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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 24 Jun 1947

Vol. 107 No. 1

Supplementary Estimate, 1947-48. - Vote 65—External Affairs.

Tairgim:—

Go ndeonfar suim breise nach mó ná £13,220 chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfas chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31ú Márta, 1948, chun Tuarastal agus Costas Oifig an Aire Ghnóthaí Eachtracha agus Seirbhísí áirithe atá faoi riaradh na hOifige sin (Uimh. 16 de 1924), lena n-áirítear Deontas-i-gCabhair.

That a supplementary sum not exceeding £13,220 be granted to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending 31st March, 1948, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for External Affairs, and of certain Services administered by that Office (No. 16 of 1924), including a Grant-in-Aid.

I explained in connection with the main Estimate that there were two main items here. There was the question of cultural relations and there was the question of the official handbook. There is also the additional sum for salaries, wages and allowances for representation in the Argentine.

There is a specific matter which I want to raise on this Supplementary Estimate without opening a general debate. Part of this money is designed for the promotion of what are described as cultural relations with other nations. One of the purposes, I take it, is to improve relations with members of the Commonwealth of Nations, particularly in regard to the fundamental kind of belief that we all share in the sphere of politics and philosophy. A number of international Parliamentary associations exist in the world, amongst them the Parliamentary Association to which members of the Parliaments of the Commonwealth belong, to which the Parliaments of those dependencies of the British Empire which are believed to be graduating to independence are allowed to belong, and with which the Congress of the United States of America has, in the last few years, chosen to associate itself, not by direct membership, but by a degree of association which has resulted in meetings in Washington, where they have been the hosts of the members of the Parliamentary Association, and in Canada and Australia, where the Parliamentary Association has entertained the Congress.

This Parliament belonged to that body for many years, but to maintain its membership it was necessary to make an annual contribution and, inasmuch as the members of this House are none of them rich men, it was not feasible to raise the contribution that is customary in association of this kind by voluntary subscription as it is possible to do in other Parliaments where there are some very rich Deputies or Senators who may contribute liberally to the fund. And so, in regard to the Inter-Parliamentary Association, which is another body, and certain analogous bodies, the Government made an annual grant, but when the present Government came in, in so far as the Parliamentary Association is concerned, that grant stopped, and we were told the reason it stopped was that the English branch called itself the Empire Parliamentary Association.

I do not know whether it was explained to the Taoiseach adequately or not that the general question as to whether the incorporation of the word "Empire" into such a body is a matter which engaged the attention of many and it was generally agreed, I think, on the part of Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand and Great Britain, that it would be more appropriately called The Commonwealth of Nations' Parliamentary Association, but their only difficulty was that Australia called it The Commonwealth of Parliamentary Association, because they spoke to the Commonwealth of Australia, and it was hard to evolve a title without creating confusion. It is right for the House to know that, in fact, each national association is independent of all its associates but, as a convenient piece of machinery, the secretariat of the British Parliamentary Association had habitually acted as a clearing house for the correspondence between all the various members and for the distribution of a journal which contains broad pictures of the proceedings in each of the Parliaments that belong to it.

Very largely in order to spare the susceptibilities of the Taoiseach and his colleagues, the Irish branch eliminated the word "Empire" from the title, pending action by all the other branches in choosing a new form. We said that in common with South Africa and, I think, with Canada, we thought the title "Empire Parliamentary Association" was manifestly wrong and mistaken because the word "Empire" now belonged to Great Britain and her imperial dependencies and had no relation at all to Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Ireland and, at that time, Newfoundland. Everyone agreed that the title was anachronistic.

I understand there is to be a meeting of all the associations and, I think, certain representatives of the Congress of the United States in New Zealand this autumn and, I am informed, one of the matters to be brought under consideration there is an amendment of the title. On the one hand you do not want to slap people across the face in Great Britain to whom the old imperial concept has a certain sentimental attachment. This is a time when the Empire of India is being deliberately, by the voluntary act of the British Parliament, converted into something very different, and it is not an occasion on which you want to rub peoples' noses in the fact that this is a changing world.

But they have no feeling about it at all. The other members of the Commonwealth have no desire to retain it. When the Taoiseach gets up in his hat and says by implication: "My heart twitters at the thought of finding some little Imperial haven where I can find refuge," my inclination is to spit in his eye and tell him to behave himself. At least, I am not an Imperialist abroad and a Gael at home, like some people I know. The fact is that I believe Deputies on all sides of the House feel the same way about this business. We are anxious to collaborate in any association of democratic parliaments because we believe that there are forces abroad in the world anxious to destroy Parliamentary democracies and the more independent and sovereign Parliaments associate through their members, the better it is for the Parliamentary system of government and the better it is for the several countries that these Parliaments govern.

I cannot leave the point without directing the Taoiseach's attention to the fact that the position adopted by him has not even the virtue of consistency, because annually his Government sponsor Estimates in this House for subscriptions to the Imperial Institute of Ethnology, the Imperial Agricultural Research Station, and others. There are five or seven imperial institutes mentioned by name in the Estimate for Agriculture every year for which we appropriate money to pay our membership fee. I think the Government are perfectly right to do that. I do not think anybody regards that as any sort of reflection on the Constitutional status of this country. What does really matter is that you find there is something useful to be done, something outside the sphere of purely utilitarian considerations, in an association providing opportunities for Englishmen, Irishmen, Australians, Canadians and South Africans to sit down together, talk things over, to meet and to be friendly with one another, even if they can agree about nothing.

The Taoiseach may say: "What would the boys say if I were to provide money for an Empire organisation? Leave out the word `Empire' or Deputy So-and-So will go for me. Deputy Ó Briain will go half mad if I ask him to vote for it".

One Inter-Parliamentary Union is enough.

He is afraid of his life but Deputy Ó Briain votes like a man for the Imperial Institute of Etymology, the Imperial Institute of Veterinary Research, the Imperial Institute of Agricultural Investigation, the Imperial Institute of this, that and the other, because nobody is so rude as to remind him that he is going to vote for it, but if you remind him, his Gaelic soul rises up like a blazing sun and the Taoiseach says: "What am I to do?" The best thing you can do with him is to bring him downstairs and talk to him like an uncle because the only purpose for which this association exists is to promote understanding and goodwill. I, speaking from personal experience, certify to this House that it does those things, that it has done most useful work in bringing Deputies and Senators of this House into contact with Deputies and Senators of other States in the Commonwealth, to our great mutual advantage. Here I must complain that the Taoiseach is not as always clear and plain as one would desire or as I think a man in his position must be because his Government cannot appropriate a penny for the Empire Parliamentary Association but his colleague the Minister for Local Government you will find sitting in the Empire Association in the Parliament Hall in Westminster drinking tea with other members of the association. When he goes out one door, Patriot Briscoe is trotting in the other door. If you go and read the book containing entries of the gentry who have called on this shocking Empire Parliamentary Union, you will find that a good many members of the Taoiseach's Party when they are in London and want some little facility, have no objection to stealing off to the Empire Parliamentary Association. Of course the boys at home never hear a word about it.

Every time I go to London I go there delighted I am a member of it and I should like every Deputy to be a member of it. The funny part of it is, if they want to go there with their tails cocked to sing the Soldier's Song they will find delegates from Canada, South Africa and other members of the Commonwealth ready to join in the chorus and to say: “It is a most beautiful song.” Far from discovering that they have developed into disloyal sons of Cathleen Ni Houlihan, I venture to prophesy that they will be saying: “Look here, poor old England is not as bad as some gentry make out.” They will discover to their amazement that the vast majority of reasonable men in this world are very broad-minded, tolerant creatures, not concerned to corrupt the sea-green incorruptibles that come from this country at all. Therefore, I suggest to the Taoiseach as Minister for External Affairs that it would be a sensible thing to do, that it would be a gesture which would be acknowledged and appreciated not only in Great Britain but throughout the other sovereign Parliaments of the Commonwealth if this farce were put an end to and a modest sum provided which would entitle us to take our place on a footing of equality with all the sovereign Parliaments that belong to this body, to join in its deliberations and in the deliberations that sometimes take place with representatives of the Congress of the United States. I believe that by doing that, we would not only be doing a material service to our own country but we would be doing the material service and the all-important service of consolidating Parliamentary democracies all over the world in a mutual understanding so that, in the testing times that lie ahead, those who seek to destroy them would find that they have bitten off more than they can chew.

Deputy Dillon appears to be very careful in the selection of words for the remarks which he has just addressed to the Taoiseach. He talks about meeting representatives from other parts of the world. I understood quite clearly that on these occasions we must meet representatives from certain parts of the world.

Whom do you mean?

From eastern countries.

Do you mean Communist thugs, because they do not all come from Russia?

The people of this country or Deputies have no right to interfere with the internal affairs of other countries.

Hear, hear! Tell that to Michael Quill and Gerald O'Reilly.

Deputy Dillon speaks of people from eastern countries—

Are you talking about Russia?

Deputy Davin must be allowed to continue his speech without interruption.

They have a perfect right to decide matters for themselves according to the views of the majority of the people of these countries. I cannot understand why Deputy Dillon should object to meeting representatives of eastern countries or any other country in the world, meeting representatives of Parliaments—

I met the Soviet Ambassador the last time I was over there— I think they hanged him since. He was foolish enough to go home.

I do not know whether the Deputy's object is to try to carry on a running fire while I am speaking. I was present at a number of inter-Parliamenary Conferences and had the pleasure of being present with Deputy Dillon at one and I saw Deputy Dillon thoroughly enjoying himself on one occasion with representatives of a Communist State.

I had lunch on one occasion with Maisky. The poor man has vanished since.

The House listened to the Deputy for some considerable time and he might now permit Deputy Davin to speak without interruption.

I do not understand clearly the purpose for which this large sum is being voted. Apart from Deputy Dillon's peculiar views, I should like to hear more from the Taoiseach as to what he has in mind. I would like to hear more detailed information as to the purposes on which it is proposed to spend this money. I do not care what part of the world people come from to these Conferences. I think every sane man will admit that he can improve his education by meeting these people. The only way by which we can educate ourselves is by travelling outside our own land, but we have no right nor has Deputy Dillon any right to criticise in this House, in the way he has done, these London representatives of other countries. I should like to hear more about the purposes for which this money is really to be spent.

Mr. Morrissey

I am glad that Deputy Dillon has raised this matter but I am afraid there is some little misunderstanding between Deputy Davin and himself. I think Deputy Davin has been talking about the Inter-Parliamentary Union.

Deliberately used.

Mr. Morrissey

Deputy Dillon confined his remarks to what used to be known as the Empire Parliamentary Union. Deputy Davin knows that they are two different bodies. I want to support the point of view of Deputy Dillon. I do so for this reason, mainly, that it is to our interest as a nation to have the closest possible association with the Parliaments of what is known as the Commonwealth both for our own safety and security. If a crisis arises and if our freedom and our community are threatened it is to those very nations of the Commonwealth that we will have to appeal for support. We did appeal to them when threatened during the recent crisis.

The Taoiseach, when concluding the debate on the main Estimate, and when dealing with the question of external association, said he believed it was in the interests of this community that that association should exist and should be continued, at least for the present, both for material and other reasons. With that I entirely agree. I want to suggest to the Taoiseach that for the very reasons which he gave it is, in my opinion, important for this nation that it should have close association not only with Britain but with Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. That is an association from which only good can flow to this country. I think that if we had closer and more frequent personal contacts between the members of this Parliament and the members of the other Parliaments to which I have referred it would, perhaps, give to their peoples a better understanding of our position here. That might be helpful not only so far as our external relations are concerned but even on the point on which such emphasis is laid in the discussion on the main Estimate—the point relating to Partition. I am not so sure that when we are trying to gather together the forces that may be helpful in putting an end to Partition we might not find in, say, Canada, forces with as much influence not only in Britain but in Northern Ireland as we would probably find anywhere else.

Deputies, I am sure, recognise that there is no real, genuine reason, no national reason, why we should not be associated with this organisation. I hope that the Taoiseach will lend an ear to the points put forward by Deputy Dillon. I want to repeat the Taoiseach's words on the main Estimate that, in my opinion, it is to the advantage of this nation that we should have that association.

In this Estimate we are asked to vote a sum of £500 for the publication of an official handbook which, I understand, is to be circulated amongst our representatives abroad. I would like to know, since the House is asked to vote money for that purpose, if the handbook will be laid on the Table of the House so that Deputies may have an opportunity of seeing it before it is put into the hands of our representatives abroad. I think it would be a very grave injustice on the tax-paying sections of the community if this official handbook was simply to be an instruction to our representatives to act and speak as the representatives of the Fianna Fáil Party. I think that we have the right to see, when we are providing public money for a pamphlet of this kind, that it is of a kind that this House would approve. I am in complete agreement with Deputy Davin when says that we should not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. I would like if a similar instruction were issued to people in other countries not to interfere in the internal affairs of this country. I think that the pamphlet to which Deputy Dillon has referred, and to which I referred earlier, constitutes a gross interference with the internal affairs of this country.

On a point of order, are we going to have a full discussion on External Affairs on this Estimate again? I should like to ask further whether the Supplementary Estimate was not taken with, and discussed with, the main Estimate?

I am not aware of that, but I am aware that on a Supplementary Estimate only the matters specifically set out, for which money is to be voted can be discussed.

We are providing £500 in this Estimate for an official handbook. I think it is essential that in any handbook which is given to our representatives abroad, they should be instructed to counteract that kind of lying propaganda which is calculated to defame this country in the United States. A representative member of this House went to one of the performances of the so-called Connolly Committee and delivered a speech. I do not know whether he took the opportunity on that occasion of repudiating the lies that were published in this pamphlet.

The Deputy is now wandering from what is before the House. All that was discussed on the main Estimate and the Deputy cannot go beyond that.

I am simply asking that this official handbook should definitely repudiate those false and misleading charges against our country and particularly against this Parliament and statements made in this Parliament.

With the general desire that has been expressed in favour of contacts with the representatives of the States mentioned, I am in full agreement. I think it is all to the good that these contacts should take place. It is part of the work of undoing the false propaganda levelled against us in the past. I believe, as I said earlier, in an association of our State with the States of the British Commonwealth, but the essential point is to have it on a proper basis. If you have it on the right basis, then you will get the support of your own people, but if you have it on the wrong basis you will get the hostility of a large section. I can honestly say that what I have been striving for during the whole of my period in public life is to get a proper basis established. I believe that once a proper basis were established the various factors making for good relationship would exercise their natural influence; but I always believed, too, that as long as the basis was wrong, then everything would go in the other direction.

Deputy Dillon said that the name "Empire" on the journal would have been changed if it could have been done without creating confusion between the general body and the association in Australia. If that is so, how much more anxious ought we to be not to get into a position in which confusion would be created? I have been striving for the last three or four years to get rid of things precisely because they seemed to create that kind of confusion in other directions. I have been trying to get the facts made clear so that if we differ we will know what we are differing about. In this case I am anxious to have the association on the right basis. I believe that if we succeed in getting the right basis—I think the editor of the journal knows some of the difficulties—the rest will be set right. We have not been a member for a long time.

We are members.

We have not paid the subscription for many years.

We never paid the full subscription.

We have not paid over a long period of years. We deferred paying until the matter was made clear, but if the change which the Deputy seemed to indicate is made it is likely that the big difficulty will disappear. It was to avoid further confusion that action has been deferred. Subscriptions have been paid in the past to this body about which Deputy Dillon is concerned because it was felt that some of the work undertaken was of a cultural or scientific kind. I cannot remember the various considerations which came up on each particular occasion, but I know it was felt if we joined this association we were going to be publicised, so to speak, in what appeared to be a wrong position. We deferred taking action, therefore, until the foundation is made right, as I hope will happen. If that is done, I agree that everything is in favour of it.

I do not know what further explanation Deputy Davin wanted. I explained the purpose for which this £10,000 was required when I introduced the main Estimate. I explained that a committee was to be set up which we hoped would commend itself generally to the members of the House, of people who would be associated with cultural matters in this country and, if possible, people whose names carried weight abroad as well as at home and people who were acquainted with conditions in foreign countries. Such a committee could be very helpful. For instance, we hope to have exhibitions of various kinds abroad— such as book exhibitions, for instance, of which we have had several here. The activities undertaken would be of that kind. The main point is that the sum is a grant-in-aid and that no 1d. can be spent by the Minister on his own initiative. Whatever use is made of this money it must be with the approval of the committee. The Minister has the power of veto. If a proposal is made which the Minister in charge of External Affairs does not consider to be in accordance with the general purposes of the sub-head or to serve the country's interests, he can refuse to allow it to be carried out; but he cannot himself carry out a proposal for the expenditure of any of this money against the wishes of this committee.

That meets my point.

I think Deputy Cogan misunderstands what the handbook is about. I may be wrong but he seemed to me to have an idea that it would be a handbook of instructions to our representatives abroad. I do not know if the Deputy ever saw the Handbook of Saorstát Éireann which was produced here before we came into office. The edition was quickly exhausted. He can see a copy in the library, perhaps. It is a book of that sort. It is not official instructions. It is a public document and, having been produced by money voted by the Oireachtas, it will naturally be open for criticism by the members of the House if there is anything that calls for criticism, on my Vote or any other appropriate occasion. The intention is to bring that book up to date. It was a valuable book in many respects. It was very well produced. It was, in fact, a splendid specimen of Irish printing and Irish production and I hope the new book will be of the same quality. It is considered desirable to have two editions, one a de luxe edition such as the one that was produced before, to be available for representatives abroad to give to important personages, representatives of other countries, and so on, who want to get an idea of the conditions here and some information about our national life. There will also be a cheaper edition which will be available for wider distribution.

May I put this point to the Taoiseach? At the present moment we have a branch of a Parliamentary Association in existence. I think I am right in saying that an officer of the Oiraechtas is actually an officer of the branch. All that we are asking is that the Exchequer should give to such members of this Oireachtas as think it right to maintain that branch the same assistance as the Exchequer gave to the members of the Oireachtas who used to belong to the Inter-Parlimentary Union. I submit to the Taoiseach that if the existence of the word "Empire" in the name of the British member of this group of associations is, in the judgement of the Minister for External Affairs, calculated to create an ambiguity, the appropriate method of marking his and his colleagues' apprehension in that regard is to abstain from membership of the Irish branch and to say: "Though we approve in principle of this business of members of democratic Parliaments, either within the Commonwealth or wider sphere meeting and talking it over one with the other and though we would be glad to collaborate in this particular one, we do not feel ourselves free to do so unless and until this ambiguity is removed". That keeps the Taoiseach and his Party right on the record and, without being unreasonable, I suppose there is a certain justification for their anxiety in that regard. In any case, whether it is justifiable or not, men are entitled to their own feelings, whatever they may be. On the other hand, it gives those members of the House who are outside the Taoiseach's Party and who do not feel that this organisation gives rise to the ambiguity which troubles the Minister's colleagues, our rights in the matter. We are allowed to belong to the association, the general objectives of which all are agreed are good but the terminology employed to describe it, questionable in the eyes of some. Surely it will be enough that the Leader of the Fianna Fáil Party and his colleagues eschew membership unless and until that ambiguity is removed, without seeking to impose upon us an intolerable financial burden or else the somewhat humiliating position of having to seek continued membership of this Parliamentary Association with a token subscription which means that we are enjoying the amenities which all these Parliaments provide for their colleagues without subscribing to the common fund for the central secretarial work the £100 or whatever is appropriate from a branch founded in a Parliament of the size of Oireachtas Éireann.

I invite the Taoiseach, without committing himself finally to this matter, to address his mind to that aspect of it and to determine whether it would not sufficiently dissociate him and his colleagues from any ambiguity that may exist by their abstaining from membership unless and until the defect, as it seemed to him, was remedied.

On this point, is the Taoiseach aware—I am aware—that even during recent times, British members of Parliament come here with credentials from the British branch of this association and are received by an officer of this House who has very limited funds at his disposal for the purpose of entertaining these people? I know that on some occasions that officer has had to entertain them at his own expense and I think that is wrong.

I agree that it is not right that it should be like that. I will look into that. The trouble at the moment about following Deputy Dillon's suggestion is that when money is voted by this House it naturally suggests concurrence by the majority of the members of the House, and I do not know what connotation might be attached to that.

Bring in a Supplementary Estimate and go on record as saying that you do this simply to accommodate, or with due regard for, the minority of the House that cannot hope to be a majority.

I will have the matter considered from that point of view.

Thank you.

Vote put and agreed to.
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