asked the Minister for External Affairs if he will state whether any approach has been made to the Government by the Government of the United States of America or of any other country with regard to our attitude towards the proposed Atlantic Pact; and if he will state the Government's policy on this question.
Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Atlantic Pact.
Exchanges of views have taken place between the Government of the United States and the Government of Ireland on the question of Ireland's participation in the proposed Atlantic Pact. I took advantage of these exchanges of views to make clear the attitude of this Government on the matter and I have kept other Governments concerned in the pact informed of our views.
As I explained in the course of these exchanges, Ireland, as an essentially democratic and freedom-loving country, is anxious to play her full part in protecting and preserving Christian civilisation and the democratic way of life. With the general aim of the proposed Atlantic Pact in this regard, therefore, we are in agreement. In the matter of military measures, however, we are faced with an insuperable difficulty, from the strategic and political points of view, by reason of the fact that six of our north-eastern counties are occupied by British forces against the will of the overwhelming majority of the Irish people. Partition is naturally and bitterly resented by the people of this country as a violation of Ireland's territorial integrity and as a denial in her case of the elementary democratic right of national selfdetermination. As long as Partition lasts, any military alliance or commitment involving joint military action with the State responsible for Partition must be quite out of the question so far as Ireland is concerned. Any such commitment, if undertaken, would involve the prospect of civil conflict in this country in the event of a crisis.
Any such alliance or commitment is equally out of the question from the strategic point of view. The defence of a small island such as Ireland can be undertaken effectively only by a single authority having at its back the firm support of a decisive majority of the population of the whole country. Furthermore, it would obviously be necessary, from the strategic point of view, that the productive capacity of the country as a whole should be integrated under a democratically-elected central authority; and this is impossible so long as Partition lasts because the six north-eastern counties are the principal industrial area of the country. These practical difficulties are aggravated by the state of feeling naturally created by the undemocratic practices used to maintain and ensure the continuance of the partition of our country. Our attitude is that neither this Government nor, we believe, any other Irish Government could expect to find the necessary support for a policy involving joint military commitments with the power that continues to lend its sanction, tacit or active, to evils of the very kind which it is the object of the proposed pact to oppose and prevent.
In explaining our attitude, I made it quite clear that this Government is not actuated by feelings of hostility towards Britian; on the contrary, we are anxious to develop and strengthen our relations with Britain, and there are so many factors and interests making for good neighbourly relations between the two countries that it is inconceivable that, once Partition were removed and once the geographical, ideological and other forces making for friendship between the two countries were given full play, Ireland should ever constitute a source of danger or embarrassment to Britain in time of war. Any detached or impartial survey of the strategic and political considerations involved must lead to the conclusion that a friendly and united Ireland on Britain's western approaches is in the interest, not merely of Britain or of Ireland, but of all the countries concerned with the security of the Atlantic area. Every consideration of constructive statesmanship points to the necessity of ending, as soon as possible and once and for all, the centuries-old conflict between our two countries.
I have strongly urged that it is better to face this question now as a matter of urgency rather than to allow a situation to develop wherein a satisfactory solution might be much more difficult to bring about. I also indicated that, inasmuch as the solution of the Partition problem would not merely end an undemocratic and dangerous situation, but would also make a vital contribution towards strengthening the internal harmony and cohesion of the North Atlantic community, the matter was one which should receive the active consideration of all the Governments interested in the co-operation of the nations concerned.
That, briefly, is the attitude of the Government on the question of Ireland's participation in the proposed Atlantic Pact, and, as I have said, I have taken steps to make our position clear to the Governments of all the States immediately concerned.
Is the Minister aware that there is grave danger that our failure to co-operate with the other North Atlantic nations may definitely identify our country with the Com-munist-controlled countries? That is an alignment which would be disastrous for our nation's honour and interest. Furthermore, is the Minister aware that the proposed national reunion can be more effectively advanced from inside rather than from outside the North Atlantic or antiCommunist alliance?
I am not aware that there can be the slightest doubt as to where Ireland stands in regard to the general world conflict. Neither am I aware that the cause of Irish unity could be better advanced if Ireland agreed to enter into a military alliance with the country which is at present occupying a portion of her island.