excellent institution. That system is a safeguard of Government responsibility to the Dáil. The Public Accounts Committee, while in itself a good thing, has the effect of putting up the cost of administration of the State, Judged as a business, when compared with any other type of business. The Public Accounts Committee rightly insists that the accounting officers come before it, prepared to answer in the smallest detail for the acts of their Departments. The system, however, has grown up—I do not know how long it has obtained, but I think myself it is not a good thing for getting work done: this is my own personal opinion—that the Secretary of each Department is the accounting officer. Now, the Secretary of a Department is the man upon whom the Minister has to rely, not only for knowing the general running of his Department but for advising him. If we could free the Secretary to a Department in some measures from the duties of accounting officer it would have the effect, I think, of speeding up work generally, with the Minister having a more satisfactory adviser, an adviser with more free time on his hands. I should like to see a system operated in some one or two Departments of State whereby the Secretary would not be the accounting officer but some officer equivalent to an Assistant Secretary, who would consult the Secretary only on matters of grave importance.

I think I have taken up enough of the time of the House, and I am sure Deputy Blowick wants to reply, but again I want to repeat that I think the only committee which the Dáil should set up to go into the preparation of Estimates is the committee it has already appointed. It has appointed the Government as the executive authority. The Dáil would be foolish to allow the Government to set up another authority and to throw the blame on to that authority if the administration were not efficient. At the present time the Government has accepted the responsibility of controlling the Departments of State. Each individual Minister is responsible to this House. If a question of maladministration or wasteful administration comes up, the Minister has to answer here, and give a reply that is not only satisfactory to the House—sometimes he cannot do that—but is satisfactory to the people. That is a big safeguard. It would be utterly foolish for the Dáil to put itself in the position that, if I came in here and somebody said: "There is a waste in your Department; such and such a thing should not have happened", I could say: "Oh well, has not the Dáil a committee for that work?" That would be very foolish, and would lead I should say to very much greater waste than could possibly occur under the system of having each Minister responsible and giving him authority to control the activities of his Department.

Deputy Dillon rose.

This debate must finish at 7.30 and Deputy Blowick must be allowed to conclude.

Was there some arrangement made whereby there was a limit to speeches on a motion?

I do not think so.

I recollect, and I think you do, that at a meeting of the Committee on Procedure and Privileges there was an arrangement. It was not to apply to Bills. It was a kind of gentleman's agreement. I am not denying the Minister the right to make the speech he has made. He has taken 55 minutes, and I should be quite willing to let him speak for another hour, but the effect of the whole business is that we cannot get in a speech on this motion from these benches, and that is not fair.

The time limit is three hours, and we cannot exceed that.

Surely a private Deputy in the House has some rights, and surely it is the job of the Chair to protect rights. Otherwise, anybody who is opposing a motion can stand up and continue to speak on the motion, giving nobody else a chance.

I am afraid there is no rule by which the Chair can extend the time.

Could we not have the time for discussing the motion extended to 8 o'clock, so as to give Deputy Blowick adequate time to replay and allow other Deputies an opportunity of speaking?

I do not think we could at this hour of the night suspend Standing Orders.

What is the difficulty of suspending them at this hour of the night?

There would not be much difficulty, as we adjourn at 9 o'clock anyway.

We should be able to arrive at an understanding now.

If Deputy Norton wants to speak, I have no objection to going on to 8 o'clock.

I am merely claiming the right of this Party to an opportunity to make a contribution to this debate.

The limit to Private Members' time is three hours. If you go beyond that, you are trespassing on Government time.

The Minister said he would concede half an hour of Government time.

I took up a little bit too long, but I could not help it.

I think the Minister was quite entitled to go on as long as he did.

I am not objecting to that. All I want is an extension of the time. I suggest that we let the debate go to 8 o'clock instead of 7.30.

By agreement of the House.

There is no hard and fast rule laid down as to the time the mover of the motion will be allowed at the end of the debate?

It is customary to allow him half an hour.

How long will the Deputy want for his reply? He is entitled to get in at the end.

Twenty minutes should do me. I am not a long-winded speaker as a rule.

We will give you a quarter of an hour.

Say 20 minutes.

We will do the best we can.

What I have to say will be said in ten minutes. The Minister for Finance cannot give a personal opinion on the desirability of the procedure before the Committee of Public Accounts. If the Minister gives an opinion in this House, it is not Deputy Frank Aiken who is speaking: it is the Minister for Finance. Now, I urge strongly on the Minister at least to hear the views of the Comptroller and Auditor-General before he commits himself to the view that it would be desirable to substitute for the chief executive officer of the Department some other officer as accounting officer before the Committee of Public Accounts, because I think if he looks into that question with all the information that the Comptroller and Auditor-General will be in a position to put before him he may change his mind. I think he may find that the actual work which it is requisite for the secretary of a Department to do in order to be ready for the Committee of Public Accounts will not occupy more than perhaps one working day of an industrious officer who calls his advisers around him and picks up the detailed information which relates to the specific matters referred to in the Comptroller and Auditor-General's report. I do not know if the Minister has ever worked on the committee, but if he did he would have discovered that the accounting officer is rarely pressed for detail except in respect of matters referred to in the Comptroller and Auditor-General's report. I have no doubt that Deputy Cosgrave is to-day doing what I did for seven years, and that was that if some unanticipated detail were brought forward I reminded the Deputy who raised it that it was impossible for the accounting officer to come forward with detailed information about everything, and that if the matter was one of substance it should be left on one side, and the accounting officer requested to prepare a memorandum at his convenience.

The House may have proceeded on the assumption that, in considering the magnitude of public expenditure, we are considering only the figure which appears on the Book of Estimates, plus the Central Fund Bill. No greater illusion could deceive Deputies, because in addition to those two sums amounting in all to over £50,000,000 sterling there is in existence a very considerable number of concealed taxes which are at present being levied and paid without this House being consulted at all. Deputies will not forget the very large subsidy on bread which is being collected via the price of flour. Deputies will not forget that there is a subsidy of approximately £2,000,000 a year on beet, which is collected off sugar without any reference to this House at all. Deputies will not forget that Irish Shipping Ltd. is receiving gigantic subsidies which have been collected by way of freight rates charged on merchandise coming into this country, and paid by the consumers of this country, over which this House has no control at all. I could go down a very long list of instances where heavy liabilities have been laid upon the taxpayers and consumers of this country, in regard to which this House was never consulted and never will be consulted, so that the total volume of expenses which the ordinary citizen of this State has to meet is far in excess of £50,000,000 per annum. Deputies should bear that in mind when they are dwelling on the representations made to them by the Minister for Finance to-day that such administrative economies as he can effect will not achieve very much. If that is true—that he cannot effect a very considerable economy—it means that our people are going to be called upon to bear in perpetuity, not a burden of £50,000,000, but a burden of probably nearer £65,000,000, if only on visible taxes, and, added on, all the invisible taxes which our people are equally certain to pay.

It is appropriate at this stage to recall to the memory of the House this fact, because it is becoming more patent and menacing with the passage of every year. We are, comparatively speaking, a poor country, and we are living in the lee of one of the richest countries in the world, Great Britain, which stands at the head of an immense colonial empire; and, gradually, the chasm is widening between what we are able to afford and what they are able to afford. In Great Britain, I believe, the old age pension is £1 a week, whereas here it is 10/- a week. In Great Britain, the children's allowance which is going to be provided is 5/- a week for every child after the first child. Here it is 2/6 a week for every child after the second child.

I think that if we examine the figures for unemployment assistance rates, unemployment benefit, widows' and orphans' pensions, and all the other social services, we will find the gap steadily widening until it will become manifest that the social services available to the people of Great Britain and, in a large measure, to the people of Northern Ireland, are from 50 to 100 per cent. more generous than this State is in a position to afford. Now, I do not hold with the views held by some economists, that by some kind of financial jugglery or wizardry, we here can match every undertaking that Great Britain goes in for. I do not believe that you can get out of a pint pot what is habitually being drawn from a 50-gallon hogshead. Everybody knows that our sole resources are in the 12,000,000 acres of arable land out of which we have to get practically everything that we need, whereas Britain's resources consist of all kinds of minerals, ships, and so many other things that it would take hours fully to reckon.

Mind you, in the days of our fathers and of our grandfathers, and in our own young days, we were all fired with only one thought, and that was to get freedom for our country; and the enthusiasm engendered by that concept blinded us to every other consideration. There was no doubt in the minds of every one of us that we would rather be poor and free than rich and enslaved, and in the first rush of freedom we so enjoyed the sensation of being, for the first time in 700 years, our own lords and masters, that we were prepared to ignore every other consideration. But in the disillusioning generations that seem to be arising in this country, I often wonder if our very liberty is not going to be put in jeopardy by the ever-widening gap between the standard of living that the resources of this country can provide as compared with the standards that will be enjoyed by those who choose to go either to England or America; or whether, no matter who is in power here, the people will remain faithful to this country. That is made doubly acute by the position under which thousands of our people have gone to England and are there seeing with their own eyes the standard of material prosperity that obtains there as compared with the standards that are likely to obtain here.

There will be, of course, many who choose deliberately and by calm preference the kind of life we have in Ireland, albeit it is not gilded with such wealth and material prosperity as it could be in an industrially organised country like Great Britain or the United States of America. I would be happy to think that the vast majority of our people felt that way, but I am not sure that they do. I think that the great bulk of our people are coming to long for material comforts, almost before anything else, and that brings me to the last point I want to make. Of course, I do not want to take up a superior position and say that the people long for material comforts whereas I am an ascetic to whom material things make no difference. I am very conscious of my own personal dependence on material comforts. If I had less of them, perhaps I would have more sympathy with those who have had to forgo them all their lives, but I know that they do constitute a menace to Irish independence, because the fact is that an independent Ireland cannot afford them on the same scale as an independent Great Britain or an independent United States of America. Unless our people can make up their minds on that, and accept the advantages which Ireland has to officer, along with the material disadvantages which she cannot protect them from, terrible decisions will fall to be made at a reasonably early date.

I come now to my last point. I think that one of the greatest and most corrupting forces operating in this country at present is something that has slowly grown—grown in my day— and it is this: that a man who is proud of the fact that he is beholden to nobody for his means of living is literally become suspect in this country. Unless you have a pension; unless you have a job; unless you are in some way a charge on the public funds, the general view is that you are a sort of public enemy. If you have a pension or a job, or something of that kind, the general presumption is that you are a patriot, and you do not have to be watched; but if you are standing on your own feet, and if you resent interference in your personal affairs—if you want to go your own way within the law and to owe nothing to any man except your own personal duty to the community—it will be thought: "This fellow is getting uppish. It is time to pass an Act to restrain him. He must have too much money or he would not be able to get along without a pension."

Unless our people realise that independence is a precious thing, that every surrender of it to the Executive authority is something to be regretted, and that anything an individual can do for himself, or that a group of individuals can do for themselves by combining together, is better than anything that can be done for them by the State, I believe that our people are on a slippery slope which will end in utter demoralisation.

I often hear with dismay applications being made by farmers, by manufacturers, and by various other interests in the country, for the Government to do something when, in fact, they should combine and do it for themselves. I view often with dismay the readiness of Deputies in this House to clamour for the Government to do something for someone—to protect some one's little vested interest— because I realise that if their representations succeed, it is so much more of the independence of our people destroyed, it is so much more of the strength of our people sapped, it is so much more making our people dependent, helpless, and unfree.

I want to say this, after seven years' experience on the Public Accounts Committee, that I think effective savings could be made, but that most of them would not be made on the Minister's Department. My experience of civil servants in this country is that it is astonishing to me how scrupulous they are in protecting the public purse to the best of their ability. One of the great sources of demands on the public funds is the unlimited number of schemes—a scheme for everything— operated by the State. It is there you will find that work done under State operated schemes requires, and must have, expenditure on the administrative end, which would be wholly unnecessary if the people who would benefit would simply combine and run them themselves. In such cases if the schemes were run by themselves they would be much better run, much more effectively run, and much more rapidly adapted to the changing circumstances in which schemes must operate if they are long to endure.

I do not want to interrupt the Deputy but he promised to be brief. There are some other speakers who want to get in.

Deputies should not, I think, get up and make high falutin' speeches without making some cogent proposals as to what they want done or what they would do. If Deputy Blowick were Minister for Finance, what would he do? Would he bring forward proposals for the effective reduction of administrative expenditure and, if so, what would they be? Would he insist that there would be no indirect taxation or would he insist that every section of the community should do something for itself—would be made to do something for itself, rather than asking the Government to do it? Perhaps the Deputy will bear with these few observations.

I do not like this motion. I do not feel that anybody on these benches is inclined to support it. It is too wide and it has too many implications. It is quite clear that, if we are going to have economies in things run by the State, it will be only on two lines, on administration and on the Supply Services. There has been a trend in contributions running through the debate which seems to come very close to suggesting that we are getting to a dangerously close margin in dealing with payments for social services. There, I feel, that the courage of several speakers failed them. I particularly felt that when I heard the contributions from the Fine Gael Benches. After all, unlike the farmers who have not exercised power, Fine Gael under various noms-deplume have exercised power and we still remember their record in regard to local services. I would be very reluctant to see a committee with powers of this kind let loose upon the field of public administration and expenditure at the moment. Similarly, while I have every respect for members of the Farmers' Party, they are farmers, and before them there were other Parties of farmers in this House and in the political life of this country, and they did not build up any liberal attitude towards the ordinary needs of most of the people.

I believe also that the method they suggest, granting them all honesty and sincerity, is inefficient. I do not believe any committee could bring about any radical reduction in expenditure. I think the point made by the Minister for Finance was quite correct, that it is a full-time job requiring expert men and men with ability. I think one of the most practical suggestions made was the offer of the Minister to bring in experts in modern methods to advise the permanent officials of the Departments. I do not believe there is any of the waste or inefficiency that has been the subject of comment. My own experience is that there is an almost rigid attempt to save every possible farthing, even to the extent of bewildering an unfortunate man who has, through some mistake on the part of an official, received more than he was entitled to. It is the system in the Civil Service, the passing of responsibility, the checking at every point, of trying to preserve records, as far as possible, and to take every possible safeguard. If we do not want that system, then the system has to be changed.

What Deputy Dillon said about the growing gap between the social services here and those across-Channel is correct. I do not think that a man who has grown up in recent years, with the improved social services, is solely influenced by the comparison between our economy and that across the water. I think it is quite true to say that the bulk of our people would rather be independent and, if necessary, have a lower standard of living, than to be dependent and have a higher standard. But the majority of our people, in the days that they were striving for that independence, believed that that independence was going to be based, at least, on circumstances of equity and fair dealing as between one member of the community and another. They found in the bitter past that that was not the case. They found, during the period immediately before the war, when a certain number were going into employment, with a certain improvement in social services, that the gap between most of the people and a small group was either maintained or was growing. I feel that, if the mass of our people were satisfied that all the children of the nation were being treated equally, they would be prepared to share an equal portion of the burden even if it meant, with freedom, a lower standard than previously.

Why should any working man be willing or be prepared to live very often like an animal when he knows that at the other end of the social scale there is so much luxury and waste, waste that would be sufficient to keep himself and his family for all the days of the year? That is not the basis on which we got independence, and is not the basis on which we will get men or women, of their own initiative, to face up to this problem. I do not believe the State is called upon to meet the claims of all sections of the people. I think it is called upon as the main artery of the community, to try to give to the community as a whole, and not a section, a basis of living and a standard of life. That is my complaint and that is where, I think, the failure has been. During the years when there was this great increase in the cost of administration, as shown by the figures read by Deputy Coogan, there was an increase and extension of social services. These had to be conceded by Fianna Fáil because, in the first instance, they were committed to them and, in the second instance, because of the growing feeling that some attention should be given to the mass of the people who had been neglected by Cumann na nGaedheal when they were the Government. We do not feel at all apologetic because £55,000,000 or £65,000,000 has been spent on the needs of the general community. We pay £50,000,000 in taxation—I agree with Deputy Dillon that, possibly, the methods of taxation require revision— for services for 3,000,000 people and we give £9,000,000 to a small number who give no service to the community.

We are not going to support this motion. It is a naïve and innocent motion. I am quite honest in stating that I do not believe it is a vote-catching motion, but it is the class of motion which comes rapidly to mind when one is looking for something to debate. It would be more beneficial to the community if we were to consider ways and means whereby the expenditure we are forced to make on social services would be utilised along the lines which every decent man and woman want—work and a decent wage to enable them to support a home and a family. That would be better than filling gaps by palliatives, as in recent years. The problem is a basic one. Neither Fianna Fáil nor Cumann na nGaedheal have approached it as a basic problem and the problems that arise from their failure have to be met.

We have been warned in this House several times recently regarding the exceptional commitments we are undertaking in the field of social services. If this committee were appointed, it would, I think, be difficult to keep it from advocating a cheese paring policy in respect of those sections of our people who are most in need of consideration. When speaking of the cost of administration, we should remember that all our civil servants are not highly paid. In virtually all the Departments there are civil servants whose rates of pay might well be the subject of debate in this House. When one looks at the rates set out in the Estimates, one feels that, instead of cutting them down, we should increase them. That would be justifiable even in the case of some of those who work in this House. Some of the rates are a disgrace to the State.

Let me say at the outset that the committee envisaged in this motion was never intended by either Deputy Cogan or myself to usurp any part of the authority of this House. That is a thing which I would oppose tooth and nail. I regret that so much of our authority has been filched from our hands. I want to set the mind of Deputy Dillon, Deputy Davin and the Minister at rest on that subject. It is intended that this committee should do no more than go into and minutely examine the whole question of expenditure and make recommendations to the Government in the same way as several commissions and committees have done in the past. Unfortunately, some of those recommendations received no attention from the Government. The Minister referred to the figures I quoted regarding the volume of agricultural output. I was quoting from the official report of the debate of the 2nd May of this year. I shall read exactly what the Minister for Finance said on that occasion.

"Between 1938-9 and 1943-4—the latest period for which statistics are available—the gross output of agriculture rose in value by 79 per cent., while the value of the net output of agriculture—or the value added to the materials by the agricultural process—increased considerably more— by 103 per cent.—because of the decline in the volume and value of materials. This increase in the net value of output of agriculture was due principally to a marked increase in agricultural prices, which have nearly doubled since the outbreak of the war. On the other hand, the gross volume of agricultural output declined by. 11 per cent. in the same period."

Here we have two contradictory statements. To-night, the Minister emphasised that the volume of agricultural output had increased. His predecessor last May definitely stated, as recorded in the debates, that it had declined by 11 per cent. The Government is the channel through which all statistics must pass. The Minister will have to explain at some future time where exactly the difference lies. I quoted his predecessor's statement. Yet, five or six months later, the present Minister can bring to his aid a completely different set of figures.

If the Deputy will read my predecessor's statement again, he will find that he differentiated between two forms of output—gross output and net output. He said that, while the value of the gross output went up by 79 per cent, the value of the net output went up by 103 per cent. I have given the Deputy further figures showing that that 103 per cent. increase in value of net output represented an increase in the volume of net output of 8 per cent. from 1938 to 1943.

I am perfectly satisfied with the statement by the Minister's predecessor. The present Minister seems to confuse volume and value. I tried to keep them separate. The Minister will probably get a chance to explain the matter more fully at a later date.

He cannot explain it.

If the Deputy will read the report of my speech, he will find the explanation.

Yesterday, I quoted figures relating to Departments picked at random from various sources. Some of those figures I obtained in the Statistical Abstract, others in the 21st annual report of the Revenue Commissioners and others from other sources. Those figures had reference to the Department of Finance, Office of Public Works, the Civil Service Commission, the Department of Agriculture, the Department of Industry and Commerce, Secret Service, and other services. The Minister, in replying to-night, adopted a particularly vicious attitude to this appeal to the House to establish a committee. Deputy Larkin accurately described the motive behind this motion when he said that it was open and honest and not vote-catching. It definitely was not a vote-catching motion. Several times during his speech—I presume that this was intended for to-morrow's issue of the Irish Press— the Minister emphasised that I singled out the Department of Agriculture for criticism. I being the Leader of the Farmers' Party, I suppose he thought that he was playing a fair game.

The Minister asked if I wanted to cut down certain services in the Department of Agriculture—grants in respect of fertilisers, relief of rates and so forth. The Minister did that because he was just speaking for the newspapers. I accuse the Minister openly of that. If this motion were for vote-catching purposes and if I had made a speech in accord with that object, I would say that I was being paid back by the Minister in my own coin. He deliberately avoided reference to his own office. He says that members of this Party have tabled motions advocating increase of expenditure.

He did not mention the 1944 Arterial Drainage Bill, the greatest "dud" that ever went through this House. When that Bill was passing through, every member of this Party gave it his wholehearted support because we thought the problem would be tackled in a businesslike way. What do we find? We gave the Minister authority to spend £7,000,000 over a period of 28 years or £250,000 a year, but the Minister took good care not to refer once to the Government failure to attempt to tackle that problem since, although the Bill went through this House at lightning speed. I notice too that although I commented on the fact that whereas secret service cost £1,409 in 1930-31 as against £20,000 estimated for 1943-44, the Minister never mentioned that item once. His whole speech was directed to agricultural services. I think if we examine the first 50 per cent of the Minister's speech when it is eventually printed in the official report, we shall find that if the references to Deputy Blowick and Deputy Cogan were cut out of it, there would be nothing left. He did not even attempt to make a defence against this motion. His attitude was that we wanted the Government to delegate some of their authority to the committee which we propose should be set up. I challenge any of the cleverest legal men in this House to discover one word or sentence in the motion which would indicate that we suggested such a step. We did not suggest any such thing. We simply suggested that the committee should be set up to advise the Government and the Government would be free to accept or reject that advice. I do not see anything wrong in that suggestion. Even at this hour in view of that explanation I would ask the Minister to reconsider his attitude and to support the motion.

There are many other questions which I should like to discuss if I had the time. We have, for instance, the question of social services. Deputy Larkin is afraid that we are out to cut down the expenditure on social services but that is not the aim of this motion. Our contention is that not enough of the money which is voted for social services reaches the recipients. It is unfortunate that we have to vote moneys for certain relief services. I regret it, as I should like to see the country more independent than it is, but our whole complaint is that enough of the expenditure does not reach the recipients. Too much of it is lost by the wayside before it can reach the people whom it is intended to benefit.

There are many other items to which I should like to refer. I should like to have heard the Minister, for instance, on the question of emigrants' remittances from the United Kingdom which rose from £700,000 in 1940 to £11,650,000 for the last year for which we have returns. Such a committee as is envisaged in this motion would take time by the forelock. If there is a danger of these remittances ceasing, if our emigrants are forcibly sent home after the Army in England has been demobilised, it means that we shall have the problem of providing employment for emigrants whose remittances, as I have said, amounted to £11,650,000. I should like to hear if the Minister has considered what is likely to happen in such an eventuality. I thought years ago that we had reached a stage when we would be able to employ all our own people at home, but now we are back to the pre-1914 level and many homes are still dependent on the remittances which are sent from abroad. I did not intend, as I say, to go into these matters, but the Minister having adopted the line he did in his speech I feel bound to reply to him.

Taking taxation generally, it works about £17 per head of the population, men, women and children, and Deputy Dillon informs us that there is secret taxation amounting to about £11,000,000 or £12,000,000 more. Be that as it may, we find that every man, woman and child is taxed to the tune of £17 per head openly. What do they get in return? That is the question that is agitating the minds of ordinary men. I want to tell the Minister that the Government has definitely got away from the plight of the ordinary individual. The Minister started off at the beginning of his speech with the wild statement that we were out to blacken the farmers, and he said that the farmers were great fellows. The farmers in my opinion were a lot of fools because they did not get half the support they deserved from the Government. At the beginning of the emergency and throughout the emergency they saved the population of the towns and cities who could not fend for themselves by virtue of where they were placed. They saved them from cold and hunger and supplied them with clothing. I should like the Minister to explain how the Government came to the rescue of the farmers during that period.

The war, which a blind person could have foreseen, found us without an ounce of artificial fertilisers except what was manufactured at home. Notwithstanding that, the farmers went cheerfully to work and broke up fields that had not been tilled for 20 years. They robbed their land of its fertility in order to provide food for the remainder of the population. The young people went out to the bogs to produce fuel and they were wretchedly treated in a good many cases. Then when the turf reached the cities it was so badly handled that it was left in a scandalous condition. I shall only repeat what I said on a former occasion, that I believe the people of the cities will never feel inclined to buy turf in future. They will look for coal if they were to go to the other side of the world, to places like Japan or Australia, to get it. I definitely say that the turf was a splendid fuel if it was handled properly.

The Minister seems to have got it into his head that this motion is aimed at robbing the Government of some of its powers but I can disabuse his mind of that idea. I would ask him again to support the motion as we simply want to see what exactly can be done to bring about a reduction in taxation. We are voting £51,000,000 or £52,000,000 for the running of a country with less than 3,000,000 inhabitants. That certainly seems exorbitant, and the ordinary man in the street cannot see where the money is going. As to this talk about cutting down social services, I have no doubt that if this committee went to work it would effect economies and see where over-lapping and waste could be eliminated. The money thus saved could go to increase the expenditure on social services. There are many other matters about which I do not wish to speak because they might savour of bitterness. The Minister deliberately slurred over many matters about which we should have been glad to hear from him. I referred last night to the desirability of publishing a balance sheet showing the State's indebtedness. We have a dead weight debt of some £53,000,000, the servicing of which costs £4,000,000. The Minister no doubt would say the country is good value for it. It is, but take the case of the ordinary person in business or with a holding of land. If he allows his debts to increase, until they come level with or exceed the value of his assets, he becomes insolvent. I am not an economist, but I presume the same happens in the case of the State. That is all I have got to say. I would recommend this motion to the House and I hope it will be passed unanimously. I would ask the Minister to give it his full consideration because it is a motion the sole aim of which is to see where waste can be eliminated. As for saying that the Department of Finance are the sole custodians of brains and the cleverest authorities in the country, that is a claim to which I am sure very few will subscribe. Two heads are wiser than one in the consideration of any single matter. I therefore commend the motion to the Minister.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 32; Níl, 70.

  • Anthony, Richard S.
  • Beirne, John.
  • Bennett, George C.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Coogan, Eamonn.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Henry M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hughes, James.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Mongan, Joseph W.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • O'Donnell, William F.
  • O'Driscoll, Patrick F.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Reilly, Thomas.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Roddy, Martin.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Brian.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Brennan, Martin.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick (Co. Dublin).
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Daly, Francis J.
  • Davin, William.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Everett, James.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Fogarty, Patrick J.
  • Furlong, Walter.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Larkin, James (Junior).
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Loughman, Frank.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • McAuliffe, Patrick.
  • McCann, John.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Morrissey, Michael.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Murphy, Timothy J.
  • Norton, William.
  • O Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Connor, John S.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Loghlen, Peter J.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Skinner, Leo B.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Spring, Daniel.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Laurence.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Conn.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Cogan and Cafferky; Níl: Deputies Kissane and Kennedy.
Motion declared negatived.
Top
Share