Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 18 May 1949

Vol. 115 No. 11

Committee on Finance. - Vote 29—Agriculture (Resumed).

When progress was reported last night I was referring to the policy of the present Government as compared with the policy of the Minister's predecessors and the attitude adopted by the Minister towards the farmers of this country in comparison with the attitude adopted by his predecessors. It cannot be disputed that the Minister has created a spirit of confidence amongst the agricultural community. There is an air of happiness amongst the farmers and farm workers. They know where they are going, they know that they have a Minister prepared to co-operate in an effort to raise the mainstay of our country to a proper level of production and prosperity. I compared the co-operation and persuasion offered by the Minister to our agricultural community with the attitude of aggression, intrusion and interference adopted by his predecessors. I mentioned that one independent view of our progress and the progress of the Minister so far as agricultural policy is concerned was that expressed by Mr. J.E. Carrigan, the E.C.A. Mission chief in Ireland. I a radio talk on the 11th April, 1949, regarding the Government White Paper on the recovery programme he stated:—

"The White Paper gave many inducements to increased production, in the form of assured prices and guaranteed markets, improvement and development schemes for live stock and poultry, a reorganised veterinary service, encouragement of mechanisation and rural electrification."

He commended the Government and especially the Department of Agriculture for pressing forward with this programme in which he was directly concerned and interested. I can quote from the Sunday Independent of the 5th of April, also, a radio talk by Mr. Carrigan. One of his statements included these words:—

"On this day that marks the beginning of the second year under the Marshall Aid I congratulate the Government and the people of Ireland on the progress being made in stabilising the economy."

Those are some statements made by a man with an independent mind on the matter, a man that could be expected to give what he considered to be a fair view.

Last night I heard Deputy Derrig expressing concern about the glass-house owners of Connemara and Donegal. I think he mentioned Achill in particular. He mentioned that they had gone to the Canary Islands——

The Channel Islands.

——the Channel Islands in order to learn the science of tomato growing. Deputy Derrig is now interested in the people of Achill. He knows that one of their principal occupations is going over to the Scottish potato fields. That is what it used to be and is still. Not many are going to the Channel Islands, as Deputy Derrig states, to learn the science of tomato growing.

During the course of this debate last week Deputy O'Grady challenged me to find weeds on his farm. I could find weeds in the garden, never mind the farm. I was surprised to hear him prepared to offer a penny each.

We are not discussing Deputy O'Grady's farming.

What I wanted to say is that there are weeds in this country. It will take our Minister for Agriculture all his time to combat the growth of weeds by means of this new weed killer.

I hope that in his remarkable efforts to put our main industry on its feet again the Minister will seek the co-operation of the agricultural workers. They are doing a great job of work on the farms, but I think he could increase the volume of production by encouraging cottage industries, such as the rearing of pigs and poultry. Deputy Corry, in the course of his speech last Friday, said that the fact that there were more pigs, more poultry and more eggs in the country was nothing for the Minister to boast about, but the people are very glad to get these things. There was a shortage in these things until the Minister took over. Deputy Corry said that these pigs and poultry could be reared in a yard and that it was not farming at all. That brings me back to the suggestion that perhaps these cottage industries could be encouraged on the holdings of tenants of county council cottages where they have a small amount of land and a small yard. The Minister has indicated to the county committees of agriculture that he is prepared to co-operate with them as far as possible. He has gone so far as to say that he will be prepared to pay the cost of agricultural instructors in each three parishes. I should like the Minister to refer to the county committees of agriculture the possibilities of increasing the volume of production of pigs and poultry by adopting schemes which would make pigs and poultry available to these cottage tenants until such time as they had developed the industry on their own holdings and could repay the cost.

I notice, from the figures furnished to us, that the number of breeding sows was nearly doubled during the past year. Therefore, it is probable that even in the current year we will be faced with the necessity of finding an export market for our surplus bacon. I believe there is a market in Britain for bacon. I am sure that, under the 1948 Agreement, provision was made to ensure that when Irish bacon did become available we could develop an export market in it. During the past 12 months the number of live pigs has increased by something like 169,100. It is natural to expect, therefore, that in the near future we will have a surplus of bacon to export.

Deputy Corry, who is actively associated with the Beet Growers' Association, appeared to complain that the beet growers were not being properly treated. I may say that that particular organisation is not a new one. It was in existence during the Fianna Fáil régime. During those years, especially, the beet growers were held down to a price which did not appear to them to be reasonable. It is only in the last couple of years that their position has improved. That improvement came after a long period of years. Now, Deputy Corry is pressing to have greater allowances made to the beet growers. I think myself that there is a wide gap between the producer's price and the actual price at which sugar is retailed. The figures, however, given recently by the Minister for Industry and Commerce do not indicate that there is much of a margin when the sugar is finally processed from the raw beet.

We find that, when the Minister for Agriculture came into office a little over a year ago, pig production had declined to a level which was only 35 per cent. of the 1939 figure. The latter could not be regarded as being anything like satisfactory, having regard to the quantities of pig feeding that were available here in 1939. Our exports of bacon were then very small. It would appear that pig breeders at that time were not encouraged to go into competition on the international markets where bacon was made available to the British market, which happens to be our nearest market. The number of pigs delivered at the factories on the 1st May, 1948, was only 64,666. On the same date this year the number was 114,785. The increase which these figures indicate is in itself a tribute to the efforts made by the present Minister for Agriculture to increase bacon supplies and make bacon available to everyone in the country who wants to buy it.

I want to see the Minister carrying on in this year as he has done in the past year, and continuing his efforts. to persuade our farmers to increase the volume of production because we know that, when peace time conditions are restored, they will have to face the possibility of falling prices. Even though prices may fall to the pre-war level, it is quite probable that farmers' costs of production will not fall. Therefore, the only way in which they can meet the discrepancy that will then exist will be by increasing the volume of production. If they do so the results will be beneficial both for themselves and the country. There will be unlimited quantities of the various types of farm produce available to our consumers as well as large quantities for export. I think that is a remedy which lies within the power of the Minister —to balance up the possibility that falling prices will not leave farmers in the position where they may not be able to meet the costs of production.

With regard to production, I feel that farmers are not as well equipped as they should be. It would seem to me desirable that schemes should be operated, either directly through the Minister's Department or through the county committees of agriculture, which would provide our farmers with suitable machinery of all kinds so as to enable them to increase the volume of production easily. I mentioned last night that the farmers in England especially are very well equipped in that respect. The result of that is pretty obvious, because the income derived from their farms is on a far higher level than that which our farmers are able to make.

It will be admitted that our farms are not carrying the amount of stock they are capable of carrying or producing the quantity of crops which are capable of being grown on them, due to the fact that there is not sufficient live stock on them to make suitable manure available for the growing of crops. Our grass land is not fully stocked, nor is our grass of such quality as will make the feeding of live stock on it profitable. The result is that, instead of having one beast to the acre, you may have one beast to every three acres. That is not good farm economy.

The reclamation scheme which the Minister proposes to put into operation will, I believe, improve our land to such an extent that we will be able to increase the numbers of live stock on every farm as well as the amount of tillage that will be done in conjunction with the normal feeding of live stock. I am in full agreement with the Minister when he says that the most profitable way of disposing of a crop grown on a farm is to walk it off the land. We know that when we grow crops we must look for a consumer. Our population is limited. We are in the position that we have sufficient land to produce far more crops of various types than our people could possibly consume. Hence, we have to look for an export market for our surplus produce. It is difficult at the present time, under our conditions, to go into competition on the international markets in the case of many of our grain crops.

The export of vegetables is impracticable because of the fact that they are perishable. There is no doubt that the principle of growing crops for the-purpose of feeding them to our live stock, whether they be pigs, poultry, sheep or cattle, is the soundest one that we could adopt. I hope that the Minister, during the coming year, will devise some kind of scheme that will bring our farms into full production. He knows himself that there are farms all over the country, whether they be 50-acre or 100-acre farms, in respect of which one could always say that they were capable of giving a higher production than they do at present.

The farmers lack capital and it is not as easy for farmers to get a loan as one would think. Some say their credit is good, that they have land and can go to the bank, but when they go there the bank manager is not very helpful. When they want a loan from the Agricultural Credit Corporation they have to mortgage the land and there are so many formalities to be gone through that if the farmer is lucky enough eventually to get sufficient capital to enable him to increase his live stock and machinery and increase the acreage under crops, he finds he has spent so much time trying to bring about that state of affairs on the farm that the results hardly justify all his labour.

It is desirable that some scheme of national finance should be adopted which will afford a better system of credit for our farmers. Having regard to the demand for farm produce, particularly from the point of view of export, I think the farmers' credit could be regarded as good and the possibility of having a loan repaid would be quite good. If farmers were assisted in that way, more employment would be made available on our farms. At present, with lack of capital and live stock, and a limited volume of production, the amount of labour available on our farms is not as great as it could be. The more intensive the production becomes, the greater the gross income for each farm, if the farmer pursues a good agricultural policy, and the greater the amount of employment that can be given on the land to our people.

I take no exception to any part of the policy pursued by the Minister for Agriculture. It is the soundest policy ever presented by any Irish Minister for Agriculture since a native Government was established. He has created a measure of confidence among the farming community which could not be compared with the efforts of any previous Minister. The result of the Minister's policy over the past 12 months was spectacular. He would be doing a great job if he were as spectacular again next year. The figures and statistics available to us this year from the Department show the great progress that has been made. As a result of his policy we have now more wheat, oats, potatoes, cattle, pigs, sheep, butter, bacon, barley, poultry, eggs and more money for the farmers. Anybody who sees that list of achievements must agree that we have a progressive man at the helm and I hope he will be there for many a day.

Listening to Deputy Rooney speaking about pig production one wonders does the Deputy realise that for quite a few years we were trying to get enough food for human beings. Does the Deputy realise that the Fianna Fáil Minister was very anxious to see that we would have more pigs and poultry? He had, of course, as a Minister of State, a first responsibility to human beings and he had to feed them during the emergency. It is a pity that a good speech should be spoiled by misrepresentation. The production we have heard boosted so much is not the result of anything this Minister did during last year. He tried to do a few big things, including drowning old England with eggs, but he did not succeed.

He has done well.

The production we heard so much about from the far side of the House is the result of the sound policy adopted by his predecessor. Times changed and when enough food was coming into the country our people found it convenient to go after live stock. It is very easy to misrepresent the facts during the emergency period. It is rather disappointing always to have to listen to that type of misrepresentation. The Minister for Agriculture is about the keenest student I know, inside or outside this House, of misrepresentation. If you ask him a question about agriculture or anything concerning our agricultural products, his policy is to get down to personalities. It is a very good defence, I must say, to try to knock you off in that way:

When you try to speak on something of interest to you to the people you represent and, indeed, to the country as a whole, the Minister will try to put you off. I will give the House an example of how the Minister tried to misrepresent me a short time ago. I asked a question about the tomato industry and the Minister could have answered me in a few words and stated that it was his interest to see that an Irish industry, no matter what it dealt with, should go ahead. Instead of that he accused me of being concerned with only one class in the community. He did not realise that my interest as a member of the Fianna Fáil Party was concerned with every section of our people and not with one section alone.

I thought I was speaking to a responsible Minister and I expected something different from this type of answer: "The policy of the Government in regard to tomatoes is to ensure that supplies of such necessary items of food will not be denied to the poor." The Minister for Agriculture did not think very much of the poor when he asked them to pay 7/- a stone for flour and wanted them to pay 7½d. per lb. for sugar. He wanted them to buy butter at 5/-a lb. That is the procedure he followed, instead of subsidising these things.

They are all subsidised.

Sugar was 2/6 a lb. last year.

Where did you buy it at 2/6 a lb? You should give that information to the inspector who is going around the country.

Ask the housewives in your constituency and they will tell you.

They are subsidised to the point that Fianna Fáil subsidised them. You or your Government did not increase the subsidies. You were not much concerned with Irish industries when you asked the people to pay 7/- a stone for white flour or 7½d. per lb. for sugar. Then you come along and tell me that butter production has increased. The Minister for Industry and Commerce told me butter production has increased. Yet, despite the fact that butter production has increased, you still ask the people to do with six ounces of butter.

I do not. The ration has been increased to eight ounces. Come, come—wake up, my friend.

Increased to what?

To eight ounces.

Even eight ounces! It was long enough at six ounces.

What about the two ounces?

According to the Minister for External Affairs production has gone up by something like 50 per cent. Why do you not come along then——

The Deputy should drop the second person and speak in the third person.

I am concerned with this industry because it is an Irish industry and it is something which will help to keep more of our people at home. In certain aspects of his policy the Minister is running the agricultural workers off the land. Last Sunday I received a complaint in County Dublin at a place not very far from where Deputy Rooney lives.

Not from the widow, surely?

I will deal with that particular lady in a few moments.

Gracious me, is she going to come up again?

The fractious old body?

I received a complaint that a number of agricultural workers have been dismissed in a certain part of County Dublin. Is the Minister concerned with the agricultural workers? It is all very fine to see increased production of a kind. We are all anxious for increased production. I was born and reared on the land and I know the difficulties that are there. We in Fianna Fáil were anxious to cater for every section of the people. The present policy of the Minister for Agriculture is slowly putting the people on the roads and leaving the land for the bullocks. Is that not your policy?

I thought the Deputy would forget the tag, so I was going to help him.

Last night I heard Deputy Rooney express the opinion that the tomato industry would become over-productive and we would have too many tomatoes. I know the Minister's view with regard to Irish industry. Despite that, in view of all he has heard now, will he consider keeping a few more people employed in the country and; in order to do that, will he encourage the tomato industry? It is his business as Minister for Agriculture to see that the poor get that particular food at a reasonable price. It is his business to find out what that reasonable price should be. He has a Department advising him on matters of that kind. He tried to misrepresent me on these points on a former occasion when I raised this particular matter on the Adjournment. Deputy Rooney spoke about the quantities of tomatoes that were imported in 1939, 1940, 1941, 1942 and onwards. Does the Deputy realise that there were no tomato houses worth while in the country during those years?

I mentioned that.

Does the Deputy realise that it is as a result of our policy in Fianna Fáil and the policy of the former Minister for Agriculture that this industry was established throughout the country?

There were glass-houses in the country 20 years ago.

But there were some; and they knew how to grow tomatoes, sell them at 5d. per lb. and make a profit.

Does the Minister appreciate that the industry needs encouragement? His policy seems to be one of stamping out these things. His policy seems to be one of importing everything and exporting cattle and human beings. Is that the Minister's policy?

To me it is very obvious that it is because of the misrepresentation to which I have already referred and for which I would give the Minister a leather medal if I had one. The tomato industry was started in the Gaeltacht. That is a part of our country about which many people cry so much. We are told about the poor Irish who were banished there in Cromwell's day. The former Minister for Agriculture and the former Minister for Finance under the Fianna Fáil régime encouraged the tomato industry in the Gaeltacht. The present Minister for Agriculture pooh-poohs that industry. He does not want an industry like that good, bad or indifferent. He will not adopt the policy that the Dutch Government adopted and the Dutch people over a period of years in order to ensure that enough tomatoes would be grown for home consumption and, at the same time, have an exportable surplus. The Minister will not adopt that policy here.

What is to stop the growers?

They have the money to build the glass-houses.

What is stopping them?

We have not yet reached the point of perfection at which we can do that. Had we been in office for a few years more we would definitely have enough tomatoes to supply our own needs. At the present moment the majority of the growers do not know how they stand. This is an industry that concerns me because it is one established in my own constituency. It is of national importance to the people as a whole. The Dutch Government helped their growers to export tomatoes and encouraged that industry. That was Fianna Fáil's policy in the past. That will be our policy in the future. So much for tomato growing.

Yesterday a question was put down to the Minister for Industry and Commerce asking him if he would state the amount of fruit pulp for jam manufacturing imported over the past year and if he could say what effect the importation of that fruit pulp will have on the home-grown fruit industry? The reply he gave was that the quantity of fruit pulp or juice imported from April, 1948, to March, 1949, was 43,229 cwts. He said that the second part of the question was a matter for the Minister for Agriculture.

Is the Deputy aware that twice that quantity was imported in the previous 12 months?

Will the chatterbox leave me alone while I develop my point? I will talk to him afterwards.

You should get last year's figures.

In 1931 the few fruit growers in County Dublin were about to go out of business. They found they could not carry on. Luckily for them and for fruit growers all over the country there was a change of Government. After the change of Government, reasonable protection was given to the fruit growers, and the jam manufacturers, instead of buying imported pulp that was manufactured, of course, from fruit grown by foreign labour and brought into this country while our people were being exported——

Does the Deputy favour a prohibition on imports of fruit pulp for manufacture into jam here?

Do you want a brief?

I want the Deputy to say "yes" or "no", not to wobble.

I shall develop my point in my own way. I want to know from the Minister what is his attitude with reference to fruit growing. The Minister has had one of the most favourable years in the history of this country since 1930. Is the Minister going to see that fruit growing in County Dublin and the remainder of the country will be extended? Is he going to encourage that industry and give it reasonable protection? It is very hard to understand the Minister's attitude in discussing many of the projects that were started and encouraged here before he took up office. We have apparently to look on one industry as essential and look on all other industries in this country as nonessential, get all we want imported into the country and continue exporting our people. I could go back, of course, to the Minister's famous speech in a debate in the National University when we were told that the country would be better off with 1,500,000 people.

What is the Deputy referring to?

I am referring to the debate that you had in the National University some time ago, in 1947 I think.

I had no debate in the National University. I am warning the Deputy again against the use of the second person.

I am referring to the Minister. The general trend of the Minister's statement is to ridicule Irish industry. We are deeply concerned about his attitude notwithstanding all the claps he has got on the back from back benchers.

Are we discussing an Estimate for the Department of Industry and Commerce or the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture?

I am discussing agriculture at the moment. I am talking about fruit growing as an Irish industry and I want to see what the Minister is going to do about it. One portion comes under the Department of Industry and Commerce, but that is no fault of mine. The Minister's bailiwick extends to the growing of both soft fruits and hard fruits. I have already stated that there are hundreds of people engaged in the fruit growing industry, but if the Minister had his way that would not be so. Prior to 1932 when there was no protection in this country, that industry was dying quickly. There is in my constituency to-day a man who employs in season about 200 people.

Which season?

He employs in season about 200 people. That is during the months of June, July and August. That very same man was going out of business in 1931. How far is the present policy of the Minister and his Department going to encourage that industry and to extend the production of soft fruits, hard fruits and all sorts of fruit to supply the needs of this country? How far is the Minister going in instructing the various fruit growers in the method of preserving hard fruit especially? I suppose I had better await the results to see what will happen. I have heard my colleague, Deputy Rooney, who can be very verbose at times, talking about land being starved.

I travel around the county very often. I do not see much evidence of starved land. The White Paper issued by the Minister does not state or imply that the land of Ireland is bad, considering that production was so high last year. We have it stated that the yield of wheat, oats and all such crops was up. Why was it up? If the land was impoverished why did that occur?

Selected land.

The Deputy knows well it was not selected.

The new Minister.

Selected land.

I thought Deputy Rooney had finished his speech but evidently he has not, judging by his interruptions for the last quarter of an hour.

I am just referring to this White Paper and pointing out to the House that the land of the country was not as bad even as the Minister alleged it was, and that production was not so low. He told the farmers to grow oats, potatoes and wheat and the yield increased. I admit that he had a very fine season, that everything favoured him, but it all comes round to one point, that he again totally misrepresented the facts. I heard another Deputy referring to manures and fertilisers—superphosphate, ammonia, and various other types of manure. If we were in a position to import these manures during the emergency period we would have done so, but they could not be procured at that time except in very limited quantities. I heard Deputy Rooney state that there was no lime during the emergency, but in my own parish in Donabate I saw a few farmers liming their land even during the emergency. I am sure the Minister has all the facts in front of him. Minister, what is going to happen the inspectors who go in on land——

The Deputy is back again at the second person.

"Minister" I said.

He is using the second person constantly.

What advice is the Minister going to give to his inspectors? Can they go in on a farmer's land now or have they to wait until they are invited in by the farmer while they are passing on the roads? I mean the people who are to be sent to the three parishes. I am very serious about this, because I am very concerned about these gentlemen, who are very decent men, and I would not like their feelings to be hurt. Before if they looked across a farmer's fence they were committing an aggravated offence; they were to be run out immediately; they were to be ostracised. Now, they are to be sent back to take charge of three parishes and I want to know if they have to wait on the road until they are invited in.

In no capacity can a public servant trespass on a farmer's land without his leave. Is that clear enough for the Deputy?

I beg your pardon.

I thought you would not understand that.

I am a wee bit deaf sometimes.

When it suits you.

I hope that the Minister has given them some protection and that they will not be afraid to go into a farmer's house. If they want to give the benefit of their assistance and advice to a farmer and if the farmer does not want them to come in, what action is the Minister going to take then? If a farmer or a group of farmers state that they know enough themselves without being told any more, is the Minister going to ask the inspectors to go in to see those farmers and shake hands?

Have they the right to break down the door of your house? If they have not, they have not the right to break down your neighbour's door.

We are back to the point we were at last year. At any time during the emergency did any inspector—they were courteous and efficient men—go in and break down the door of any farmer's house?

Break down his fences and his gates. I am going to read it for you.

Anything that was done in that period was done in the national interests. The Minister was a Deputy then and when he was saying from these benches that wheat was a cod, that beet was a cod and that peat was a cod, these unfortunate, decent, honourable servants of this State were encouraging the farmers to grow food for the people of this nation. Any farmer who was national enough and who realised the difficulties facing the Government and the country, always welcomed the inspector in. He did not go into the farm house or the farmyard as a spy, but as a friend to advise what should be done.

I see also from the Minister's statement regarding conacre that he is totally against it. I want to say that I would like to see everybody with enough land not to want conacre if it were possible——

Hear, hear!

——but when you examine the position in my constituency in County Dublin you find that there are a number of small market gardeners and farmers who definitely could not have existed or have given employment unless they had that conacre. This is a serious position in so far as a man with a holding of land or a widow——

The widow marches forth to war again. What about the bank manager from Balbriggan?

The Minister has stated on the 9th July, 1948, in this House:—

"I was brought up in the old tradition of the Three F's. One of these was fixity of tenure. Fixity of tenuremeant two things in this country. The first was that no landlord could throw you out of your holding——"

Hear, hear!

"and the second was that you could throw any landlord or his bailiff out of your holding."

Hear, hear!

"I am happy to think that we have restored that rule in Ireland now."

That rule is not new, but you can have circumstances of a person who for financial reasons or otherwise cannot till his own land. The father or the family might be sick or financial embarrassment might have a lot to do with it through a fault of their own, possibly, or through no fault of their own. Why should the Minister, after making that statement on this Vote this time last year, interfere with that man, woman or child who allows his next door neighbour to have two or three acres of conacre? Are you going to object to that? If you are going to object to it it means that if through any fault of their own, financial circumstances or depreciation people are not in a position to till their own land, the best thing they can do is to give up that land to somebody else and get out on the highways and by-ways of old Ireland.

Is the Deputy serious about that?

He is a bit addled but he is getting round to it.

Are we to make a hard and fast rule to stop a particular man, say, a small farmer with 20 acres of land who is not able to stock it, from letting his next door neighbour come in and take over three or four acres of that land and till it? I know one conacre farmer in County Dublin who employed about 50 people the whole year round practically and now he cannot get conacre.

Because the people he was getting conacre from decided that they would go out with the hayseed barrow and grow grass instead. Of course, the result of it is that agricultural workers must leave that area. That happened in County Dublin and I can give the names and full particulars of that man and of other men like him. In North County Dublin especially there are a number of people who make a decent living on conacre alone. They go in and get land from this farmer or that farmer who, because of some circumstances, is not in a position to work it himself, and those people carry on in that way. A statement was made by the Minister some time ago that he wanted people to walk the farm produce off the land. There were scores of examples in County Dublin, where the conacre farmers went in for cash crops, potatoes, oats or wheat, and who as a result of the emergency procured a lot of farm machinery. I do not know whether that affects other constituencies, but it does affect County Dublin.

Power machinery to till conacre?

That is true.

They must not be worth a damn as farmers if that is the way they are going about it.

I knew one man who had only about ten acres of land himself tilled and about 120 acres of conacre. He had machinery for tilling the land also for hire. He did the work as a business and made a very good living at it. One of the principal reasons why I am so deeply concerned is that he was improving the land and was giving employment in rural Ireland.

Representations have been made to me by another section of our people, the few who are still left on the land and are anxious in County Dublin to carry out agriculture. They would like to see us take some interest in their welfare, so, with your permission, I make this point. I have been approached by farmers who want the Minister to consider favourably recommending a reduction in the price of petrol for farm machinery, that is, for totally agricultural machinery. Some farmers, who were anxious to adopt the policy of the Minister and were innocent enough to follow his advice and go in totally for machinery, are hoping now that he will come to their aid by recommending to the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Industry and Commerce a reduction in the price of petrol for tractors.

What the Minister controls is what we can discuss. The Minister does not control the price of petrol.

I agree with you, but the Minister is concerned with the tractor that is working the land. He has often referred to the need for more tractors.

I dare say the Minister is concerned with everything that deals with agriculture —spades, shovels, wheelbarrows, horses and cattle.

In view of his advice on machinery development. I claim your indulgence in asking him to make recommendations on behalf of the people who are working directly under his Department.

There is only one tractor that uses petrol and that is the Ferguson, and now you can get one that uses vaporising oil.

I suggest that the Deputy pass on from that.

Another industry on which I was hoping to hear something worth while from the Minister is the dairying industry. It is one of our primary agricultural industries and if it were under a Minister who would take his job seriously and not be too flamboyant about it, it might be possible to develop it more. We have not succeeded yet in developing this industry as much as we would like. The Minister said last year that he hoped to be in a position to export butter and other dairy produce. He has the ball at his toe now, if he would only ask the Minister for Finance to finance dairying or subsidise it for a period of five years and encourage every farmer to keep more cows and go in for dairying in a big way. There are many by-products from milk— cream, cheese, dried milk, milk for chocolate—for which there is an export market and if the Department of Agriculture considers this on a national basis and helps the farmers to develop it as a major national industry, there are great potentialities to be realised. At the moment, we are only on the fringe of things. Such a scheme would bring money into the small farmers' and the large farmers' homes every week, every fortnight or every month. There would need to be regional areas for collecting the milk, and that can be done only by the Government subsidising it over a period of five years, or two years, as the case may be. The whole thing would have to be handled in a proper manner.

What kind of subsidy does the Deputy suggest?

I am not the Government, but if the Deputy wants to discuss this in more detail at some other time, I may put up the scheme to him.

The Deputy has not got it in his head at the moment.

In Denmark they have made this a national industry and that side of agriculture is developed in other countries a good deal more than here. There is another side to the question. Such development would keep many of our people in rural Ireland and would bring money into the homes regularly. If it is looked after properly by the various instructors, there are great potentialities in it. I have given this matter serious consideration and have often noticed that the men who go into dairying in a small way and look after the business properly give a lot of work locally. They grow a large amount of food for the cattle and, generally speaking, there is an air of prosperity and helpfulness in the whole industry when it is carried on properly. Why could that not be developed and why could we not have exports of butter, cheese, dried milk, cream and various other subsidiary products of the dairying industry which would be of value to our people?

And sour milk?

The Minister spoke about disease in cattle and in that connection I am glad to see that he intends to carry on the good work started by his predecessor. I am happy to learn that he has enough sense to devote attention to the problem of counteracting disease in animals. He has said, with reference to fluke in Clare, that he proposes to send down inspectors to cure it. Unless we spray the land and go after the disease in the proper way, all the inspectors we have will not cure that disease in Clare, not to speak of other parts of the country.

What would you spray the land with?

I have seen cattle and sheep dying because of that disease, which is in the land, particularly in mountainous districts where the land is cold and wet. With such conditions, there is bound to be fluke, although on dry land, and particularly dry upland, it is not so prevalent. There is another disease responsible for killing cattle in my constituency. It is contracted by the cattle when they eat a particular fern which I brought to the notice of the Minister's predecessor— the male fern which grows in Castle-kelly and Bohernabreena. One farmer in that area lost seven or eight cattle the year before last and others lost two. three and four cattle, as a result of their having eaten that fern at that time of the year. It is a matter which I should like the Department to examine. I know it is a big problem and I know that to counteract it will be an expensive business, particularly in the area I refer to, where there are possibly hundreds of acres of such ferns; but if there is any means of killing off these ferns, it would be welcomed.

What market does the Minister propose to get for farmers this season who have a surplus of potatoes? Are they to be left on their hands as they were last season? I am sorry the Minister has left the House because the kick has gone out of my address since he left, and there are a number of matters I want to discuss with him. With regard to production as a whole, we want to see all sections of farming going ahead. We want to ensure also that people will not be displaced from employment, and, as I say that, I look over at some of the Labour representatives who are backing the Minister in his policy. I am deeply concerned about people losing their employment, because, even when employed, it is difficult for people to live, but it is impossible when people are unemployed, and any policy which does not help to provide employment, any policy which tends to enable one section to get rich while another becomes poorer, is not one which is for the good of the country.

That is what used to happen.

We in Fianna Fáil are concerned to see that every section——

You forgot to give them wages to live.

The only thing I can say in that regard is that the few people who have got wages are going day after day. I should like to see, and I have always advocated it—and I hoped at one time to see the wealth of this country improving so much to enable it to come about—everybody in the country getting a decent living to enable them to look after their families in a Christian way.

On £2 5s. 0d. per week.

Fianna Fáil stayed in too long.

We were gradually stepping up agricultural production and getting over a very difficult period, and we were anxious to see that those who got employment as a result of our policy would retain that employment.

Those who talked about the agricultural workers in County Dublin and in every other county did not improve the status of those workers very much more than was done by the Agricultural Wages Board set up by Fianna Fáil in 1936. In that year the status of the agricultural worker was lower than that of the serf.

That was 13 years ago.

We legalised their status as agricultural workers and made it possible for them to demand a reasonable minimum wage. In my constituency I can say without fear of contradiction that they have received nothing but what they got from the Agricultural Wages Board set up by Fianna Fáil. I do not say that £2 5s. 0d., £3 5s. 0d., £4 5s. 0d. or £6 is enough, but I should like to see every man with a decent wage. I am totally against a policy which is responsible for putting out of employment the people whom we put into employment, and any Deputy who thinks that cheap jibes will put me off is barking up the wrong tree.

Extend one of your arms, like Lincoln.

We were to have full employment for our agricultural workers and they were to be made as happy as sand boys. We had people on the platforms claiming that they would give full employment to every section of our people, but the effect of the policy in operation is to enable one section to grow rich while other sections can go on the road and into the emigrant ship.

What section of the rural community is growing rich?

Surely, under a Dillon Government, nobody could grow rich.

There is one section, the poor agricultural worker, for whom there is no work. I meet them every other day. A number of them have gone from my constituency and more will go. Then we are told that this Government is concerned with the welfare of every section of our people. They will try to misrepresent us, of course, and they have succeeded to a great degree by gulling some of the electors during the last general election. They were just looking after one section.

You missed your calling.

In order that agriculture should be properly balanced, the Minister in charge must be concerned with all sections and all branches of the agricultural industry and must help and consider every section of the people who are anxious to engage in production, let it be cattle, eggs, tomato-growing, fruit-growing or vegetable-growing.

How about wind-blowing?

Again may I remind the House that, prior to Fianna Fáil getting into office, the vegetable-growing industry in County Dublin was in a very haphazard state? Vegetables were being imported from the Channel Islands and from France and were sold on the Dublin market in competition with homegrown vegetables. As a result, the industry was reduced to such a state that, as in the case of fruit-growing, people were going out of it day after day. We were anxious to encourage that industry. Fianna Fáil looked after it. I am asking these people, both Clann and Labour and the people who represent the farmers, or, at least, are alleged to represent them, that is, the Farmers' Party, will they see to it, now that they are trying to develop the agricultural industry, that every section of that industry will be looked after and that it will be given reasonable protection or will they continue to clap on the back a Minister who will be responsible for putting people out of that industry? If that is their policy, the day of reckoning will come.

You sanctimonious old cod.

May I call your attention to the remark of Deputy Collins? Is it in order for the Deputy to continue these persistent interruptions and to use such scurrilous language in this House?

Neither the language nor the interruptions are in order.

There should be a little more appreciation of the intelligence of the people of this country than is displayed by the use of language of the kind we have been listening to in this House.

Last year, when I was speaking on the Vote for Agriculture, I put the subject under nine or ten headings and the Minister promised me faithfully that he would guard the interest of these people like a guardian angel. May I claim your indulgence in referring to one thing again? Is the Minister going to continue catering for one or two sections of the people to the detriment of others? Is he going to misrepresent facts? Is he going to continue to ask the people to grow a certain cash crop, as he did in the case of oats and potatoes last year, and then tell them that they are to walk it off the land? I have dealt with that already in a small way. I pointed out the difficulties of farmers in County Dublin who are not in a position to walk this produce off the land and who grew it solely as a cash crop. Is he going to put these people completely out of business, not only the conacre farmers but the workers they are employing, and is he going to be supported in that policy by the Labour and other Parties forming the inter-Party Government? Do they stand for that kind of conduct?

Be more practical.

That is true.

Be more practical.

I am only referring to things as they are represented to me. I am also concerned with the case of a number of farmers who have spent a lot of money on agricultural machinery.

Are we back to this again?

There are decent farmers who have spent a lot of money on agricultural machinery and who do not know how they stand now. I want the Minister to make a statement as to what encouragement he will give these people. Is he going to tell them that he will do anything for them? Will he look for an export market for them? As I have already stated, the Minister had one of the most favourable years in the history of this country. Manures were coming in more plentifully. Seeds could be procured. The weather was fine.

On a point of order. This ground has already been covered by the Deputy. I do not think the Deputy should repeat himself ad nauseam.

He should not. I did not hear that before.

I am dealing with agricultural machinery that was purchased by small farmers and I have not dealt with that before

You must not have realised that you did.

I want to know what the Minister is going to do about it. Will he give these people any encouragement? Will he work for only one section of the people? According to the figures given by the Minister in his opening speech, the much-hated animal, the horse, that he said everybody should get rid of——

Machinery?

It was the broken-winded horse that he did not want.

The one the Deputy was keeping for the one-acre farms.

Is Deputy Rooney here again? This is the man who was talking about the economic war last night, and when I asked him who was responsible for the economic war, he was not able to tell me.

It is not in this Estimate.

We could tell you.

Can the Deputy tell me? I want to know if I am wrong.

This discussion will not help farming much.

It is not intended to help farming.

Yes, I am going ahead, Sir. I notice, as I have already stated, that the Minister——

If the Deputy has already stated it, he should not repeat it.

——in his reference to the horse industry in this country said that he was anxious that the people should have mechanised farms. The horse industry, according to the Minister's own returns, is worth over £6,000,000 in an export trade to this country. Apart altogether from the Minister's point of view, I wonder if, from a national point of view as a whole, he will give any encouragement to the people in that industry when he is replying to this debate. Is he going to state that the horse is not too bad in this country or is he going to go all out for the abolition of the horse, and the substitution of the tractor?

Horses have a lot more sense than you have, Deputy.

Yes, they have horse sense.

I am sorry the Minister is not present now, because there are a number of other points which I should like to make but which I would prefer to make to him personally. However, there will always be another day.

I do not propose to follow Deputy Burke down all the labyrinthine ways he travelled during the last three-quarters of an hour.

Was I speaking for three-quarters of an hour?

Deputy Burke, during the past three-quarters of an hour, treated the House to a dissertation, a very great proportion of which was a lot of nonsense. I would not hold that against the Deputy but what I do hold against him is that I think he was contemptuous of the House inasmuch as he knew that he was talking arrant nonsense. I do not know if Deputy Burke or any other Deputy will feel that I, as a representative of a purely urban constituency, should either explain or apologise for briefly intervening in this debate. If there is any Deputy of that opinion, let me hasten to assure him, and the House, that I have not the slightest intention of making either an explanation or an apology. Deputy Lemass, in a recent debate—I think it was on the debate on the General Resolution on the Budget —took the Clann na Poblachta Party to task because they had the colossal impertinence to express in this House their own distinctive views. He sympathised with the Minister for Finance in that Clann na Poblachta had the colossal cheek, as he put it, to express Clann na Poblachta policy and to express their different point of view from that of the Minister. Well, if Deputy Lemass is going to be a long time in this House he is going to be in for a lot of shocks and disappointments, because one of the functions of the Clann na Poblachta Deputies in this House is to express Clann na Poblachta policy in the debates on the various Estimates.

I am not qualified, as are many farmer Deputies, to offer technical criticisms of the Minister's proposals or of the contributions made to the debate by previous speakers but, inasmuch as agriculture is our basic national industry, I and those whom I represent in an urban constituency have an immediate and a real interest in seeing that the policy followed by the Administration is one which will ensure that the best possible use is made of the natural resources with which the Almighty has blessed the country. As far as we in Clann na Poblachta are concerned, we are not going to vie with some of the Deputies on this side of the House who have sought to out-do each other in uncritical adulation of the Minister and everything he says. We certainly are not going to follow that line, nor are we going to adopt the attitude of criticism for criticism's sake, which is the unchanging motif of the Fianna Fáil tune. There are many matters upon which we, as a Party—and many of us as individuals—disagree fundamentally with the Minister. I think it was Deputy Dunne who expressed the view that he regretted the dropping of the compulsory tillage policy. I am in complete agreement with Deputy Dunne on that point and so are most of my colleagues on these benches.

But you support it all the same.

The Deputy got a hearing and I am going to get a hearing in spite of him. But we must balance the Administration generally— one against the other. Whatever criticisms we may make of details of administration by the present Government, we are quite satisfied about one thing—let there be no mistake or misconception about it—that they area better Administration and a better Government than Fianna Fáil could give us. I think the Minister is foolish to make such a fetish of the idea that compulsion of any sort, as applied to agriculture, is bad. To be perfectly honest, I think that in his exchanges with Deputy Burke about inspectors breaking into people's houses, and Deputy Burke shedding crocodile tears because the poor inspectors were being insulted by the Minister, the Minister and Deputy Burke were on about the one level in the pursuit of that topic and in those exchanges. The Minister seems to have an idea that compulsion per se is harmful. That is an idea to which I do not subscribe—I do not know if I am right in this but I think I am.

With regard to a particular bee in the Minister's bonnet—his objection to the policy of zoning agriculture, which was advocated by the Clann na Poblachta Party—we believe that small as this country is there are in it differences of soil and climate which make it difficult, if not impossible, to prescribe one unvarying policy for all areas of the country.

I do not propose at this stage to labour the point in any more detail, but I feel I can say this much as an indication of the line which we would recommend to the Minister. We have in this country areas suitable for dairying, for tillage, for the raising of sheep, for meat production, and small areas suitable for the production of fruit. These zones might not even in all cases form complete continuous units. Broadly speaking—I am merely saying this as an indication of the lines upon which I am thinking—it would be correct to say that Wexford, Wicklow, Carlow, Leix, Offaly, part of Dublin and Louth are grain and tillage areas. Waterford, Tipperary, Limerick, most of Cork, Kerry, Cavan, Sligo, Kilkenny, to an extent, I suppose, Leitrim are, in the main, dairying counties. Galway, Mayo, Donegal and the western littoral generally are mainly suitable for sheep raising. Then there is the meat-producing areas of Meath, Westmeath, part of Roscommon and part of Galway. The point that I should like to make to the Minister is that, instead of applying one policy to the whole country, there should be developed by his Department zonal policies for these different zones. I put that to the Minister, not alone as my opinion, but as the considered opinion of the Party of which I am a member.

Much has been said in the course of the present debate concerning the development of the dairying branch of our agricultural industry. I may be doing the Minister an injustice in this, but many of us feel that the Minister's predilection for beef and bullocks will ultimately adversely affect dairying interests. I know that we will be told that the dairying industry and the raising of beef are inextricably linked. I cannot deny there is a good deal of truth in that statement. Nevertheless, we want to see more encouragement given to our dairy farmers. We believe that a policy should be pursued aimed at the development of these strains which will give us the greatest possible milk yields. I know, and the House knows, that the Minister referred to these strains contemptuously in the past as Pakinese strains. The Minister is entitled to his opinion. An epithet, however, is a poor substitute for an argument.

As a city Deputy particularly, I should like to see our milk production and consumption stepped up, not for one period of the year, but all the year round. I should like to see milk available at a price that would enable the children of Dublin workers to receive sufficient of it to ensure that rickets, tuberculosis, and all the diseases that spring from malnutrition and under-nourishment would disappear from our midst. I know that pressure is constantly being brought on the Minister to increase the price paid for milk to the producers. I have listened to Deputies on this side of the House expressing the opinion that unless that price was increased our dairying industry was facing ultimate extinction. I have no reason to treat the statements that I so heard as having been made other than completely bona fide. On the other hand, I would resist very strenuously any increase in the price of milk. That leaves me in this position— that I must, if I am to be logical, advocate to the Minister the subsidising of milk delivered for consumption in urban areas. The Minister may ask me how am I going to do that, what are the details of the scheme. Like Deputy Burke, I could say that that was not my job, that it was the Minister's job. I am not going to say that. I believe it is possible for such a scheme to be worked out.

A great deal of free milk is distributed.

I agree that a great deal of free milk is distributed. On the other hand, if the Minister will ask his colleague, the Minister for Health, what his view is of making milk more freely available than it is at the moment, I think he will be assured that, in the view of his colleague, the health of our people would benefit.

Does the Deputy know that I am the first Minister for Agriculture since the State was founded who created a surplus of milk in the city area?

I know that that surplus exists at the moment. I can, however, also refer the Minister to the town of Mullingar in the county of Westmeath, where people have to travel as much as four or five miles in order to get milk. In any criticism that I am making of the Minister or his Department I ask the Minister to accept from me that it is made constructively and is not criticism merely for the sake of criticism.

I entirely agree.

I know that many producers argue—I suppose this would apply more to the bigger producers, particularly in areas in Cork and Limerick—that it is uneconomic for them to continue to produce milk at the present price. In all the circumstances, I think that the Minister can well consider the advisability of subsidising milk. It would be difficult; it would be expensive, but not more difficult or expensive than re-establishing our dairy herds if they progress any further along the road to extinetion; not more difficult or expensive than restoring the health of a generation of children in urban areas suffering from under-nourishment.

As I have referred to dairying, I should like, with your permission, Sir, to refer to a proposal outlined in the Holmes Report. I do not think the Minister dealt specifically with it in introducing the Estimate. That is the suggestion made, that by the sowing of a special type of grass seed it would be possible to shorten the period of stall feeding by one-sixth of the year. Cattle could be out grazing on a pasture a month earlier and a month later than is now the case.

That is being done.

I am very glad to hear that. I was criticised in many quarters last year when I suggested to the Minister the desirability of pursuing in his particular Department the policy of decentralisation to which lip service was paid, I think, by every member of the Government and every member of the Opposition. We get nobody to disagree in theory with decentralisation, but when it comes to a question of practice it is another thing. I see no conceivable reason why the Department of Agriculture in this country should not have its headquarters somewhere in the centre of the country in a town like Athlone.

I would not dream of sending them down to Deputy Allen. I should like to direct the Minister's attention to a suggestion which was made to his predecessor the year before last on this Estimate. It was suggested that the production of seed should be concentrated as far as possible in the congested areas in the West.

Of grass seed?

Of grass seed and other suitable seeds. In that connection, I should like to say that I hope the Minister's conversion to the policy of the tomato houses in Connemara will soon be complete and that it will be permanent. I disagreed at the time and I expressed by disagreement with the Minister's view on that. I am glad to say that whatever views the Minister expressed he certainly did nothing to discourage the actual scheme.

Much has been said in the course of this debate, and many compliments have been paid to the Minister in connection with bacon production and the increase in our pig population. I should like to congratulate the Minister on that, too. The Minister expressed a readiness to get out after combines and racketeers. I am not at all satisfied that the Minister could not devote, with profit to the country, some of his attention to the activities of the bacon curers. I see no real reason why all bacon curing in this country should not be done on a co-tion operative basis. In that connection, I should like to mention to the Minister, also, that I think the time is now overdue for a survey of the operation of many of our co-operative creameries throughout the country. Many have ceased to fulfil the function for which they were primarily intended. Many of them are now limited companies engaging in business, not on a co-operative basis, but as private trading concerns.

Hear, hear!

I think the Minister might spare a little time for an examination of that position or suggest to some of his officials that an examination should be made.

Some of them think I spare too much of my time examining that.

I am glad to hear it is having the Minister's attention. In conclusion, I should like to say to the Minister that I am not satisfied yet that the remuneration and terms of service of the agricultural worker are as high as they should be. I grant that conditions have improved for them since the Minister's advent to office but until such time as we in this country get out of our heads the nonsense about the servant boy and regard the agricultural worker as a highly skilled and essential technician of prime importance to this nation we will not have a sound or healthy agricultural industry.

I am not going to criticise the Minister very strongly. Neither am I going to congratulate him. I represent, in the majority of cases, a section of the smallest farmers in the country. These people are complaining to me that they have done a certain amount of land improvement. They are held up in certain cases and in other cases they have not been paid. I have been writing to the Department but I have not got much satisfaction. That is all I have to say on that particular matter.

I was listening very closely to a good deal of this debate. I heard people saying a great deal of things and they were talking through their hats. I heard a friend of mine, Deputy McQuillan, say that he wanted to see the man and dog done away with. Well, the man and dog have come back. I want to tell Deputy McQuillan this: with a vengeance the man and dog have come back to this country. The Minister made a statement which is a great one as far as I am concerned as the representative of the biggest portion of Westmeath. He said that he would not allow them to settle on land under the 11 months' system. Take over the land and give it to the Minister for Lands. Let him divide it and let us put more people on the land. If the Minister does that I shall light a bonfire for him.

I listened to Deputy Lehane and my friend, Deputy McQuillan, talking about milk in Mullingar. Every one of these people seems to concentrate on Mullingar, forgetting that I am the representative of that area. However, I am a democrat. Clann na Poblachta have a club there and so has Joe Kennedy. However, they say there is no milk there. There never will be milk in Mullingar until we get a park or two. So much land around Mullingar is under so many British majors and colonels who came into this country recently to buy up the land, and they will not give us an ounce of milk. Do you think the children in Mullingar will be fed with this British milk? Not a bit of it. The Minister talks about keeping a few old horses on a small farm. There is no use in thinking that we can have mechanised farming. I heard of a few young fellows who bought tractors on the instalment system, but soon after they had to go away and leave the tractors behind them. The tractors were taken up, even though, I suppose, these young fellows had paid half the price of them in their instalments. There is no use in thinking that we can have mechanised farms. If we have a few old horses, then do not take them from us. We all remember the old saying that no man with a valuation of more than £5 could own a horse. We want to keep our horses to plough the little bit of land we have. I ask Deputies to appreciate that fact. I am sure the Minister will. After all, we are not living in the moon.

Hear, hear!

This country of ours is not such a big one. We were all reared together in it. I do not like all the interruptions that we have here, especially from some of the young Deputies. They are all well educated, but I am afraid they are the biggest offenders. I do not know what we will do with them at all. I want to tell Deputy C. Lehane and my friend, Deputy McQuillan, that what they had to say about the milk supply in Mullingar was only wishful thinking. I am afraid they thought that they were going to steal the thunder from Deputy Kennedy and myself. They could not steal the thunder from me. I am not congratulating the Minister, and neither am I criticising him very much. I ask him to do the best that he can. On behalf of the small farming community in Ballinamuck, which is my stronghold, and in Drumlish and in the other parts of my constituency, I would ask the Minister to do the best he can for them. If he does, then we will probably be able to get along. If not, we will be faced with the same position next year as we are faced with to-day. I am a long time on the road now, and I do not want to see people coming in here to buy our land and set it on the 11-months' system. I think it was Lord Carlisle who said that our country was "only fit for flocks and herds." Of course, we in Westmeath, where we had the clearances, know all about that. We have the British majors and the British colonels coming here and buying our land. I do not want to say that that did not start until the Minister got into office. The fact is that they have been coming here and buying up land and something must be done to stop it. That is going on in Westmeath and also in Meath. If we have 100,000 people who should be put back on the land, then I ask all members of the House to help in seeing that it is done.

It is a great pity that Deputy Carter does not speak oftener in this Assembly, because I must say he has brought a breath of fresh air into this debate. I rise just to say a few words in regard to this Estimate. I think it has not been approached in a fair way at all. The debate has ranged over days here. Every little detail of the agricultural industry has been discussed by Deputies, and their statements have been repeated ad nauseam over the last three days. I think there ought to be some spirit of fair play in regard to all matters, and that in regard to agriculture there ought to be reasonable consideration for the efforts that have been made, and are being made, by the Minister. I have heard considerable criticisms of the Minister, criticisms which were mainly based on the fact that he has a particular personality, that he is not afraid to speak out his mind or say what he thinks. What he thinks to-day may be different from what he will be thinking in a week's time, but he is not afraid to say, at a particular time, what he thinks. I think that if we all adopted that line, things would be much better.

Looking at the position, broad and large, I think there has been a substantial improvement since Deputy Dillon took charge of the Department of Agriculture. The statistics that have been made available by him indicate that. There is one thing which, I think, each Deputy and each farmer should realise, and it is that Deputy Dillon, as Minister for Agriculture, is not sitting down on the job. He is working, and it is because he is working, and working very hard, that we have this new fillip in the agricultural industry. I would like to see a man with vision and a man with personality, and, when you have a man with vision and personality in charge of a Department, then I say it is only fair to give him his head and to give him a chance.

The one thing that has struck me about this debate is this—it has lasted for more than a year—that somebody got the idea into his head about a year ago that there was one way to defeat the present Government, and that was to make a cockshot of the Minister for Agriculture.

Hear, hear!

That is exactly what happened. Somebody worked this out, thought this out: "We will concentrate on Dillon." That was the instruction. Since then, the Fianna Fáil Party as a whole in this House and the Fianna Fáil organisation outside of it, and the hangers-on who hope for something if Fianna Fáil ever comes back into office, have been making a cockshot of the Minister for Agriculture. It does not matter that the bacon industry has improved, and it does not matter that things, generally, have improved for the farmers. What does matter is that if there must be this criticism of the Minister, the open criticism in the House is bad enough, but the criticism that is underground right through the country is much worse.

I have spoken to quite a number of farmers of different types and they say that things are looking up, things are improving and that the Minister is going the right way about it. That is the view of a cross section of the farmers. But then you have what I may call these political farmers who are neither farmers nor politicans. Those people would prefer to be bankrupt rather than make money under the administration of the present Minister so far as I can see. If we had a realistic approach to the matter in this House and if Deputies would look at the whole problem of agriculture, they would see that the difficulties that confront the Minister are enormous. The job the Minister has to do is undoubtedly a very big one.

Where there was criticism right through the country the Minister was quite prepared and anxious to meet these critics on the spot and discuss the problem with them and deal with their criticisms. Everywhere he has gone he has succeeded in making his case. I think to every reasonablyminded person in the House the Minister has succeeded in making his case and has justified his administration over the past year. When he made the suggestion to county committees of agriculture that there should be this parish agent, he was doing something for which he will be blessed by farmers in years to come. I am glad to know that quite a number of committees have approached the suggestion in the right way, but I have read in local papers some of the things said by members of county committees who obviously had not even listened to the reading of the circular sent out by the Minister. It is perfectly obvious from the nature of the criticisms as appearing in the local papers that they did not even listen to the reading of the circular. In one case it was decided that they would send out the circular to members so that they could consider it at the next meeting. Having considered it at the next meeting, they decided to adopt it with certain amendments and reservations.

When progress is being made in a Department, and when the Department is being run generally in the interests of the farmers, every assistance and co-operation should be given to the Minister. The Minister can very well say that as far as this House is concerned he is not getting, from almost half the Deputies, the co-operation or assistance or advice that he ought to get. That is unfair to the farmers; it is unfair that because 60 or more Deputies have made up their minds for political reasons that they will try to defeat the Government, they should refuse to co-operate with the Minister in his endeavours to improve the position of agriculture. It is unfair to the constituencies those Deputies represent and it is unfair to the country as a whole.

I agree with what Deputy Lehane said about the regional organisation of agriculture. I should like to see regional committees appointed. I should like to see those regional committees established in the proper areas through the country, and out of these regional committees I would like to see established a central committee of agriculture that would represent those committees and, in fact, the industry as a whole. I should like to see more efforts being made towards co-operative production by means of machinery held on a co-operative basis by the farmers in the parishes. I should like to see marketing arranged on a co-operative basis and I suggest that the parish council would be a sound basis on which this thing could be done—a parish council representative of farmers. I know that cannot be done overnight; it would take a long period to organise it, but if, in addition to the fillip and drive the Minister is giving generally, he were, in the next two or three years, to be able to get these going, then I think he could look back on his period of office as a Minister, and we could look back too, and say that it was the turning of the tide in Irish agriculture.

I have many differences of view with the Minister. I disagree entirely with quite a number of matters the Minister considers to be vital principles and to be sacred. But that does not say that I should not be honest and fair when I see him trying to do a good job. I am satisfied that he is doing good work, and when he is doing that he will have my full support and co-operation. I shall take other opportunities of endeavouring to impress my ideas rather than his in regard to those matters on which we are not in agreement.

Last year when I was finishing the few words I had to say on the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture, I warned the Government that unless they got rid of our present Minister they would do an untold amount of harm to the agricultural industry. I have not changed my opinion during the past 12 months. In fact, that opinion is much stronger to-day than it was when I spoke 12 months ago because of the way in which our Minister has approached the subject of agriculture generally.

In a country such as ours it has been proved that we are not the masters in our own house. England and New Zealand are different places and we are trying to model our policy on both those countries. In England the main production is coal, and they have subsidiaries such as steel, machinery, shipbuilding and other things. They command a definite price for their industrial products all over the world.

What is the position here as regards our production? We are dictated to by the consumer. In all other countries it is the consumer who pays for every increase in wages and in the cost of production, but it is quite the opposite here. It is the consumer who dictates the price, and is that not pretty evident from the agreement made last year? Is it not evident that, as far as our prices are concerned, it is the consumer who dictates what the farmer will obtain for his products?

Unless our agricultural industry is prosperous no other industry can be prosperous. That is an evident fact. If we are to have a prosperous agriculture our people who are producing must get the cost of production plus a reasonable margin of profit. So far as some of the commodities that we are producing are concerned, I do not think that is so. If it were so then, in 1947, when the price of milk was being fixed, every farmer should have been almost a millionaire, and in that year we should have had a substantial increase in milk profits. But had we? We had not. We had no substantial increase in 1946. In 1947 the price was fixed at 1/3 for the summer months and 1/4 for the winter months. Since then we have had increases in agricultural wages; we have had increases in the production of butter in the creameries. The increases are substantial ones. In the case of butter the increase amounts to 7/- per cwt., as far as the creameries are concerned. Coal increase amounts to 2/- per cwt. The labour increase amounts to 5/-. I am speaking now of a creamery in an area where one ton of butter per week is produced. The wages increase in such a creamery has gone up by £420. That amounts to 5/- per cwt. Repairs and renewals amount to 3/-; coal costs amount to 2/-. That is an increase of 10/- per cwt. But the Department gives 3/- per cwt. to offset that, leaving a net loss of 7/- per cwt. on the production of butter.

On the land there were two increases in agricultural wages. There has been an increase on haulage. I submit that the increase that has taken place on the land is equivalent to 1½d. per lb. per gallon of milk. We are, therefore, not in as good a position this year as we were in 1947. It can be argued— probably it will be argued—that the calf will compensate us for the losses we sustain because of these increases. The calf will not compensate us. It is pretty well known that every cow that calves does not rear her calf. Not more than one quarter of the calves that are produced are reared.

What is becoming of them?

They die. The mortality is more than 20 per cent.

But the Deputy says that the mortality is 75 per cent.

If you want the proof of it I will give it to you.

The Deputy said that not more than one quarter of the calves that are produced are reared.

I said about 25 per cent., or one quarter of them died. Here are the figures if you wish to have them. In the year 1943 we had approximately 1,200,000 cows in the country. We reared 987,000 calves.

And you slaughtered the rest of them.

We did no such thing as slaughter the rest of them in 1943. Taking the year 1854—if you wish to go back to it—out of every 1,000 calves produced 449 were reared. The mortality was there all the time.

How can it be held that I am responsible for calf mortality in 1854?

Your Department was. I will come to that later on. I am just pointing out that this has been going on all through the years and it has not been arrested yet.

The Deputy need not be a bit uneasy. It has been arrested.

It has not been arrested. No change whatever has taken place with regard to that. I will deal with it later on when I shall ask you to take steps to arrest it. I approach this question of agriculture from the point of view of the income it will give to the farmer and whether or not it is giving him a proper income. Every wage-earner in this country is dependent on agriculture for his wages. Every industry is dependent upon agriculture. What is the policy of the Department? Is it to produce more and more foodstuffs for the English market? In a speech made by Deputy Corry the other day, he quoted from the Irish Press of September 27th, 1948. The heading is: “Mr. MacBride on Cheap Meat for Britain.” Is that the policy of the Department? If you tell us that, then we are satisfied.

Troth, you would be satisfied if you were told that. That would be "jam" for you.

We do not want uncertainty. Mr. MacBride, the Minister for External Affairs, gave an interview to the Manchester Guardian on that occasion and he said that Ireland was grateful for Britain's decision to recognise the status of Irish citizens under the British Nationality Act.

"This was considered a constructive step in Anglo-Irish relations. We on our part, in the recent trade agreement, have agreed to supply meat almost exclusively to Britain at prices far below those we could have obtained by selling elsewhere."

Is it the policy of the Minister's Department to supply Britain with cheap meat? If that is the policy, then the country should be told that that is so.

The price of beef was never higher in this country than it is at the present moment.

Is the price of beef as high as it could be? Would we not get a higher price in the continental markets for it?

Would the fly-by-nights not give a higher price for it?

Are you sure of that? Who is creating the high price on the Dublin market here?

The Minister for Agriculture, if you want to know, because of an excellent trade agreement.

The Minister does not buy a single beast on the Dublin market. With regard to the price of milk, the Minister has told us that he is going to have an exportable surplus of butter this year. What will the price be for that exportable surplus?

325/- per cwt.

We are not going back then to the position that obtained in 1930, when the Danes were sending in inferior butter to the English market and getting 20/- per cwt. more for it than we were getting. I hope that we will not be placed in that position again. We have been placed in it with regard to our cows. That is another matter. I hope that will not occur as far as butter is concerned.

You are either misinformed or deliberately stating what you know to be untrue.

With regard to the cows?

Are we selling our eggs on the English market at the price the English producer is getting?

I thought the comparison was between the Irish and the Danish.

Are we selling our eggs cheaper than the English producer is selling them? I hope we shall get at least as high a price as the Danes are getting.

You would be disappointed to learn that we are.

Are we not getting a higher price than they are for their eggs?

I am afraid you will have to go over to London again.

You are looking at everything through Fianna Fáil spectacles.

Will the Minister give any degree of stability to the tillage farmer? The tillage farmer has not had very much within the past 12 months. He does not know where he stands. We have heard a good deal about potatoes and oats. It is true that the Minister did advertise 12 months ago inviting the farmers to grow more oats and potatoes and he assured them of remunerative markets for them. The people considered that to be the first step in a very intensive tillage campaign. Those who had saved money—I am sure many of the people on the Government benches will not agree with me that they both made and saved money under the Fianna Fáil régime—went out and bought tractors.

Notably John Brown.

The David Browns purchased as well. I did not hear of John Brown's tractors.

No, but I heard of John Brown's bullocks stolen from his neighbours.

These people purchased tractors and it was not to produce bullocks. The Minister will probably admit that they were hoping that this tillage policy which had been initiated by Fianna Fáil and in which there was a certain amount of stability and security for the farmer was going to be continued. Is the Minister going to give a guarantee now to farmers that the tillage policy will be pursued by the Government while he remains in office? Will he guarantee to the farmers a cash market? That is what the farmer wants. This talk about walking crops off the land is all right, but there are other things to come to the farmer before that can happen. He must be in a position to walk them off the land. The farmer must be placed in a position that he does not have to go to the shops for credit. He has to meet shop accounts generally in the harvest time; he has to pay rents and rates. There are several other commitments he has to meet at that particular time and he must get cash. He has probably got his manures on credit and the only way in which he can pay for them is by the cash he is going to obtain for the crop he has grown. He sows his crops from February to April, and the shopkeeper is waiting for payment of the account in September or October. When the farmer goes into the shop in September or October, will the shopkeeper say to him: "I shall give you an additional three or four months while you are fattening your pigs or your bullocks to pay that account"? Will the rate collector say: "I shall give you two or three months more to pay your rates"?

A Deputy

What do you think?

Will the Land Commission permit him to go into arrears with his annuities? That is what he is faced with. The system of paying out of the receipts for his cash crops has obtained in this country for many years and it cannot be changed overnight. He must have money in order to carry out the policy suggested by the Department, that he should feed live stock and walk his crops off the farm. That is a very good policy, a policy with which I am in thorough agreement if it were workable, particularly as regards the exportation of our cattle. The only way in which they should be exported is in the form of finished beef. The greatest drain we have on the land of this country is the production of store cattle for export, whether the Minister believes it or not. The only way in which he can retain the fertility of the soil, so far as cattle are concerned any way, is to finish the article and then send it out.

Which policy is the Deputy supporting? At one time he argues one way and at another time another way.

I am asking you the question: will you give the farmers security and stability by giving them a guaranteed market and that for cash crops? Can you ensure stability for the farmers of this country after next harvest by saying there will be a market for oats where they can sell their oats for cash if necessary? Can you assure the potato-growers in the country that there will be a market for them? I am quite sincere in this. I am not trying to put any quick one across at all. I only want a reasonable answer to a reasonable question and I think it is a reasonable question. I know the position that obtained in this country in 1930 when you had practically as much tillage in the country as you have to-day. I know the position that obtained as far as barley was concerned when the growers went hat in hand to the maltsters week after week, trying to find a market for their barley. The first week they went in they were offered 14/- a barrel and every week after that there was a drop of 3d. per barrel. Every Monday morning they were going into the stores with their samples but nobody was prepared to offer a fair price just because Messrs. Guinness controlled the barley market. That was changed in 1932 when an alternative crop was given to the Irish farmer, and that was wheat. The millers did not turn the farmers away when they went in with a sample of wheat and the price was equally as good. If my memory serves me the price of wheat in the first year was 17/6 plus a bounty of 6/- or 6/6 so that the farmer got 23/6.

What is he getting now?

He is getting £3 2s. 6d. for which he need not thank you.

Who fixed that price?

Deputy Paddy Smith.

You are quite mistaken.

It was fixed in October, 1947.

Nonsense.

Nonsense, you. You extended the period over which it would be paid.

Have sense.

When I was speaking on this Vote last year I said it was doubtful whether it was fair to the farmer to fix the price at £3 2s. 6d. simply because, although it might have shown a profit last year or the year before at that figure, we do not know whether it will show a profit next year. I asked the question on that occasion whether the Minister was prepared to consider an increase if the cost of production went up, and the Minister said he was not, that he proposed to fix the price for five years at £3 2s. 6d. That price was fixed before he came into office.

That is not true.

It is true. You sanctioned something that had been done by your predecessor in office. That is what you did. Of course, you have told people from every platform in the country that you were responsible for it. You were not responsible. The people of the country are not going to be gulled by a statement like that at all.

I thought it was Deputy Corry who fixed the price for barley?

It is wheat we are talking about now, though I am glad the Deputy reminded me of that. The Minister did not like the growing of wheat in this country at one time. He said that the land of this country could not grow it and that, even if the land did grow it, you could not make flour out of it and that if you made flour out of it, it could not be eaten. I wonder, if the Minister had got his way at that time and convinced a lot of the farmers that it could not be grown in this country, what the position would have been in 1941, 1942 and 1943? The Minister himself consumed a lot of bread during these years. If it had not been for our policy he might have starved.

How much of the bread requirements of this country were grown in this country during the war?

We grew in these years 560,000 acres.

What percentage?

I take it that we would use 1,000 tons of flour, so you can work out the percentage yourself.

Just half, 50 per cent.

Half a loaf is better than no bread.

I am getting back to the uncertainties that obtain among tillage farmers. The Minister does not like the beet—I do not know for what reason, but the probabilities are that he would like to import it. He thinks about imports and exports and never thinks of the markets at home. Under present conditions of international trade what would our position be if we could not produce our own beet? We would have to go to the foreign markets for sugar and we would have to export our produce to earn credits in the foreign markets. Our requirements, according to present distribution, are about 184,000 tons, say, at 5d. per lb., so if we are to purchase sugar it would cost about £4,000,000. Why export £4,000,000 out of the country which could profitably be kept at home? That is what the Minister, if he had his way, would do.

We gave you the lead at Carlow factory despite Fianna Fáil opposition.

And when we wanted to extend it what was your reaction? You used very nice technique when the Blueshirt organisation tried to sabotage the factories.

Do not talk nonsense.

You were not born at that time. The Minister should realise that an acre of beet produces as much food for man and beast as five tons of potatoes and gives more employment on the land than any other crop or any other product of agriculture. I do not know whether the Minister knows or not, but anybody who knows anything about agriculture knows that tillage would provide the greatest amount of wealth per acre. The expenditure on an acre of beet with regard to labour runs to about £19 or a little more. Is there any other product on the land that gives as much employment as an acre of beet? A hundred acres of grass to produce store cattle for Britain will give about 1d. per day.

What about Deputy Burke's glasshouses?

You grow tomatoes, do you not? We do not. We have no sun in our county. I am sure that the Minister has changed his mind with regard to beet, but if he were looking after the interests of the beet growers last year he would not have permitted the Minister for Finance to do as he did, that was to take from the beet growers their legitimate right to an increase this year. Last year we lost over 9/- a ton as a result of the inactivity and inaction of the Minister for Agriculture in not seeing that the moneys which should have come to us did come. They were taken from the sugar company by the Minister for Finance.

Balderdash!

12/10 in excise duty was collected.

What about the shareholders?

We are only interested in pressing for our own rights and if you are interested in the shareholders get after them. The Government are the principal shareholders and the Minister for Agriculture is one of the largest shareholders.

The farmers should be interested in what they are getting.

Is there any use in expecting any order from any side of the House?

In 1946 we were raised 10/- per ton to cover increased labour and freight charges, that is when Deputy Paddy Smith was in office, the man who did nothing for agriculture, but apparently he was looking after one section of the community, anyway, and that was the beet growers. He did not permit the Minister for Finance of those days to take that money. In 1947 our costs of production had gone up again; freight charges had increased, manures were still higher and labour costs had gone up, but we got an increase of 9/8 per ton to cover them. That was almost £1 a ton in two years. The same sums were due to us in 1948 for the 1949 crop if the Minister for Agriculture was looking after the interests of those people to whom he has a responsibility, that is, the agriculturists of this country. But he was not, with the result that we lost 9/5 per ton which should have been ours and which went to Mr. McGilligan to produce a better Budget. It amounted roughly to £387,000. We want to know from the Minister what his attitude is going to be with regard to his price and the markets for these commodities, and whether the farmers who have purchased tractors and mechanised their farms are going to be paid or have security for five or ten years. It must be a long-term policy.

Farmers who made money during the past ten years invested in a tractor at about £500 or £600. A tractor is no use if we are getting back to grass solely. We must have a tillage policy. There is no use in having a tillage policy unless there is stability and there can be no stability unless there is a guaranteed market and a guaranteed price. The Minister has assured me and assured the House that he will give us that, and if he does he will not hear any criticism from me. I mentioned the cost of production plus a fair margin of profit. That is all I want and it is not unreasonable to ask these things. Beet is an additional cash crop for the farmers and its wages amount roughly to £20 per statute acre. That is what the farmers and the agricultural labourers got out of it, but Córas Iompair Éireann in one year collects a sum of £260,000. That is what it is worth for haulage. Jute manufacturers and other people are getting a haul out of it and manure manufacturers are getting something. The wages paid in the factories during the campaign and in the off-season are a very big amount. In Carlow, for instance, the weekly payments in the off-season are £1,500 a week and during the campaign the salary bill is £4,500 a week. What would happen if we had not beet grown in this country, or suppose it was discontinued due to the action of any Government or the inaction of the Minister for Agriculture—because he does not like it and has told us on many occasions that he would like to see it going up the spout? The Minister can have it in such a way that it will not pay the farmer to produce beet. Then these factories will go and the town of Carlow will lose £4,500 per week in wages over 12 weeks and £1,500 for 40 weeks. The Minister's policy seems to be that he does not want beet or wheat.

In connection with subletting of lands in County Meath, the Minister stated:—

"People had better make up their minds at once that the 11 months' system of letting lands will not be tolerated as normal practice in this country."

That is right as normal practice, but the only exceptions the Minister made when he made that statement were widows and also old people in poor circumstances. I wonder if the Minister knows the policy in mountain districts where small farmers are living. In the Carlow end of my constituency, on the slopes of the Black-stairs Mountains, there are small farmers who keep up to 100 sheep grazing on the mountain. They will not come to maturity or fatten there and the policy is to bring them into the lowlands in Carlow or Kilkenny and buy grass there.

They should be given that land.

Those people do not want to leave where they are living. This system obtains in my county and they make a profit out of it or they could not continue in business. The farmer is satisfied to let them have the land and it suits them to take it. In any county you will often come across a farmer who does not want to sell his stock—they may not be fit enough— and who has not enough grass to keep them going. His neighbour has a good field and lets him have it. Is it the Minister's intention to prevent that farmer from selling his grass to the neighbour so that he may keep the stock three or four months longer? Is it his intention to tell the people they cannot sell what belongs to themselves? The Minister for Local Government has as good a right, in regard to the City of Dublin, where people are crying out for houses, to tell this Minister himself and other Deputies here that they have houses in Dublin which are not fully occupied and they must take in a certain number of tenants, as it is not good policy to leave the houses idle. In the inverse way, the Minister is saying to the farmer: "You have a field of grass that is of no use to you, but I will not let you sell it to another individual."

To sell is one thing, to rent is another.

He is selling the field of grass, not the field.

He is renting it.

Why, then, did we put Clanrickard out?

This is not Clanrickard.

Was he not only renting the land?

Not in that way. These people want it for only 11 months. You may not have the same tenants two years in succession. This is the system that obtains; why should any Minister tell the people they cannot continue it? I saw recently in County Meath a field belonging to a large farmer—he was not a supporter of Fianna Fáil, I am glad to say—who, when the Minister came into office, had a certain amount of land under tillage. He left this field in stubbles and did not even put grass-seed in it.

A Deputy

Is that not the land the Minister is going after?

If necessary, I will tell the Deputy where it is and he will find that the Minister for Agriculture will not go after him.

Is not the land in Meath the Deputy is talking about set on the 11-months' system?

No, it was tilled by that farmer himself.

And now he proposes to let it on the 11-months' system?

Now he proposes to let the grass. It was his hatred of tillage and of the Fianna Fáil policy that prevented him from doing anything with it. It was perfectly suitable for tillage. The conacre system in my county and in Carlow may be different from what obtains in Meath. The Minister probably has not been around through it. In my county, no third cereal crop is being taken off—it is let either for beet growing or for manuring. It is in perfect rotation. Why stop the people in other constituencies outside Meath from carrying on the system that has been carried on for years?

Does the Deputy object to the conacre tenant getting the land tilled that he rents?

He cannot buy it. He has not the money to buy the land.

That is not so. That is what the Land Commission was set up for.

I have already submitted the names of ten farms to the Land Commission and they would not take one of them. They do not want land. There are plenty of good applicants for it and they cannot get it.

May we take it the Deputy does not want conacre tenants to get any land?

That is like a lot of the Deputy's deductions. The Minister stated that this conacre letting was mining the land. That may be so in some counties. I can speak only for the constituency I represent and all the land there is not being mined in that way. It is let for conacre, but let for beet growing to farmers in adjoining farms. I could give several districts in which it is done in my own county.

The Minister is very anxious and concerned about the fertility of the soil. Many of the people sitting on the opposite benches accused Fianna Fáil of having mined the land in the past 15 years or so. Production of wheat was mining it, but who were the farmers who mined their land during the past ten or 15 years? They were the people who did not want tillage, the people at whose doors the Minister now tells us he will not have inspectors. We never had an inspector in my county during the whole period of the emergency. It was not necessary for him to come, nor would it be necessary for him to come now—we will till just the same. But in order to prove that our land is not as infertile as the Minister would have us believe, I want to put these facts before the Minister. In 1947, the worst year on record so far as the spring season was concerned, in almost all County Kilkenny not a sod was ploughed until 23rd March and the last of the wheat was not sown until the end of May. Notwithstanding all this, in 1947 we were able to produce 10.8 cwts. of wheat per acre and, in 1948, we produced 15.8 cwts.

That compares very favourably with the production figure down through the years. In the 1911-15 period, the production of wheat amounted to 20.2 cwts. per acre and, in 1940, it was 20.5 cwts. That did not show very much deterioration in the fertility of the soil, even though we had been growing wheat pretty intensively in many districts during the eight years prior to 1940. In 1911-15, the production of barley was 19.2 cwts. per statute acre and of oats 18 cwts. per statute acre. In 1940, the figures were 21 cwts. and 21.3 cwts. respectively. Why all the talk about the damage which wheat and the tillage policy of the previous Government caused to our agricultural land? Why try to deceive the people, or is it the policy of the people who now constitute the Government to practise deception on the people? It is deception to tell the people off platforms and here in the House that the land of this country is no longer fertile. The practical proof is to be found in the production and the production figures are there. The same applies to every other crop. Beet, for instance, increased in 1948 over 1947 and over 1946.

Another matter to which I want to refer is the Minister's promise last year that we were to have cheap maize meal. Here is a quotation from the Irish Independent of 24/10/48:—

"Mr. Dillon, Minister for Agriculture, who will lead Ireland's delegation at the third annual conference of the Food and Agriculture Organisation in Washington next month, addressing the Mayo County Committee of Agriculture in Castlebar, said he wanted to see the small farmers of the county beholden to nobody and able to say that whatever they got they earned. He told them that it was necessary to correct a wrong impression many held about the Marshall Aid scheme that, under it, there would be plenty of money for farming schemes. None of the American funds would be used for development and the Government would not receive a penny by way of grant. It merely meant the conversion of dollars into pounds for trading purposes without going through the usual tortuous channels."

He went on to mention other things which are not of importance at the moment and added that—

"early in the New Year they would have a supply of maize at about 20/-a cwt. and it would be the same price in Dublin as in Mayo."

Could the Minister tell me where I could buy that maize to-day? I am looking for that £1 per cwt. maize and I cannot find it.

Read that extract again.

He added that—

"early in the New Year they would have a supply of maize at about 20/- a cwt."

About. Do you know the meaning of the word?

What does the Minister call "about"?

Does he want me to meander about the whole country when he says "about"? I want to know where that maize at £1 per cwt. is to be found.

Because I will buy a little of it, even at that price. Where will I get it?

God help the poor innocent creature. It has been available at that price for the past four months.

It is costing 25/- and 26/- in my constituency.

You are an innocent man. Get someone to look after you who is capable of looking after you.

Why do you not get after these people who are showing up my innocence?

You could buy it up to a couple of days ago at £21 a ton, only you were too stupid to know where to look for it.

What about the poor people who have only one pig? They do not want six-ton lots. Can you make any provision for them?

Yes, their co-operative society.

These are the people on whose behalf I am speaking.

I thought you were speaking on your own behalf.

We have not got any such thing as a co-operative society.

Form one.

We have not got any of these things. I should like to know where that meal is to be obtained, even at 21/- a cwt., because many of these people would be anxious to swell the bacon quota which the Minister has set and would buy some of this meal.

If you cannot read I am not going to try to teach you. There was an advertisement in all the papers of the country.

Paper never refused ink, and I suppose that advertisement did appear, but it never came into operation.

It is in operation.

I will have to give the Minister the names of a few people who are charging a little more for it because it has never retailed at that price in my county, nor could it be retailed at 21/-. I should like the Minister to make a statement that it should be bought at 21/-. He will have many delighted people in the country if he does so, because they are waiting for someone to tell them. That is why I was so interested in it. Apparently the Minister's policy is to import maize. That is one part of his policy because, on 20th November, he said in Washington:—

"Ireland might be wiser to import fodder and cereals and to convert its agriculture increasingly to animal production."

He was forgetting the tillage farmers at home, the men who bought tractors and so on. He was going to the Argentine, to Canada and to America—he might get a little cheap stuff in Russia also—because the tillage farmer in this country was finished; he was no longer wanted, even though he helped to man the front-line trenches in the emergency and worked from dawn till dark to produce food for the people. Now, Mr. Dillon, the Minister for Agriculture, thinks it would be better to import maize——

Were not you bawling for maize a few minutes ago?

——and other meals, plenty of them. Bring them all in. There will be no market then for the surplus barley that Guinness will not take. There will be no market for oats or potatoes. Of course, there is no market at present, but there will be less when we have all the maize the Argentine can send us.

Was not he asking me before to get him some?

21/- maize. We would like to get that, I suppose. We might be able to produce bacon if we were able to buy it as cheap as that. Is that the Minister's policy? The farmers are looking for some statement with a little bit of common sense in it and a little bit of stability behind it. We have never got that.

You could get your speech into the Kilkenny papers. That would be enough.

Certainly. That would do all right.

That would satisfy them.

Not at all. The Minister said he was going to import maize and fodder. Deputy Cowan said that the Minister is a man that makes a statement to-day and is likely to change his mind inside a week, but, according to the heading to an article in the Irish Independent of 26th March, 1949, he changed it in two or three months. The heading is:—

"Mr. Dillon's advice.""Do not sell all crops on cash market."

If they cannot sell it on the cash market they will have to make some other use of it. I take it the other use he meant was to feed it to live stock and walk it off the farm. In that event, we would not want maize at all. They would be able to feed their own produce. I quote some of the things he said:—

"Beware of crops for which there is only one market, for if those who control that market desire to exploit you they can present you with an ultimatum any day they like that you must take for your crop less than its value, and if you reject that offer you have nothing left to do but be at the loss of it all."

What is that from?

That is from the Irish Independent, Saturday, March 26th, 1949. That is a direction to the farmers of this country. Is it not surprising that a man in such a responsible position could have nothing better to offer the people than that: “If you cannot find a market for it, you will be at the loss of it.” Before I came into this House my conception of Government was that each Department was to look after the interests of the people that the Department represented, and when Deputy Dillon was appointed Minister for Agriculture I took it that his first concern would be to look after the interests of the agricultural community. I do not know whether those who engage in tillage are his children or not or whether he likes them or not, but, apparently, he is not looking after their interests.

Does the Deputy not know to what that speech referred?

Of course he does not. He has not the faintest notion as to what that speech was about.

We will go through it and I may be able to learn something from it by the time I come to the end of it.

It is late in the day for you to read it.

The Minister stated:—

"Last year they had an abundant harvest of potatoes and oats yet, instead of being grateful for that additional wealth, many people made loud lamentation because they could not get an immediate cash market for the entire produce of their land."

Hear, hear! Go on.

Did you say "hear, hear" to the people living down the country who had barns full of oats?

It would be better if we had less direct questions and use of the second person. I am asking every Deputy to use the third person.

Did the Minister ask the farmers who had their barns full of oats what they would like to have done with it last September and October? I think there were enough representations made from all over the country. He should have had a fair idea of how the farmers were thinking at that particular time. The Minister continued:—

"If everything they produced was sold for cash, it meant that they were taking out of the land all the time and never putting back, whereas if they sold part of their crop for cash and fed the rest of it, like potatoes and oats to pigs, cattle and fowl, then they created the neverending circle of production on which the whole future of the country depended."

What farmer does not do that? But there is a certain surplus on every farm after the harvest in every year that is put on the cash market. I do not know how farmers work in the constituency that the Minister represents, but that is the system that obtains in my county. We produce and we renew the fertility of the soil by manuring and we continue in that circle. That is the system that obtains with us. It may not be the system that obtains in the Minister's constituency.

May I submit that the Deputy did not know the meaning of the quotation he read out and has not yet found it?

Surely you are not surprised at that.

I am fully conversant with its meaning, fully conversant. It does not happen to suit the constituency I come from. That is all. Mention was made in the report of Dr. Holmes, which the Minister solicited, regarding the inferior quality grasses that were being sold in this country and it was pointed out that it was in the production of those grasses that the fault lay. The Minister represents a constituency where these grasses are produced and, of course, unfortunate, ignorant people in areas where these grasses are not produced have to buy them. They are not fully conversant with the germination or purity qualities of the different seeds. Is it not a wonder, in view of this report, that the Minister has not taken some action through his local agricultural officers, to have the seeds inspected for purity and germination?

Look at the face of your colleague falling. He will tell you I took the tariff off them six months ago and you did not wake up to discover it until now.

And the price went up.

Why permit seed merchants all over the country to sell these inferior grasses? Is it not the duty of the Department to see that these are not placed on the market?

It is, and that is being done.

Why is not it being carried out?

It is being done.

It is lack of duty.

Ask my predecessor.

It is a lack of duty. Two wrongs never made a right.

It is being done now.

Still these grasses are coming.

They are not now.

We hear a lot of talk——

It was time Deputy Allen told you to get off that topic. He is a wise man.

He wants to deal with it himself.

I am going back to that question in a minute. There was a lot of talk about the reseeding of land and it has been suggested in many quarters that the proper system of reseeding is just ploughing up and reseeding back—in some cases with the harrow. We all know that the best and most nutritious grasses are the new grasses. I read that the Minister stated in County Meath that it would be a sin to plough up the land.

Hear, hear!

"Hear, hear"? Imagine that coming from a man from County Meath. Every land benefits by being ploughed up and having new nutritious grass sown, whether it be land in County Meath or in County Kilkenny. It is the proper way to produce better grasses.

A Deputy

Not in all land.

In all those old pastures you will find that many of the good grasses have died out and have been replaced, to a certain extent, by inferior grasses. The best evidence of that is in early spring when it will be seen that such grasses have become sour.

I should like to ask the Minister if it is his intention to pay salaries to the instructors whom he intends to appoint. I honestly can see no purpose at the present time in having an instructor in every three parishes. I do not know what useful purpose they will fulfil. I would suggest to the Minister that those instructors should give lectures to the schoolboys in national schools and that, in addition, these schoolboys should be taught rural science. There is very little use in a lecturer going out the country and talking to farmers about the essentials for germination, all the different fertilisers that will make a whole manure, and so forth. The ordinary farmer is not going to listen to lectures on those matters, but if the children are given the lectures they will learn. No farmer cares whether it is essential to have heat, air and moisture in order to have germination, or whether a whole manure is composed of phosphates, potash and nitrogen. The farmers are not interested in such lectures but the boys going to school would be interested, and for that reason I would recommend that lectures should be given to them in the schools.

I do not agree that an instructor in every three parishes can, by way of experiment, or even of advice, help very materially in the country. The farmer who has been working his farm in his own way for years will continue to work it in that way. He knows the land that will grow the best wheat, the best oats and the best barley. He knows the type of cattle that suits him best. He knows all the things he requires, and no theorist—and most of these people are theorists—can instruct him, nor will he take any notice of their instruction. If the Minister wants to be helpful, and if the Department are anxious to be helpful, regarding agriculture they will promote the idea of teaching rural science in the national schools because it will benefit agriculture in this country.

I think I have already said that the mortality in live stock, particularly younger stock, is due to husk and hoose in calves. Diseases such as stomach worms and so forth cause terrific losses every year. The position in many parts of the country is that small farmers will send for a veterinary surgeon only after they have lost a beast or two. If a free veterinary service were available to those small farmers when a beast first showed signs of sickness the possibilities are that the beast would be saved. I have seen cases myself of ten and 12 sick calves and no veterinary surgeon was called in until there were two or three losses. The farmers just went to the drug store and got patent medicines and so forth, and were dosing and doctoring the calves for weeks.

But the losses could have been avoided if there had been a free veterinary service and, with such a service, I believe a great number of cattle in the country could be saved. The same remarks apply to mastitis and contagious abortion. A free veterinary service would ensure, in the case of contagious abortion that a veterinary surgeon would be called on in the early stages. He might then be able to arrest the disease and prevent it from spreading to the whole parish or district. Again, the same may be said in regard to mastitis. Even to-day you will find in parts of the country that a cow which has had an abortion may be sent to the fair three days or a week afterwards and put among other cattle. That is a great danger but the farmer wants to get rid of the cow immediately and he does not mind so long as he gets rid of her. If there was a hope of arresting that disease, by having veterinary assistance made available to these farmers, we could avoid a lot of the unnecessary evils we have to put up with.

I hope that when the Minister is replying he will give me an assurance that our tillage farmers will be restored to the position that obtained before he took up office. They had at that time a guaranteed market for wheat, oats, barley and beet. If our farmers have that guaranteed market they will have stability and security, and those people who have gone in for mechanisation will be assured a market for their produce.

On this question of grass I want to point out that though we have 12,000,000 acres of arable land in this part of the country we have less than 3,000,000 acres under the plough. Nine million acres of that land are still under grass so we should not have all this hullabaloo about getting back to grass and so forth. We have never left grass and because we have not left grass and gone in more for tillage we have only a small number of people working on the land. If we had more tillage we would have less unemployment and more people would be living on the land and in rural Ireland because more employment would be given. If we are to stem the tide of emigration from the countryside—and agricultural labourers are leaving the country week after week—the farmers must be given some assurance that the tillage crops they produce will find a market. If the Minister does not give that assurance it will be a case of the farmers going back to more and more grass and by so doing their prosperity will be lessened. No matter what the Minister may think, I believe that we can produce our requirements in this country and that we have a better market at home than abroad. We should, therefore, try to preserve that market. If we let our people go out of the country we will have no home market for our produce. Therefore, I would ask the Minister to give consideration to the question of the provision of a guaranteed price and a guaranteed market for agricultural produce.

As so many Deputies have gone right through this Estimate, as it were, from the spring sowing to the harvesting, there seems to be little left for me to say. The first thing that struck me in connection with the debate was what Deputy O'Grady said in connection with milk consumption. Deputies should remember that in the towns and villages working people with large families are not in a position financially in present circumstances to buy extra milk at the price which is being charged for it retail of from 3½d. to 4d. a pint. There may, of course, be an opening in other directions for an increase in the consumption of milk. I have been informed unofficially that the consumption of milk in Leinster House is not very high and, perhaps, if a notice were put in the restaurant Deputies might consume more milk.

Deputy Commons' contribution to this debate was certainly worth listening to. Of course we must realise that conditions in agriculture vary greatly, much more than in any other industry. As Deputy Commons mentioned, a farm of 20 or 30 acres would be considered a large farm in the West of Ireland. In other parts of Ireland a farm of 50 or 60 acres is only considered a small farm. Therefore, in these conditions it is only natural that we shall have to look at the matter from different angles. I realise the necessity for helping farmers with small holdings in the West of Ireland and in parts of Kerry and West Cork. As against that, we shall have to look at the position of agriculture in other areas from a different angle.

Of course the one and only Fianna Fáil Deputy from East Cork in his contribution to this debate continually referred to the "poor old farmers." He spoke of how unfortunate it was for many farmers, including himself, to hold land. He is aware, of course, that recently when the "poor old farmers" as he terms them of East and South Cork were asked for an acre of land on which to build a labourer's cottage they refused to give it and went so far as to employ legal aid to prevent this land being taken. That does not show that the so-called "poor old farmers" are as poor as they are supposed to be in South Cork. If they were, I am sure they would be more willing to give the land asked for.

I did not stand up here to condemn or praise any Party or policy, but to put my own views forward. Members of the Opposition state very often here that the views of the various Parties supporting the Government are so incompatible that they cannot reach any proper agreement. I should like to point out that in the Opposition, which consists of one Party, there are at least two separate points of view. All through this debate Opposition Deputies concentrated on criticism. Whether is was constructive or destructive we shall leave to be decided. The Opposition Deputies taking part in the debate were mainly representatives of rural constituencies. They have been asking for an improvement in the prices of such commodities as eggs, milk, potatoes and oats.

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted, and 20 Deputies being present

Even though Deputy Allen tried to get Deputies to come into the House, I notice that no Opposition Deputies came in.

There are only three present.

I was saying that Opposition Deputies from rural constituencies were demanding higher prices for agricultural produce. I think it is hardly fair to compare the prices that obtained during the emergency with the prices obtaining in normal times. Opposition Deputies who represent Dublin, Cork and other constituencies with towns which have a large number of inhabitants seem to have kept fairly quiet when the demands for an increase in these prices were made. Are they really satisfied with their fellow-Deputies who say that the people in the towns and villages must now, as they did during the emergency, pay up to 3/6 per 21 lbs. for potatoes? Must they pay, as they had to pay in South Cork at any rate, from 3d. to 4d. for a turnip? It is at least fair to ask these Deputies who are sheltering behind their fellow-Deputies to come out and say whether they stand for that. I presume they expect to vote on this Estimate. It is only right that they should admit openly that they have such demands. It is only natural that agriculture, as well as industry, must have a fair return over the capital outlay in order to survive. It is only fair to compare the various ways in which it is operated as against the ways in which industry is operated. Many Deputies are saying it is essential to subsidise. Deputy Larkin had a very interesting question down a few weeks ago. The answer which the Minister for Finance gave at that time was that between £9,000,000 and £10,000,000 was handed back directly year after year to the farmers.

Whatever may be the views of others, if it is a matter of not looking for a direct increase on various articles, but of subsidisation, it must yet be considered that, after all, the people are still paying for it. Therefore, if other industries are carried on in a more becoming manner than agriculture, I think a certain amount of responsibility must rest on themselves. In supporting the view of the small farmer, I believe that the greater amount of the £9,000,000 or £10,000,000 given back is of necessity given back not to the people most deserving of it, the small farmers, but to the people with economic holdings in so far as the demands from the small farmers as regards various improvements cannot be as great as the others. Therefore, I would suggest that if it is possible for any Minister for Agriculture to do so, a line should be drawn between the aid given to the small farmer on the uneconomic holdings and the large farmer. Farmers with anything up to 500 acres of ground should be considered in a different light.

I noticed that very few Deputies seemed to consider the question of the agricultural labourer. They may express their views solely from the viewpoint of the employer, but when we consider that anything from 130,000 to 150,000 are employed as agricultural labourers over various parts of the year, surely they must be given consideration. As I said at the start, I give praise only where it is due. One thing I will say for the present Minister is that he did not axe the farm worker as did the previous Minister for Agriculture. I am sorry Deputy Burke is not here. Deputy Burke, in his own patronising fashion, said that the Labour Deputies were not interested in farm workers. He maintained that if they were, they would not vote for the present policy. The Labour Deputies were and are interested in the farm workers. Deputy Smith, as Minister, refused point blank to give direct representation to the farm workers on the Agricultural Wages Board.

I give credit where credit is due. The present Minister has given direct representation to the workers. Furthermore, he has done what his predecessor did not do. He has given two increases in wages to them. Deputy Burke seems to forget that and in his innocence he would wish that we would forget it. We cannot forget so easily and we do not forget that even where the agricultural workers are concerned—after all it is becoming that any of us should speak our minds if we represent an area where there are quite a lot of agricultural workers employed—their place in society must be considered every bit as much as any other class. They are equally as important to this country as anyone else. We hear that during the emergency so much depended on agriculture and although much credit was given to the employers of agriculture, it is a strange fact that behind it all nothing was said about the men who worked hard and long hours for little pay. Agriculture could not succeed were it not for the market available in agricultural workers. Day after day the complaint throughout the country is that they cannot get farm workers, they cannot get men to milk cows on Sunday. It is true, unfortunately, that there are areas where the population is scarce in that respect. But it is also true to say that when they had them they gave them very little consideration in some areas. I make it clear that my remarks are directed totally and essentially to the areas where the small holdings are less than 50 or 60 acres. In such areas I maintain that the time has long gone when there should be such a differentiation between employer and employee and we ourselves have done much to try and bring both farmer and worker together to face the problem. Unfortunately that has not come about in our area. We are anxious to do it because we realise how essential it is. However, we can never hope to obtain that proper understanding unless the worker is treated as he should be.

The present Minister has gone one step forward to show his appreciation of those services notwithstanding what some Opposition Deputies have mentioned. They pretend, of course, that they would be delighted and anxious to see a farm worker getting, as Deputy Burke says in his benevolent way, £4, £5 or £6. Where these workers are concerned it is our duty and, at any rate, I maintain it is my responsibility as one member, to speak for them. They can never be done without and no matter what Government is in power in this country they will have to face up to the fact that whatever subsidies or increases are given in connection with agriculture, never can it be put in the back of the picture. The position of the farm workers will have to be in the forefront as well as the employer. They have got as much right as any other section to at least a living in their own country.

I am sorry to say that through the recent action of the Agricultural Wages Board things have been somewhat mixed up in connection with the 50 and 54-hour week. I know the Minister has his own view on it. He maintains that a 54-hour week is essential. I pointed out to the Minister 12 months ago that in my area under a so-called 54-hour guaranteed week under a yearly system of contract men are supposed to be paid in full. I have cases, and I gave cases then, of men who, unfortunately, had to attend such things as funerals and missed three hours' work and had their pay for the time deducted from them. The Minister says a 54-hour week guarantee is essential. That may be so, but our sad experience is that even that is not being complied with. It can be stated, of course, that farm workers cannot be made to go in on Sundays. Surely, as has been proved in our part of the country, the 50-hour week when in operation was being carried out satisfactorily. There was no objection to it. Now, of course, there is a general drift back to the 54 hours again. As long as we have the 54-hour week, as long as farm workers are expected to work the full week up to Saturday night, so will we have difficulty in getting these men to work on Sunday.

I should like information on another point in connection with the Agricultural Wages Board. I realise more important things have been mentioned and perhaps this may be passed over. Be that as it may, I should like to know why the meetings of the Agricultural Wages Board are not open to the Press. After all, these are meetings between farmers and their workers or the workers' representatives, and I am sure that nothing is said at them which would not be fit for publication. I think that if the meetings were open to the Press it might help to clear the minds of workers as well as of employers. The representatives on both sides, I suppose, try to do the best they can for the people they represent, and I should imagine that at times their debates reach a higher standard than do ours here. I am sure every Deputy will agree that there can be nothing wrong in asking that these meetings be open to the Press. If that were done, views on many matters relating to agriculture would be made known to the public, and that might be of benefit generally.

Members of the Opposition have been demanding that a Minister of State should make an effort to secure the same price for our agricultural produce on the British market as that which the British farmer receives. I suppose if one could imagine that the British had no common sense, it would be all right to put up that argument. Suppose, for a moment, it was suggested that our Government would not give a preference to Irish manufacturers on the Irish market for the goods they produce, and that English manufacturers were allowed to import their goods at the prevailing Irish price, naturally the members of the Opposition would raise a great clamour. Surely, we cannot expect that, while we carry out a programme to suit ourselves, the Government of another country will not do the same for its people. From the point of view of developing internal trade, I do not think that the argument put forward by the Opposition carries much weight.

I realise, of course, the necessity of increasing our export trade, but I believe that the main thing, as far as agriculture is concerned, is to produce for the home market. We have a large market at home for milk, eggs, butter and meat, and we should concentrate first of all on that. We should realise that our own people also need food. We may be rationed in regard to certain commodities—there is no ration, by the way, so far as the length of the debates here is concerned—but our first concern should be to develop agriculture to meet the needs of the home market. If we do that I think it will be found that our own people, our own workers and their families, are as good purchasers of what we produce as any foreign market. When we have satisfied their demands, then we should concentrate on the foreign market. In my opinion, it is our duty to consider first of all our own people. By doing so we will be building up a real asset for the country and there will be no necessity for us to be wasting time here considering ways and means of catering for outside markets.

In conclusion, I believe, no matter what quotations may be used about our farmers, that they are industrious and hardworking. I want to say, in all earnestness, that if our farmers and farm workers took things as easily as we take them in this House—if they were as slow in doing the spring's work as this House is in dealing with this Estimate—there would be no harvest to reap in the autumn.

Deputy Sweetman took the Chair.

I am afraid that I have, more or less, to agree with what the last speaker has just said. This Estimate has been under discussion for a long time. At the same time, I must say that many Deputies feel more interested in this Estimate than they do, perhaps, in some of the other Estimates which come before the House. That is because practically all the Deputies represent rural constituencies, and hence they feel that the farming community deserves their support more than any other community. At any rate, the debate on this Estimate has always been a long one. That cannot be helped.

One thing which I would like to deal with—it has been touched on already by a number of Deputies whose speeches I have read—is the price of milk. I think, as the Deputy who has just spoken remarked, it is only to be expected that there should be criticism of whatever Minister may be in office. At the same time, I think we should try to make our criticism as constructive as possible. I want to put it to the Minister that he may be doing a dangerous thing by not increasing the price of milk. We must remember that the price milk producers are getting now was fixed two years ago. There has been no increase since it was fixed in May, 1947. As regards milk going to the creameries, the price for it is fixed, of course, on the basis of butter fat. That works out at about 1/2 a gallon in the summer time and at about 1/6 a gallon in the winter time. When the price was fixed in May, 1947, it was probably considered a fairly good price by many people, though I remember that in this House at that time there were members of some of the Parties—Fine Gael and Clann na Talmhan Deputies who were in opposition at that time—who were not satisfied with the price then fixed. They said it was not enough to encourage production. They are now supporting the Government, and it is not easy to understand them when they try to defend the present Minister in his attitude in refusing to consider raising the price. Now, if the price was considered two years ago to be hardly sufficient to give a stimulus to production, it is difficult to imagine how it could be sufficient at the present time.

First of all, it is well to examine what the effect of that price was, because by doing so it may give us some indication of what the present effect of continuing that price is going to be. It evidently gave fairly good encouragement then, because towards the end of 1947 there was an increase in the quantity of milk that was being delivered to the creameries. The only thing I can claim in the way of encouragement, as shown by that price, was that farmers were more inclined to deliver whatever milk they had to the creamery during the second half of 1947. The price was a sufficient inducement to make the farmer continue delivering milk to the creamery a little longer than he usually did. Those Deputies who come from the creamery areas know that, in the tail end of the season, the farmer who has not very much milk—let us say that his supply has gone down to a few gallons—gives up delivering milk at the creameries because he argues that it is not worth his while to do so. It is the price that will probably determine at what stage he will stop delivering towards the end of the season. The only conclusion that I can come to is that, towards the end of 1947, the farmers did continue to deliver up to the last moment, as it were, whatever milk they had.

Another encouraging point was that when it came to the census in June, 1948, it was found that the numbers of heifers in calf had increased over the previous year. Many farmers who are going into breeding send their heifers for breeding purposes in the fall of the year, but the majority send them about May or June. It was evident that the price fixed early in 1947 induced those farmers to send more heifers for breeding than they had done a year or two previously. It had this good effect, that it made the farmers deliver whatever milk they had to the creameries and induced them to go a bit more into breeding than they had been doing previously. It was not a big effort, but it was in the right direction.

It is hard to draw conclusions from figures in agriculture, there are so many factors that must be taken into consideration. One thing we must remember is that the spring of 1947 was one of the severest in living memory in this country. It had been a very severe winter, following a very wet harvest. The result was that farmers were in a desperate way towards the end of that winter for fodder of any kind and cows were put out in a bad spring before the grass came along because there was no feeding for them inside. That must be taken into account in assessing the low production in the spring of 1947. If we find there was a bigger production in the spring of 1948 we cannot conclude absolutely that it was due to the increased price because the mild winter of 1947-48, a good supply of feeding and a good supply of grass in the spring may have been the big influences in having a good output at the beginning of 1948.

We got that increase, and towards the end of 1948 there was a bigger increase in the delivery of milk to the creameries, and in the beginning of this year it was better still. Last winter was mild and I think there was hardly a farmer who had not hay and straw to spare and perhaps oats and other foodstuffs, and he also had good grass for his cows. He had the choice of keeping them in a little longer or putting them out on grass, and that naturally has an influence on the increased production, particularly this spring. Anyway, I think we might conclude that the fixing of the price early in 1947 had a good effect, but will it continue?

While many thought it was a generous price at the time, there were some Deputies and farmers who thought it was not enough and they expressed that opinion very forcibly. Since then the price has remained the same, but the farmers' costs have gone up. Deputy Desmond told us that since the present Minister came in wages have gone up twice, so that the farmer's costs, so far as wages are concerned, are considerably higher than in 1947. His rates have gone up. In every county the rates have been increased so that every farmer is paying higher rates. He paid a little bit more for artificial manures this year and last year than in the year before. He is paying more for grass and other seeds. Foodstuffs are no less than they were then and, as regards machinery and equipment, they are no less; in some cases they might be higher. You have a definite increase in costs for the farmer with no increase in his receipts, and it is not easy to expect a farmer contentedly to go on increasing production in such circumstances.

Very few farmers will admit that they were more generously treated in 1947 than they should be, but they are content to go on now with production. I know that the Minister and those who take his point of view with regard to this price make the point that the calf is worth more. That is true, but it does not apply to many farmers that they should sell the calf when dropped or within a year old. I do not know if it will have a very big influence on many farmers that the calf should be more valuable.

Not only the farmer's costs, but also the creamery costs have gone up. The creameries are paying higher wages, their rates have gone up and their machinery and supplies have gone up, and the creamery has to make a bigger reduction in the price of the farmer's milk than in 1947; so there again the farmer gets a little less, and so far as the farmer's cost of living is concerned he has to run his house like any other citizen and his expenses are no lower than they were in 1947.

Taking all these things into consideration, I think it has to be admitted that the dairy farmer should receive better treatment. I am speaking mainly of the dairy farmer. There are very few farmers who go in for only one line. There are very few farmers who keep nothing but cows, very few who do nothing but tillage and very few who do nothing but poultry. Some farmers, however, are predominantly attached to dairying and I speak of these in particular. They are the farmers who are classed as dairy farmers. If we want to see these men in as good a position as they occupied in 1947 they will have to get a rise in the price of milk.

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted and 20 Deputies being present

Generally it has been held by most Deputies speaking on this subject that the cow is the foundation of agriculture. There is a lot to be said for that argument. It would be difficult to imagine any system of mixed farming of which the cow was not the foundation. Taking farming as a whole, we must get a certain amount of milk and milk products, such as cheese, butter, condensed milk and so on. We must have cows for that. We cannot have cattle without cows. Cattle are a very important item in farming economy. It has always been held that the surplus separated milk is a very valuable food for pigs and poultry. Any Government and any Minister for Agriculture would need to be very careful, therefore, not to allow the number of cows in the country to go down. It would be a magnificent thing if the number of cows could be increased.

We all look forward naturally to bigger production in this country. I do not think anyone should be surprised to see production coming back as quickly as possible at least to the 1938 level. I hope it may even be possible to put it above that. But the war has been over for four years now and I think the Minister for Agriculture ought to be in a position to tell us why production is not up to the 1938 level. I think a market will be found for all the dairy produce we can produce. We are consuming more dairy produce at the moment in the country than we did 20 years ago. Butter and, to some extent, cream, are rationed; cream admittedly is only rationed from time to time. If it were possible to remove butter rationing and possible, at the same time, to have good supplies of cheese of various grades and qualities available for purchase, there would be an even bigger consumption of dairy produce in this country. Outside of this country it is questionable whether there will ever be sufficient dairy produce again in any other country in the world in order to do away altogether with rationing. Any surplus we may have, therefore, would always find a ready market. We need have no fear that we shall go too far in any encouragement we may give towards increasing the number of our cows. We are on the right lines there because at all times there will be a market for dairy produce.

With regard to the price of milk, the Minister does not appear to have a very settled mind. Last year he was very forthright in his answer to the various deputations that came to him and to the various county committees of agriculture that he visited. He told them that he saw no necessity for any increase in the price of milk. On the 23rd of last December, however, he received a deputation composed of certain Dáil Deputies. He told this deputation that he was greatly impressed by the case they made. He told them that he felt that his recommendation, after they had stated their case, would be favourably considered by the Government. He did not, of course, say what his recommendation would be. But he did say that he was favourably impressed, and he promised the deputation that he would reopen the whole matter. He then said that whatever recommendation he would make would be favourably considered by the Government. Deputy Finucane was a member of that deputation. Time went on. The members of the deputation and other people who read the daily papers were waiting to see what that favourable decision, which would have Government sanction, was going to be. Nothing ever happened. After some time, the Minister again reverted to the idea that there was no necessity for an increase in the price of milk. What are we to conclude from that? One of two things must have happened. The Minister either made a recommendation to the Government or he did not. If he made no recommendation to the Government he was a little bit premature and a little bit hasty in telling the deputation that they had made a favourable impression on him. Evidently when the deputation went away and the Minister cooled down he came to the conclusion that their arguments, after all, were not as good as they first appeared to be. If that is the case, then there is not a very good mark for the Minister.

The Minister should be cool enough and wise enough to listen to a deputation and not to promise to do something unless he is practically certain that that something will be done. The Minister did give that impression to the deputation. On the other hand, he may have made a recommendation to the Government. But if he did make a recommendation to the Government, then it was turned down and he was wrong in telling the deputation that his recommendation would be favourably considered by the Government. The Minister can be accused of making an error in judgment one way or the other. I do not know in which direction that error lies. At any rate, the deputation did not get what they asked for and the price of milk remains the same.

Everybody knows that the butter ration has been increased. I suppose everybody is glad that it has been increased. Some consumers possibly had enough, but there are others who will be glad to get a little more. I am not too sure that the Minister may not be a little bit hasty and premature again in this connection. It is true that there was a higher production of butter in the first four months of this year, but when we compare the production in 1948 with that in 1947 the increase is not so very much after all. Remember the story of the years we had.

The year 1947 commenced with the worst winter in living memory followed by the most severe spring in living memory. Feeding-stuffs had disappeared and there was no grass. It is common knowledge that cows in that year did not come into full milk until well into June because they were hungry and there was no pasture for them. The cows that went out in the beginning of 1948 after a mild winter with plenty of feeding-stuffs went out to good grass in the spring and they quickly came into full milk. Despite that very favourable condition in 1948 as compared with 1947, the increase in creamery butter in 1948 was only about 50,000 cwts. over that of 1947. That was not very much. I took the figures out of the Trade Journal just issued because of the possibility of a miscalculation. According to the published figures in the year 1947 the average output of creamery butter was 43.3 thousand cwts. In the year 1948 it was 47.6 thousand cwts. The difference between 43.3 and 47.6 is not very much.

For the first four months of this year the output has considerably improved over the first four months of last year. There is a note on this document circulated by the Minister which says that the production in the second half of April, 1949, was the highest since 1938. Well, again, of course, we must remember the very mild winter and the very good spring as regards feeding. Even though we had a very good production for the first four months of this year, we might not have the increase in production that would be necessary over the whole year to maintain the ration of eight ounces per person per week. Another fact we must remember is that there is always a certain amount of butter carried over at the end of the year. That butter is always sufficient to supply the country, whether there is a ration or no ration, up to the end of April at any rate, and at the end of April it is usually considered possible to supply the country on the current output of the creameries. At the end of 1947 there were 181,000 cwts. of butter in store, and at the end of 1948, 180,000 cwts.—1,000 cwts., or less than 1/2 per cent. less, so that we had not any more butter in store at the end of last year than the year before. Yet we did not find it possible to maintain even the six-ounce ration last year over the whole year; it went down to four ounces for a while.

It is, therefore, very optimistic, in my opinion, to think that we can maintain the eight ounces this year. If we cannot, there is one thing the Minister should have kept in mind, namely, that if it is necessary to go lower than eight ounces at any part of the year, this is the time to go low because this is the time when farmers' butter is plentiful. There is a good quantity of farmers' butter being marketed at the present time. If it is necessary at any time to reduce the ration, this is the time, or, at least, the Minister should not increase the ration until he is sure it can be maintained, because farmers' butter, as everybody knows, if it is taken off the market and used as quickly as possible after it is produced, is in its best condition. When it is in good condition, it could be used to supplement the ration of creamery butter as it has been used for some years back.

Farmers' butter is not meeting with a very good demand at present. I was down in my own constituency last Friday—it is a county that produces a good deal of farmers' butter—and the price offered there on that day was 2/3 per lb. That is a very much lower price than the seller of farmers' butter was getting two years ago. He was getting from 2/10 to 3/- at that time; now he is getting 2/3. Of course, the injustice that was done to the makers of farmers' butter was done last year when it was decontrolled because the maker of farmers' butter has as good a right to be looked after by the State as the supplier of milk to the creamery but even though that was done last year, and even though the farmers who supply farmers' butter suffered during the months of plentiful supply, this is a further blow. The fact that most consumers are getting enough butter now on the ration means that the demand for farmers' butter is lower than it was last year. On that account practically all farmers' butter has to go to the buyers on the fresh butter market and they are giving only 2/3 a lb. Last year, when the ration of creamery butter was lower, there were many people who bought farmers' butter as well. They were prepared to give in or about the price that they gave for creamery butter, about 3/-, so that the farmers who were making farmers' butter all these years were able to get 3/- a lb. for some of the butter at least last year. I am afraid they are not getting 3/- for it now.

What would the Deputy do?

I advised the Minister— I presume his colleagues took a note of it while he was out—that unless he was absolutely certain that the eight-ounce ration could be maintained——

I am certain.

Very well then. We will have a note of that, and I hope the Minister will not say later that he said "about eight ounces".

I am certain.

I would say that the Minister should repair the mistake made last year.

Last year they got 3/-.

For part of it they got 3/- the part for consumption in the ordinary way, but a great deal of it was sold for 2/3 on the fresh butter market. I say that practically all of it is sold on the fresh butter market at present for 2/3, which means that the producer of farmers' butter is not getting by any means the same treatment as the supplier to the creamery is getting. I do not know whether that is the deliberate policy of the Minister or not, whether he considers that we should try to drive the producers of farmers' butter into the production of creamery butter, but it cannot be done in some places, because there are many areas where a creamery could not exist on the supply that is there, where there may be only a few odd farmers in the dairying business. The only outlet for them is the production of farmers' butter. If that business is made unprofitable by giving them less for their butter, then the only alternative for them is to reduce the number of cows.

What does the Deputy suggest should be done?

I would not have agreed, if I were in the Minister's place to any Minister for Finance taking away the subsidy on farmers' butter last year.

But this year?

This year I again would not agree to it.

And sell it to Great Britain?

Sell some of the creamery butter to Great Britain.

Is it the Opposition policy to subsidise butter for the British to eat?

I shall ask the Minister a question now, since he has been putting so many questions to me. What is the Minister going to do with the farmers' butter? Is it to be sold in Britain if there is a surplus and, if there is no surplus, why does the farmers' butter not get the subsidy?

There is a surplus.

Then some butter must go to Britain if there is a surplus with the subsidy on farmers' butter. The Minister's only alternative, when we have a little more butter than we want for ourselves, is to tell the farmers to go out of butter as he has told other classes to go out of flax or to go out of oats.

What do you propose?

I would propose giving him the same price as to the makers of creamery butter.

And pay the British to eat our butter?

I suggest that the Deputy be allowed to make his speech without interruption.

Plainly, the Minister's policy when we have a surplus of any particular article is to drive somebody out of production, and if he is unfair to some class the Minister will have some glib argument to cover that. It is unfair, in my opinion, whatever the Minister may think, that we should get out of a difficulty by telling the producers of farmers' butter: "Get out of production because there is no future for you." If he does succeed, where is the Minister going to get one more cow?

What does the Deputy propose; has he any suggestion?

Where is the Minister going to get one more cow?

From the Clann na Poblachta policy.

That is one policy.

The young Deputy from Roscommon is full of criticism.

If the Deputy were allowed to make his speech without cross-examination from one side or the other we would get on better.

On a point of order. May I make a respectful submission? The Deputy is speaking as ex-Minister for Agriculture and purports to be making constructive criticism on the Estimate. Is it unreasonable, when he finds fault with the dispositions made by the present occupant of the office to meet a given situation, that the Deputy should be respectfully and civilly asked his advice as to what he thinks the present incumbent of the office should do, in place of what the incumbent did in fact do? I would value his advice.

Let the Deputy continue.

I should like to inform the Minister that when I commenced I said that I wanted to speak constructively on the question of milk, and I am afraid that the Minister is pursuing a policy with regard to milk and butter that is going to lead to a decrease in the number of cows in this country. Now the Minister has more or less confirmed that—not from the angle I had in mind, but from another and more unexpected angle—because he has made it very plain that he does not want to help the maker of farmers' butter because that butter must be exported. He has made that perfectly plain, and if, therefore, the maker of farmers' butter thinks that he is not getting a sufficient price he must get rid of some of his cows. I say to the Minister: where is that one more cow going to come from? The Minister announced that his policy was "one more cow, one more sow and one more acre under the plough."

Hear, hear.

He says "hear hear", but evidently he is not seriously thinking out any policy that would give him one more cow. As a matter of fact, he is making a very good bid towards having a reduction in the number of cows, at least, amongst those who are making farmers' butter. I dealt already with the makers of creamery butter and I do not want to go back over that because if the Minister is interested he can get it from another source. He is certainly making very sure, however, that there will be no increase in the number of cows amongst those who are making farmers' butter and it is more than likely that there will be a decrease. The Minister asks what I would do in his place. I would not— and I state it without any equivocation —if I were Minister for Agriculture, have ever agreed to give in to any Minister for Finance to withdraw the subsidy on farmers' butter, as was done last year. If that had not been done then, what I am saying would not be necessary now because the makers of farmers' butter would get treatment at least equal to that given to the suppliers to the creameries. As I said, I do not think the suppliers to the creameries are getting enough.

And you would pay the British to eat our butter.

I thought there was to be an unlimited market at remunerative prices.

The Minister said when he came back from England last year that there would be an unlimited market at remunerative prices for everything we can supply, but we do not mind the Minister changing his views after 12 months because he is able to do it within one week sometimes. The unlimited market at unremunerative prices has gone completely. He said: "What would you do? Subsidise butter for the British market?" I do not believe that there will be butter for the British market, but if there is, then the agreement which the Minister made with Britain last year is an absolute fiasco.

Because there does not seem to be any good in it. Every time it is put to the test it falls. Coming to the agreement, I mentioned already here that we should be very careful to see that we are able to maintain the number of cows in this country or to increase it. I dealt with the importance of dairy production——

Such barefaced audacity!

Probably, indeed certainly, there will be a market for dairy produce for all time practically, as far as we can see now. The Minister may say that there is not a market at remunerative prices, but we will see about that later. Dairy produce will be wanted in many countries for the next generation anyway. Cattle are the next item. If we have not as many cows as time goes on or if we have less cows, then we will have less cattle. That is fairly sure and cattle are a big item in the output of agriculture.

The bullock and the dog.

With regard to the price of cattle, I have mentioned here before that I would like the Minister to take into account the fact that if cattle are dear or dearer it is not a factor that will increase the number of cows, that in fact it has the other effect. The fact that the price of cattle is higher now than it was last year or the year before should be a reason why the Minister should examine the question of whether the price of milk is good enough or not, because the farmer is an individualist who looks on his own economy without taking into account what the farm economy for the whole country should be.

God bless us and save us.

If he sees that cattle pay better than milk he will get out of buying cattle. That cannot go on very long, but that individual says that he will do it. If anybody, if the Minister, will examine the graphs of the number of cows, the number of cattle, the production of butter and so on, over the past 25 or 30 years, he will find that when the price of cattle increases as compared with the price of milk the number of cows goes down. When the price of milk goes up as compared with the price of cattle the number of cows is a good one. The Minister holds up the graph, but evidently he has learned nothing from it and it is no use showing it to me because I know what is in it. The Minister, however, should take to heart what the graph teaches, and if our economy follows the usual course it has followed in this country for many years past we are going to have less cows because of the rise in the price of cattle over the last few years while the price of milk has remained the same. It is a thing he must keep in mind.

The Minister, of course, has promised that he will cut the cost of production. The suggestions he makes are good ones and are suggestions which could be made by any Minister for Agriculture, but they are going to take a long time to operate. To improve the breed is, of course, obvious to anybody as being the thing to do to improve the milking strain as far as it can be done, but it takes years and years to effect a big improvement in a man's herd. To improve the system of feeding, whether by grass or ensilage or by imported feeding stuffs, will be a comparatively slow process. In the meantime, farmers may be reducing their cows. Whatever the Minister may expect to achieve by way of improving the breed and making it easier for the farmer to feed his cows efficiently, he should, in the meantime, prevent the farmers going out of cows.

Cattle are a very big item in the output of agriculture. In regard to the famous agreement which the present Government made with England, covering all agricultural produce, there were special editions from the Information Bureau and speeches in this House telling us, when the thing was over, that there was a market for all time for everything the farmer could produce.

Four years was the period.

For all time, it was said. That was mentioned by the Taoiseach and by others. However, let it be four years—for all agricultural produce and at a remunerative price. I remember, when we were discussing the agreement here, I put it to the Minister: "Does that even include potatoes"? and he said it included potatoes, except that he would have liked to get more.

There is no reference in the Trade Agreement to potatoes.

If the Minister will read the debate of last year, he will see that he told them over there when negotiating——

There was a separate agreement.

——that they must mind themselves and look sharp or they would not get any potatoes at the price they offered. That was mentioned in this House when the agreement was under consideration. Maybe there was nothing in the agreement. I do not know.

The Minister said there was.

I thought there was.

Now the Deputy is caught out and says he does not know.

The Minister is caught out and says that potatoes were not discussed. He said that if the British did not offer a better price they would not get potatoes at all. Now he says that potatoes were not in the agreement at all. I have here now a copy of the agreement. Now what does the Minister say, before I read it, is it in the agreement or not?

We made two separate agreements to sell 50,000 tons per annum, after this agreement.

That is a quibble.

Read out what is in it.

It says:—

"Prices and quantities of potatoes that the Government of Ireland will undertake to supply and the Government of the United Kingdom will undertake to accept shall be the subject of negotiations between representatives of the two Governments."

Now is there nothing about it in the agreement?

Did not Deputy Allen do the Deputy a queer disservice, to come trotting down with that?

I must get the Official Report—which I may have very soon. I asked the Minister then if he was satisfied with £10 16s. 0d. a ton and he said he was not and that he had pointed out that to the British Ministers when negotiating with them.

Let the Deputy make up his mind. Is it in it or is it not?

When I get the Official Report, the Minister will have to make up his mind.

The Minister has poor assistance. Talk about Sancho Panza.

The Minister spoke about a remunerative market for everything the farmer could produce. We found as time went on that there was a failure—as there appears to be now regarding butter. The Minister had spoken of the time when we would have butter and bacon for sale, and now we find it is better not to send it to them at all. Regarding the Cattle Agreement, the Minister came back and told us that he got the 5/- differential. As far as we could understand what was done at the time, if the beast went to England, whether there two months or two days, it got the price that the beast had to be there two months to get.

That is about as clear as mud.

Perhaps I could explain it another way.

I hope so.

The Minister is a bit annoyed.

After 20 or 30 hours listening to this, I may be.

If the Minister only realised all the time I had to sit and listen to him. However, I am not as bad as that. Before this agreement was made, store cattle went over from here and if they were kept they got a certain price, before slaughter; but if they were slaughtered after going over they got 5/- less. The Minister had that removed, but in return for that he agreed to limit the number of cattle that might go to the continental market. I think the quid pro quo was far too much. We got nothing out of this advantage, as it was called, of having our fat cattle paid for on arrival. We sent no fat cattle as a result, and there is going to be a limit now on the number of cattle we can send to the Continent. It is hardly a good thing for any Minister negotiating for this country to give something for nothing, but that is what it amounts to.

Some Deputies wanted to give the Minister a bit of praise. I suppose they found it hard to think of anything in particular they could say. They talked about increased production. They were hardly aware that the increased production could not be attributed altogether to the Minister. In so far as the Minister carried out his duties in that Department with a sense of responsibility, by not changing what was done by his predecessors, he made a success here and there. Certain things were not taken into account at all. For instance as I mentioned in another connection, it was not taken into account that the year 1947 started with very bad conditions for farmers concerned about production—there was a bad winter and a bad spring. To compare that with 1948 and give credit to the Minister for any improvement there was, appears to me to be bordering on that very dangerous sin, presumption.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle resumed the Chair.

Look at 1949.

Take pigs which, I suppose, are one of the items which have increased more than any other. The Minister has circulated a document——

At your request.

Thank you. The Minister, I understand, gave the figures, and Deputies asked that the document be circulated. Some explanation is required of why, in respect of certain things, we take 1947 as against 1948, and, in respect of others, the first four months of this year as against the first four months of last year. He says that the total cattle in January, 1949, were 3,605,300 as against 3,531,500 in January, 1948, and then goes on to give the number of heifers in calf. I do not know why the Minister did not give us the number of cows because it would have been useful to us in this discussion. So far as we can get it from this document, we want to see what the trend of increased production is and what we may expect to get in this year and the year after. I dealt with creamery butter before the Minister came in and I expressed a doubt as to whether there would be sufficient to maintain the 8 oz. ration for the year, but the Minister is certain that it will be all right.

You saw the production figure for the first 15 weeks.

I did, but, even so, I still have a doubt. However, the Minister is satisfied. With regard to pigs, the Trade Journal, which I presume is correct, gives the figures for deliveries to factories. It gives these figures in terms of monthly averages and I can only give them as monthly averages, but the figures are instructive. It sets out that the monthly average delivered to factories in 1947 was 19.98 thousand and in 1948, 19.91 thousand.

You have the actual figures for the three years.

Yes, ending April 30th, but I am taking the calendar year and I want to know why the Minister did not take the calendar year, because taking the figures on the basis of calendar years, the number delivered in 1948 is not any more than the number delivered in 1947.

Why should I take the calendar year 1949 when this is only May?

I did not ask him to take the calendar year 1949 but the calendar years 1947 and 1948. I do not want any more of these puerile interruptions from the Minister about the calendar year 1949. I am talking of 1947 and 1948 and I say that there was no difference in the deliveries to the factories. The Minister takes the first four months of the year and the delivery of pigs to the factories has considerably increased this year as compared with the two previous years. The number of sows also increased considerably, but the point is that the number of pigs began increasing at the end of 1947 and, as a matter of fact, the last four months of 1947 were considerably better than any of the other similar periods and compared not too unfavourably with 1948, so that increased production had commenced towards the end of 1947, and, even though the delivery of the pigs is very good for the first four months of this year compared with the previous two years, we are not yet back to 1946. We must remember that there was no export of bacon from this country since 1941, so that it will require a good advance on the present number before we have enough bacon for our own consumption.

I intend to export bacon in September.

I hope you will, but it will require considerable improvement on the present position to do that. Some Deputies do not appear to be aware that if a farmer wants to increase his production of cattle, he must have more cows; that if he wants to increase his pigs, he must have more sows; and that if he wants to increase his egg production, he must have more hens. If he makes up his mind to increase his production, nine or 12 months will elapse before that increase is apparent. There are Deputies on the opposite side who thought that this Minister was able to get increased production within four or five months of the time he took office. That would be a miracle and I do not know whether Deputies opposite think that the Minister is able to operate in that way.

It does not take a hen nine months to hatch an egg.

Not to hatch an egg, but, when the young chicken is out, it does not start to lay. I do not know whether the Minister is prepared—he asked me some questions—to answer questions or not. The more usual thing here is that Ministers answer questions because they have the information, and I have not. I want to know with regard to the egg agreement—we have not been able to get this information so far—what is the basic price the British are paying for hen eggs at present. The producer is getting 2/6 per dozen. I do not know what basic price the British are paying that would enable 2/6 per dozen to be paid to the producer here and whether it is sufficient to pay that 2/6 without any subsidy. There was a subsidy paid last year, in addition to the price the British were paying, but the Minister has not told us whether the British are now paying as much as they paid last year, or less or more. We know that there is not as much available for subsidy. When the Minister's predecessor was making this agreement at the end of 1947, he succeeded in getting a certain price and also succeeded in getting a sum by way of subsidy, and, as a result, he was able to have a price of 3/- per dozen paid to the producer.

Plus the levy on turkeys and fowl.

There was something taken off in respect of turkeys as well.

And the fowl.

Yes. We all know how that was done. We know what the British were paying and what was given by way of subsidy by the British and what was collected in respect of turkeys and fowl and we know what the producer got. We know what he is getting now, 2/6, but we do not know how it is made up—what the British are paying, and what amount was in the subsidy fund on 1st February, when this scheme started. Whatever amount was in it, we should like to know how far and how long it may last. I believe the Minister on one occasion, according to Deputy Cogan, tried to persuade us that 2/6 is as good as 3/- and maybe he may try to persuade us again, but we are not likely to agree that it is just as good. I think the Minister ought to tell us what the basic price is and what is paid by way of subsidy.

Certainly.

I also want to know from the Minister when he is concluding what he is doing about veterinary research. He mentioned that in introducing the Estimate. Personally, when I was Minister for Agriculture, I was very interested in that question and we had purchased a place near Clondalkin.

Brown's Barn.

Yes, where there was a fair amount of land. It was put to me at the time by the veterinary advisers that they wanted land on which to run certain animals when they were under test. The place was got and it was intended that a building should be erected on that farm for the purpose of veterinary research. I would like to know whether there is any development or not because there are many diseases of animals which have to be dealt with and it will take a long time, in fact all time, for the veterinary surgeons to investigate diseases and see what they can do about them.

The Minister also spoke of free veterinary services. It was intended at that time, also, when we were amalgamating the veterinary services dealing with public health and dealing with diseases of animals that there should be free service for certain items at least—tuberculosis in animals and contagious abortion and perhaps some other diseases as well.

Yes. That is my recollection of how far the discussions had taken place at that time.

Free inoculation of all the cattle in Ireland?

No. It was not intended, I think, that we could reach a question of inoculating all cattle immediately but it was intended that dealing with tubercular cattle—of course, treatment is impossible as a rule and they would have to be dealt with—and dealing with contagious abortion should be free services.

Of course this strain 19 has come along and the treatment of contagious abortion is preventative.

Will that be free?

It is not. I read out the terms. It is about 2/6 to 3/- a beast.

Does that include the veterinary fee?

That would include veterinary fee.

That is something. I want to know also how far has the coordination of veterinary service progressed. There was an idea of placing veterinary surgeons all over the country, giving them a certain amount of State work to do, which would give them a foothold, as it were, and have them at the disposal of farmers in all parts of the country as far as possible.

Before the Minister came in, I mentioned that we were rather disappointed that he did not appear to stick to the same opinion on many occasions. We all agree, of course, that it is not desirable for a person not to change his mind when he should. On the other hand, if a Minister changes his mind too often one begins to fear that he is not very responsible. For instance, we were not long here when we had the famous case of the glasshouses where the Minister put his heels against the bench and said he would not give any more subsidy for these glasshouses and then, when some influential people came up from the West, he changed his mind.

They were not influential.

They must have been or the Minister would not have changed his mind.

A Fianna Fáil Catholic curate, and he has as much influence as a hen but he asked me in the name of justice. If he has influence, it certainly will not be used on my behalf.

I do not want to make a point on that but it appears that the Minister will change his mind even at the instance of a man who has not any more influence than a hen. Then we had the question of flax. I think I and my successor, Deputy Smith, had fixed a price for the scutching of flax and the Minister, when he came along, removed that but, when he saw that the mills were charging a bit too much, he threatened them and, when that did not succeed, he fixed the price.

In the restricted area where over-charging went on.

The price of oats is a classical example. The Minister was very adamant before he went to America that he would not fix a price for oats. As a matter of fact, he gave very many good reasons why it could not be done. I say good reasons. Even so it was done in the finish.

While he was away.

A little bit higher than 22/6.

As far as I am concerned, the only quarrel I have with the Minister in this matter is that he gave the farmers an implied guarantee that, if they grew oats, they would get a remunerative price.

What are oats selling for now?

I do not know. In an advertisement of 28th February, 1948, the Minister said that oats not required on the farm commands a remunerative price. Of course, that should be sufficient for any farmer. If he gets a promise—as an advertisement is—that oats will get a remunerative price, the farmer says: "Even if I have not enough pigs, poultry and so on to feed these oats to, I will get a good price for what I sell." When it came to market time the oats was not there. He issued this famous advertisement a month later: "How farmers can help", and he said: "Every farmer's wife who sells an extra hundred of eggs to the eggler will help materially." That was a good way of using up the oats but he did not withdraw the promise made on the 28th February, 1948, that oats not required on the farm commands a remunerative price and the farmers, who were, I suppose, a bit prejudiced against wheat, having listened for many years to the Minister about wheat, left wheat growing and went over to oats. Then he issued this advertisement in which he said: "I believe co-operation works better than compulsion. Let's show them," and it is signed "James Dillon, Minister for Agriculture". Who were "us" in that case and who were "they"? He issued an impudent advertisement to the people of Ireland. He says "Let's show them" and it is signed "James Dillon, Minister for Agriculture", but the taxpayers had to pay for it. The taxpayers had to pay for James Dillon's propaganda to the Irish farmer—"Let's show them". Well, he did show them.

On a point of order. I would like to inquire if there is any impropriety in the Minister for Agriculture exhorting the farmers of this country to join with him in increasing production.

Who are "them"?

The Minister has raised a point of order.

Observe them. All who beheld the increase in production. Is there anything wrong there?

Deputy Dr. Ryan has his answer now.

The farmers, to show "them," grew oats and potatoes. Then the harvest came. It was a beautiful harvest. It had been a grand year and there had been a lovely spring when the farmers were sowing their oats. The oats yielded well. The members opposite say that that was due to the Minister for Agriculture. Then they could not find a market—where was the remunerative market? The Minister several times said he would not fix a price for oats. But when he went to America and when the by-election was coming off in Donegal the price of oats was fixed.

In a hurry.

That was that.

The Deputy is forgetting Deputy Davern and the Deputy for Donegal. Finish the story.

Maybe I do not know the end of the story.

Maybe I will tell it to you.

Take a note of it and tell us about it later. There has been a certain amount of talk about the price of flax. The Minister was dealing with the flax millers in Northern Ireland for many months. He did not tell anybody about that. He was offered a certain price but he would not have it. He was offered another price but he would not have that, either. He broke off the negotiations. The present Minister for Agriculture who is so meticulous about doing what the farmers want him to do—"no compulsion" and "I believe co-operation is better than compulsion" he says in the advertisement we have to pay for—this Minister for Agriculture who believes so much in co-operation with the farmers and in no compulsion never consulted the growers but demanded a certain price from the north which he did not get and broke off the negotiations. Then those growers had to take a lesser price. They were in a dilemma and the flax millers in the north knew they were in a dilemma and they beat them down further in the price. Why did he not go to the growers and tell them how these negotiations were progressing? He tried to confuse the issue in this House by pointing out that the growers in the Six Counties were getting something like 7/- more than was being offered here but he refused to point out, even though he was asked several times to make it clear, that the Northern Government were paying practically all that difference. If the Minister had wanted to equalise things for the growers on this side of the Border he should have got his own Government to pay the same subsidy to the growers here as the Northern Ireland Government were paying to the growers there——

Pay the Belfast spinners to take our flax?

I was going to say "or". Or, if the Minister does not believe a subsidy should be given in respect of the flax going over the Border he should have pointed out to the growers here that we could get them the same price as the growers in Northern Ireland but without the subsidy. He wanted the flax millers to give the same price to our growers as the growers in Northern Ireland were getting plus the subsidy——

Do not make their case stronger than it is. They have their own advocates.

If the Minister had taken that view, as he did take that view, on flax why did he then go across to England last February and accept a lower price for eggs from Mr. Strachey while the British producer was getting a higher price? That was the very thing he objected to in regard to flax. He said he objected to the Northern millers giving us less for our flax than they were giving to their own growers——

That is not true. My objection was that the Northern spinners reduced our price the same day as they put 7/- on to their own.

It was the same in regard to the eggs.

Well, do not stand up for the Belfast spinners now.

The Minister took up that attitude and he says he was right. He says he objected to the Northern spinners giving him a lesser price for flax on the same day as they increased the price to their own growers.

I objected to their reducing our price and increasing their own.

Exactly as occurred in regard to the eggs.

Does the Deputy agree with what happened in regard to eggs?

Forty per cent

Does the Deputy agree with what happened in regard to flax?

Deputy Dr. Ryan should be allowed to make his speech without interruption.

Deputy Cowan is looking for information. If he wants to know my attitude I will tell him. If I had been in the Minister's place I would have asked the growers of flax what they thought of the situation before breaking off the negotiations. If they had told me to break off the negotiations I would have done so.

And if they had not?

I would have said: "Have it so." Why did the Minister not take up the same attitude in regard to eggs as he took up in regard to flax? Why was he not able to stand up and say to the British Minister of Food: "I will not accept the lower price for eggs while you give your own producers more."

When was this? The Deputy is rambling. The British reduced the price of eggs in February.

It is very difficult to follow the Minister. He has already tried to persuade another Deputy and now he is trying to persuade me that he did not get a lesser price for eggs——

Does the Deputy think that the British increased the price of eggs to their own producers?

Very slightly. The Minister accepted 6d. a dozen less.

The Deputy is quite off the beam.

A reduction from 4/1 to 3/10.

Recently I asked the Minister about root seeds. I do not know his attitude in that connection. I do not know whether he is sticking to the attitude he took up during the year, but I hope to goodness he changes his mind on that too.

What about?

About carrying on the system of the growing of root seeds here.

That is being carried on, but there will be a free market.

In what way?

In every way.

Free import? Can everybody import?

The Minister may try to persuade me or anybody in this House that he is giving a free market to the farmers of this country. He is not. The Minister knows very well that no farmer in this country imports root seeds. The merchants do that and now they are getting a free market—a thing they have not had for some years back. Why? Because the excuse is made that the home-grown seed is much dearer. The home-grown seed filled the gap here for some years during the emergency. We started out here in a particular year by taking mangolds out of the pit and turnips out of the field and putting them back to grow seed. In that way we built up a supply of seeds that was badly needed when we could not get them anywhere else. Even with these difficulties, with the exception of one year, the price of mangold and turnip and brassica seed was only one penny per lb. higher than in England where they have a tradition of growing it for many years. The exceptional year was the year 1947 which succeeded the very hard winter. In that particular year, seeds were very difficult to produce and they were dearer. But, leaving that year out, the seed was only one penny per lb. dearer than in England, while the merchants here who were getting that done were paying a much higher price to the growers here than the English merchants were to the growers over there.

What is more, there were trials carried out last year in Johnstown Castle farm under the Department of Agriculture and it was conclusively proved that the brassicas grown from Irish-grown seeds were better than those from imported seeds. There were prosecutions here for wrong seeds in many parts of the country last year but in every case these prosecutions were for imported seed. It is because the Minister is prejudiced against a home industry of that kind that he says there will be freedom for everyone. We know what that freedom means. The farmer does not want freedom, because he does not import seed but goes to the merchant for it. The merchant, however, is to have freedom to do what he likes, to import them from England or anywhere he likes or take them from the home growers. Of course, it means that the people who are producing home-grown seeds are going to be finished up. It will be very, very difficult to start a project like that again.

I was mentioning an advertisement or two from the Minister. One of them about oats last year was:—

"Oats not required on the farm commands a remunerative price."

That led to a lot of trouble. When the Minister had learned his lesson as it were, he comes along this year with an advertisement and he says:—

"The farmer who wants a cash crop should sow wheat or malting barley."

There is nothing about oats or potatoes only wheat or malting barley. The Minister also says:—

"If you want feeding barley, sow the varieties that are better than Spratt Archer barley."

There is not a word in this advertisement to the farmers that they should grow more oats and that there will be a remunerative price. As a matter of fact, in the advertisement which the Minister issued when the flax negotiations broke down he told the farmers: "You can grow flax if you like, but there is no promise of a market if you do so." These are the changes which have taken place as a result of the education that the Minister has got.

The Minister, I think, has made it abundantly clear that he has departed from compulsory tillage. There are two points of view on that. Of those who argue that question out, some take one view and some another. It is the only instance where a change has been made with regard to inspection since the Minister came into office. In every other instance, where there was an inspector before, like the potato inspector or the bull inspector or the poultry instructress, they are all there still; in fact there are more of them. Therefore, this myth which is growing up in the Coalition, that the farmer is getting more freedom, appears to be without very much foundation.

Has he not got freedom?

The only difference is that the tillage inspector is not calling on him.

Where is the force being exercised against him?

Where was it exercised against him before?

Read Deputy Smith's statements as Minister for Agriculture.

If he keeps an unlicensed bull, he will know very quickly.

The only difference is that the tillage inspector is withdrawn, and the myth has grown up amongst Deputies opposite, who perhaps find it very difficult to say something in praise of the Minister, that he has removed compulsion.

We have no difficulty.

The Deputy would not.

The farmer knows it.

The one difference is with regard to compulsory tillage. As I said, there were different opinions as to that. It was an emergency measure. In the White Paper which we issued as the future agricultural policy, it is advocated that there should be a certain modified measure of compulsory tillage. Whether that White Paper would be ultimately adopted or not by the introduction of legislation I do not know. Personally, I would have strongly advocated that it should be; I would be very much in favour of it.

I have told this House before, perhaps before some of the present members were in it, that in the beginning of the emergency we found a very deplorable state of affairs in some Midland counties; in fact outside the Midland counties also. There was no knowledge of tillage in some areas, no equipment of any kind, and no men who could do tillage. It took a long time to get these areas going. It is a great mistake until the world becomes more settled anyway, to allow these people to get rid of their machinery and equipment and forget whatever knowledge of tillage they have, and perhaps the men to leave them and go away. The question of employment is also a very important matter. We know that the number on the live register, according to the Trade Journal, of farmers, farmers' relatives and agricultural labourers in October, 1948, was 10,500 and in October, 1947, 6.4 thousand. That may be due to tillage. I am inclined to think it is. There was emigration from the rural areas as well.

Last October?

Who would do tillage in October?

The Minister may be able to explain it some other way. I am quoting from the Trade Journal. Let the Minister explain why there were more unemployed in 1948 than in 1947. Now let us take wheat. The Minister does not like wheat. He said some time ago he would not be caught dead in a wheat field. In the last five or six years, the average amount of wheat grown in this country was about 350,000 tons. If you take that at the present price of 62/6 per barrel, it comes to £8,750,000. It must be obvious to anybody that if you have £8,750,000 distributed amongst farmers it is going to mean employment for themselves and for their relatives and their hired men. I do not think anybody can show that on the same acreage you will get the same return from live stock, and I suppose the only alternative would be live stock of some kind.

They got £8,000,000 last year from wheat.

That is what I am talking about. I am glad the Deputy bears me out. What is more than that, at present, is that it does save several million dollars. I am not in a position to say how many but if you take wheat and beet together they must mean a saving to this country in dollars of something like 30,000,000 a year. That is a very important matter at the present time.

The speaker before me said that the other speakers did not refer to the agricultural labourers. I do not think it is necessary. He himself said that he regarded small-holders as those who have a holding of less than 50 or 60 acres. They are the working farmers and their sons and if you take them with the agricultural labourers they comprise about 95 per cent. of the agricultural population. When we speak of agriculture here we are speaking of the people who work on the land.

I do not think there is very much more I want to say now. The present Minister generally used to end up when he was speaking in my time——

The Deputy will not forget that Deputy Ó Briain has brought in some literature.

I have it. If the Minister will give me two minutes to look it up I will give it to him.

The Deputy is very welcome. The Deputy has been going for an hour already and we will not grudge him another two minutes.

The Minister used to end up by saying that I was the worst Minister in this country and in the world.

I am afraid I did say that.

I hear that many farmers, Deputies and Senators throughout the country—not all on this side of the House—are hoping to see a change in the present position. Some would even take Deputy Blowick in exchange. Before I sit down I want to pay a tribute to the Taoiseach. He did me a service by putting Deputy Dillon in that office because nobody will say again that I was the worst Minister in this country.

You are an optimist.

Chím go bhfuil an t-Aire ag féachaint anthuirseach tar éis an cúrsa oideachais atá faighte aige i rith na laetheanta ó tosnaíodh ar an díospóireacht seo.

Táim go deimhin, ach an bhfuil ionadh ort?

Ach geallaimse dó nach mbeidh mé ag caint chomh fada agus a bhí an Teachta Ó Riain nó an Teachta Breathnach nó an Teachta Mac Gabhann nó an Teachta Ó Deirg.

Peadar Ó Cabhain

Agus an Teachta Corry.

Nach bhfuil cead aige?

Peadar Ó Cabhain

Ráiméis a bhí ar siúl aige.

Sea, ach pé scéal é tá súil agam go mbeidh a bhfuil le rá agamsa níos ciallmhara ná an chuid is mó den chaint a chualamar ó na Teachtaí sin.

Sin é do thuairim féin.

I did not fully appreciate the difficulties which face the Minister for Agriculture in the matter of raising the price of milk until some months ago when an auctioneer in my town told me that a number of farmers had been discussing with him the price of milk and wondering why the Minister would not increase it. He suggested that I ought to write a letter to the Minister for Agriculture and ask him to give some small increase in the price of milk. I did this and some days passed by before I got a reply. I gave him the message that had been given to me and asked him to do what he could about it and if he could not increase the price of milk to let me know why. Actually I got my answer before I got the reply from the Minister. Four or five days after I had written that letter a woman in the town came in to me. She was very irate and her first question was would I tell her what kind of a Government this was and particularly what sort of Minister for Agriculture we had, because the price of milk had gone up. I said I did not know that. She told me that her little daughter used to go to the milk vendor daily for the milk. She had come home and told her that as from the following Monday the milk was being raised by 1/2d. a pint. Her mother sent her back to ask why and the message which came back from the milk vendor was that the increase was there by Government Order. She does not live very far away from me so, on the spot, she came to me to get an explanation knowing that I was a supporter of the present Government. She asked me also to write at once to the Minister and ask him to reduce the price of milk. I could not very well write that letter not having received a reply to the letter which I had sent him asking why he did not increase the price of milk.

You are more considerate than many others.

I decided, therefore, to await a letter from the Minister, and in due course it came. I am afraid I never told the lady that I had written to the Minister asking him to increase the price of milk. I believe that she will not bother her head reading the Dáil debates so I think I am quite safe in mentioning the matter here.

It will be in the headlines of the Irish Press, Deputy.

It is a thorn in your side.

Oh no, but a crown to me.

I merely mention that because it does seem to me that a tremendous amount of nonsense is talked about this question and there is not a proper appreciation of the difficulties which obviously face the Minister. Nobody would be more pleased than I to see the farmers getting as big a price as possible for their produce but we must consider that the people who have to pay for these essential commodities out of small wages—and this woman's husband has small wages— have to live and that even small increases are a very considerable burden on them.

I should like to put a few questions to the Minister. The Minister has, we all know, very close associations with South Tipperary and, consequently, I take it he will be as interested as I am in doing what can be done for that constituency.

You should not mention that fact.

I am quite sure the Minister does not mind my mentioning it at all.

Not at all. I welcome it.

The first thing I want to ask the Minister is this: up to some years ago there was a very great industry in the condensing of milk in Tipperary. The factory there was burned down, and as a result of that the condensing of milk is being carried on in Limerick, about 24 miles away. I am sure that the Minister is well aware of this. When the condensing was being done in Tipperary town, it provided very considerable employment there. I understand there was constant employment all the year round for 175 people, and there were times, of course, when extra hands had to be brought in. Now the position is that the Tipperary creamery is merely a collecting station for milk from many creameries around the locality. The milk is brought to the Tipperary creamery and sent from there to Limerick, 24 miles away, where it is condensed. Tipperary appears to be the centre and location of the raw material. It would appear to me that it would be only sound economics to have the factory right in the centre of the area where the raw material is.

I do not know what difficulties are in the way of putting back the condensing factory in its natural location, but apparently there are some, because efforts were made in that direction several times, I believe, during the past 20 years. For some reason or reasons which I do not know, the factory in Tipperary is still just a collecting station, with the daily losses that are incurred of carting that milk 24 miles to Limerick. I would like if the Minister would have the problem examined with a view to finding out whether or not a sound economic arrangement could not be come to.

Now, there is another matter, and that is the question of supplies to the chocolate crumb factory at Rathmore. I have not got the actual figures now giving the amount of milk which goes from Tipperary, again, to Rathmore daily during a certain part of the year. The Rathmore chocolate crumb factory is between 80 and 100 miles from Tipperary and, again, there is that colossal waste in transport costs. There is the cost of transporting a very considerable quantity of milk—I do not remember the exact amount—from Tipperary creamery to Rathmore.

I do not know why this chocolate crumb factory was put in Rathmore. I have been told by people in Tipperary who are interested in the dairying industry there, and in the employment question in the town of Tipperary, that Tipperary town would have been a much more suitable centre for this chocolate crumb factory than Rathmore was. I do not know why the factory was put in Rathmore rather than in Tipperary. I wonder if the Minister could enlighten me on that?

Is the Deputy aware that the chocolate crumb factory was built during my predecessor's period of office?

The same as all the industries.

I really am not concerned as to who put it there, but it seems to me in any event, from what I have been told, that it has been put in the wrong place.

That does not surprise me.

Who put it there? Was it not Cadburys?

They should all be put in Dublin.

Tipperary is not in Dublin.

And run by Corkmen?

I understand that some Department here, I do not know whether it is the Department of Industry and Commerce or the Department of Agriculture, but that some Department here has some say in the establishment of an industry. If it has not, it has been claiming an awful lot of credit for putting them here. It has some say in the giving of facilities, and in this case it seems to me that it ought to exercise whatever authority it has in a sensible manner and advise Cadburys, or whoever put the chocolate crumb factory in Rathmore, to put it in a place which would be, from the economic point of view, the most suitable place. That is all I have to say on that point. I should like if the Minister would have the files on the matter looked up, and find out if there was a better reason for putting the factory in Rathmore than there appears to be for having it in Tipperary.

There is another small matter on which the Minister, perhaps, could enlighten me also, and that is the question of the rights of suppliers to creameries to change from one creamery to another. Now, on a few occasions cases have come to my notice where a supplier, for one reason or another at creamery "A" wanted to send his milk to creamery "B", and he would not be allowed to do so. There may be a case where, let us say, a supplier had a row with a creamery manager, or a case where, for reasons of transport, it would be more suitable and more economical for a supplier to send his milk to creamery "B" rather than creamery "A", and he would not be allowed to do so. In view of what we may call the New Look and the new departure which the Minister has brought into his Department, I would expect that these farmers would be given more freedom of action, and that they would be allowed to send their milk to the creamery that suited them best. If the Minister can tell me something about that in his reply, and can give me a favourable reply, I will be very glad to get it.

I sympathise with the Deputy's view entirely, but every time you try it something approximating to a civil war starts.

That may be a very effective answer but it is not a satisfactory explanation.

It is literally true.

I hope that the Minister will give me credit for having sufficient intelligence to appreciate a satisfactory reply, a reasoned one, and so I would like to get it from him.

Mar fhocal scoir ba mhaith liom focal comhghairdeachais a rá leis an Aire, mar, do réir mar a chloisim o fheirmeoirí i mo cheantar féin, tá na daoine go léir a bhfuil baint acu le cúrsaí talmhaíochta—táid siad go léir beagnach lán-tsásta le dearcadh nua na Roinne atá fé chúram an Aire.

Tá sprid nua sa tír—sprid shláintiúil —i measc na bhfeirmeoirí agus tá an sprid sin ann mar thoradh ar obair an Aire. Ní gá dom a thuille a rá ar an ábhar sin mar, mar a deireann an seanfhocal, molann an obair an fear.

In his Estimate this year the Minister shows that there is a net decrease of £449,000. The decreases are made up under a number of sub-heads. It was usual in the past for a Minister to give some explanation of the increases or decreases in his Estimate, but on this occasion the Minister did not follow that course. There is an increase of £3,000 odd in the matter of veterinary research, under sub-head E (2). How much of that increase will be spent in providing buildings for the new veterinary research station? It is a number of years since that farm was acquired by the Minister's predecessor. We believe that the Minister for Finance has clamped down on that.

Nonsense; look at the Board of Works Vote.

It has been stated that the Government are reluctant to spend money on those buildings. We do not know whether that is true or not. As regards grants to provide agricultural schools, there is a reduction of £22,000. That Estimate has been reduced by almost 50 per cent. since last year. How did that come about? Was there too much money? When we come down to subsidies for fertilisers we find there is a reduction of £228,000, almost £250,000.

How much was spent out of the provision in the previous year?

A quarter of a million was provided by the tyrannical Fianna Fáil Government in order to give the farmers cheaper artificial manures.

And how much was spent out of that? None.

For some extraordinary reason the Minister failed this year to do his duty to the agricultural community. He allowed artificial fertilisers to increase in price this year. Farmers are paying over and above what they paid last year for artificial fertilisers.

Nonsense.

It is not nonsense. I am one of many who purchased artificial fertilisers this year and last year and I know there was an increase. I can definitely prove it to the Minister—I will give him receipts from traders— that artificial fertilisers cost more this year than last year to the consumers, the farmers. The Minister need not bluff. He answered a question put to him by Deputy O'Grady, where he showed that the retail price of 35 per cent. superphosphate last year was £10 5s. 0d. and this year it is £11.

I never mentioned anything about this year in answer to Deputy O'Grady. He asked for the 1947-48 figures and he got them.

The price is definitely higher. The Minister was appointed by the Taoiseach to defend the farmers' interests. The Minister has neglected to do so in the present year and he has forced the farmers who are using artificial manures to pay more for them this year than they had to pay last year, notwithstanding the moneys provided by the Fianna Fáil Government.

Out of £250,000 you did not spend more than £30,000.

The previous Government in a Supplementary Budget provided £250,000. That was in the Minister's hands last year and he could have given the farmers cheaper manures by paying out the subsidy provided by the Oireachtas for that purpose. If there was any saving it was because the Minister did not spend the money provided by the Oireachtas.

Super was 10/6d. this year and it was 11/- last year.

Sub-head I (3) refers to the scheme to encourage the commercial production of glass-house crops in Gaeltacht areas. In the year 1948-49 the Estimates, for which the present Government refused to accept any responsibility, contained an item of £77,438. In the Estimate now under consideration the Minister is providing only £13,400, a reduction of £63,000. That represents the provision for glass-houses.

There is a slight increase on what the Deputy indicates.

There is a decrease of £63,982.

I suggest the Deputy should look at page 145.

I will look anywhere I wish. The figures in the Estimate indicate that there is a decrease of £63,982 in the Estimate for the erection of glass-houses in the Gaeltacht.

Look at page 145.

That shows the interest the Minister has in glass-houses in the Gaeltacht.

On a point of order. Is it permissible to employ a Book of Estimates produced in the House for the purpose of misleading Deputies, possibly unintentionally, until I directed Deputy Allen's attention to the relevance of the break-down of the items to which he is referring the attention of the House?

Deputy Allen, as far as the Chair knows, is reading the Book of Estimates. The Chair has no means of knowing what his intentions are. Deputy Allen is deducing an argument. The Minister will have plenty of time to refute that argument.

On a point of order. If an official document is produced in Dáil Éireann and statistics quoted from it, is it not fair to ask that all the relevant statistics be quoted, and not merely a part for the purpose of misleading the House?

What is fair is one thing. What is disorderly is another. The Chair can only rule on order.

I will repeat the figure in case the Minister did not catch it. The heading on the page is "Agricultural Education and Development"; the number of the page is 129, Vote 29.

Page 145 contains particulars.

Page 129, Vote 29, sub-head 13—Scheme to encourage the Commercial Production of Glass-house crops in Gaeltacht areas. In 1948-49 in the Fianna Fáil Book of Estimates a sum of £77,000 odd was provided. In the present year a sum of £30,000 odd is provided, a reduction of £64,000.

Unless the Deputy wants to mislead the House he must read the break-down of that on page 145. I defy him to do it.

If I am allowed I will come down to a further figure. I take it this Book of Estimates I have is the official Book of Estimates.

It contains page 145.

It is headed "Estimates for Public Services for the year ending 31st March, 1950", and it bears the superscription "Government Publication Sales Office, College Green, Dublin".

You are afraid to read page 145, because it will prove that you are wrong.

This is the correct Book of Estimates I am quoting from and I want to know if I am entitled to quote from it.

The Chair has not stopped you from quoting.

I would be glad if the Minister would try to restrain himself.

I bet you would. Turn up page 145 and you will see why.

You will be making a speech later on, so will you have patience? I go down a little further and I find sub-head M (9)—Temporary Scheme in connection with Farm Improvements. Last year that bad old Fianna Fáil Government provided £76,000 odd for farm improvements. In the present year, under this great Minister who is so interested in agriculture, that sum is reduced by £21,000 to £54,000 odd.

And substituted therefor is an item of £40,000,000.

Perhaps the Minister may be able to explain why he is reducing the Estimate for farm improvements by £21,000.

Because I thought £40,000,000 was of more use to the farmers.

He may be able to explain, too, why he did his best last year to damn the farm improvements scheme. He refused to advertise it or to invite applications until the month of August when the farmers were in the middle of the harvest. It was usual in the past to advertise this scheme from the month of March onwards. I asked questions about this at the end of last year. I found that in my own constituency very few of the applications had been dealt with. None of the applications in County Wexford and some other counties had been dealt with up to Christmas or January last. None of the money fell to be spent in the last financial year. That was a device by the Minister and his Department to save the Department of Finance.

On the farm improvements scheme?

No money fell to be paid out of last year's Estimate because no work was done.

Every penny was paid.

It was not. I know the scheme quite well. I know what went on. The Minister refused last year to spend a penny under the farm buildings scheme, notwithstanding the fact that there was a considerable sum voted last year—no less than £250,000. There is a similar sum this year. I hope the Minister will proceed to spend some of that money this year. I wonder how much of the £250,000 will he spend this year.

Every farthing.

May, June and July are the months when farmers have an opportunity of repairing their farm buildings. The harvest starts early in August and from that until the crops are saved, the potatoes dug and the threshing done there is little or no time for repairing farm buildings. Winter comes on then and no work can be done. Very few of the 25,000 applicants under the farm buildings scheme have been referred to the Minister's officials down the country for investigation up to this.

26,680 to be precise.

They have not. I beg to differ from the Minister. I have made inquiries in the matter and I know for a fact that there are inspectors in the Minister's employment who have received only one or two in a very large rural area. That applies generally all over the country.

Then they are in the Department still.

Troth, they are not.

They are and they will remain there until the harvest comes this year again, and the farmers will have no opportunity of doing any repairs or making any improvements in their farm buildings.

That is the number of applications. They are pigeon-holed in the Department and nothing has been done about them. I charge them Minister——

They are in the supervising officer's hand.

I charge the Minister with deliberately neglecting to have those forms sent out to the farmers who applied for grants under the farm buildings scheme. He has neglected them in such a way that no work will fall to be done under that scheme in the present year. There is no doubt about that.

There is this much doubt —I contradict you categorically.

That is no trouble to you.

What more can we do?

There are further reductions in this Estimate. There are some slight increases, but the total reduction is almost £500,000. The Minister is going to save almost £500,000 under his Estimate and that reduction has nothing to do with the subsidies paid on imported wheat or anything else. This is on the ordinary Estimate for his Department. It has nothing to do with the Supplementary Estimate that was circulated subsequent to this Book of Estimates dealing with those services that were transferred to the Minister from the Department of Industry and Commerce. There is nothing in that about the £440,000 by which the Minister is reducing the Estimate.

There are one or two matters, in which I and the people in my constituency are particularly interested, to which I want to draw the Minister's attention. Reference has been made to them already by several other Deputies. There is first the matter of butter manufactured by farmers on their own premises. The Minister and the Government last year decided to withdraw the small subsidy provided by their predecessors on this butter, the total amount involved being about £70,000. They decided to save £70,000 to the Exchequer by refusing to provide a subsidy for farmers' butter.

Plus 2,000 cwts. of bad butter I inherited from my predecessor.

I think the Minister for Finance in the Budget last year mentioned a figure of £70,000. The result was that last year the price of farmers' butter as compared with the previous year fell about 7d. per lb.

Deputy Dr. Ryan is just after saying that it was 3/- a lb. last year.

It fell by about 7d. a lb. The price last year was about 2/4 roughly.

Deputy Dr. Ryan said it was about 3/- a lb.

I listened to what Deputy Dr. Ryan said and the Minister will have to listen to me now. In the present year the price on the fresh butter market opened at 2/3d. On Monday of this week the butter merchants in Cork —most extraordinary to relate, they seem to be all from Cork—notified a number of their agents in Wexford to stop buying, telling them at the same time that when the market opened again the price would be 2/-. I wonder what price per gallon that represents for milk? What amount per gallon will that yield to the farmer who produces home-made butter? I suppose it will work out about 10d. a gallon, not much more. If the Minister for Agriculture considers that that is an economic price and that he can hope to encourage farmers to keep cows at that price, he is making a big mistake. In many parts of this country there are no creameries —fortunately or unfortunately we do not know, but that is beside the question now. For about six months during the grass season, there is a very large quantity of farmers' butter produced all over the country. The Minister, as Minister for Agriculture, has a responsibility to those farmers who manufacture butter on their own premises just as he has to people who supply milk to the creameries. It is the very same responsibility. Their importance to the agricultural community is just as great as the importance of those farmers who supply milk to the creameries.

Could the Deputy help by suggesting what should be done?

Yes, in many ways.

I should be extremely obliged.

Restore the subsidy on farmers' butter that was provided by the previous Government.

And pay the British for eating it?

Your best friends, with whom you made an agreement to supply them with butter, agreed under the agreement made last year to take butter to the extent to which it was exported to them from this country pre-war.

Creamery butter.

You were going to drown them with eggs. Why not choke them with a little butter?

Creamery butter.

Why not choke them with butter? This is a serious matter.

I agree. Let us not be idiotic.

It is too serious to be treated with levity by the Minister.

I am not treating it with levity.

It is his responsibility.

It is the responsibility of the Government of this country to see that the farmers producing home-made butter get a fair deal and an economic price.

Can you help us with any suggestions?

By whatever means it is to be done, it is the duty of the Minister for Agriculture and the Government to devise ways and means to provide that this important section of the community get a fair deal. I say with all due respect for the Minister that his duty is to find a solution for that problem.

Can you help me with any suggestions?

I would be sitting over there if I were able to do all these things and the Minister would not be sitting there. It is the Minister's job now. It is the duty of Deputy James Dillon, Minister for Agriculture, to advise his Government, to uphold and not to surrender the interests of agriculture to the Minister for Finance or any other Minister, as he has already surrendered in the matter of the subsidy on fertilisers and other matters.

Would you show us how it is to be done?

Stand up to the Department of Finance and fight them to the last inch on behalf of the people you were put into this House to represent. If you are as good a fighter in the Cabinet and at Government meetings as you are in other directions with your tongue, you will succeed.

Perhaps we might have less of the second person.

The Minister requests the farmers of the country to keep more cows. It is most desirable that the cow population should be stepped up to the greatest possible extent. We cannot have more store cattle, more milk or more butter unless we have more cows. Fifty per cent. of the people in this country who keep cows are non-creamery suppliers. I am not sure of the exact percentage but about 50 per cent. of the cows in the country are in the possession of the farmers who make home-made butter during the grass season.

For sale? They make home-made butter for sale?

Do not be daft.

There is the supply of liquid milk to towns, perhaps, to be taken out of that. The Minister recommends that farmers who make butter should produce all their milk in the grass season.

For creamery butter.

For farmers' butter. I suppose the next thing he will recommend is that the farmers who make that butter should produce it in winter.

The cow population of this country must go down unless the people who are engaged in keeping cows get an economic price for their produce, in whatever possible way that is to be done. I want the Minister to give serious and immediate consideration to this because this is an urgent problem at the present time. You are at the peak of the milk supply for the year or within a week or so of it. If the weather breaks it will be the first fortnight in June.

Deputy Halliden took the Chair.

It breaks your heart that it did break; you are praying for the last month for a prolonged drought.

I am praying that there will be a bountiful harvest. Everywhere I travelled in my constituency during the past fortnight or three weeks farmers have been asking me if it is possible for the Government to do anything about it. This is too serious for words and I hope that the Minister will not fail that type of farmer on this question.

There are other types of farmers in this country, the creamery suppliers. The Minister on the edge of Christmas last year promised the creamery suppliers, or the Deputies who waited upon him on their behalf, that he would give them an increase. Wide publicity was given to that deputation and they believed that they had persuaded the Minister that increased prices for milk were desirable. They thought he had sufficient influence with his colleagues to be able to persuade them to give an extra 1d. or 2d. per gallon, but the Minister for Finance has a good bit of influence in the Government too. I understand that it would cost £1,000,000 to give an increase of 1d. per gallon in the price of milk supplied to the creameries and that is a big lot of money for a small increase. But 1d. per gallon is an important matter for the farmers at this time of the year.

And it is important for the taxpayer.

Even though there was £1,000,000 for the Exchequer, the Minister for Finance thought well——

A 1d. increase would cost £1,000,000?

£800,000 then. I do not know the exact figure. The Minister for Finance had a bit of money to spare on this year's Budget and he thought well to spend it for the benefit of the income-tax payers.

Are you against that?

I am definitely against that while it is necessary to cut the subsidy on artificial fertilisers, farmers' butter and glasshouses for the people of the Gaeltacht. I am very much against it, I can tell you that. I do not put a tooth in it, not one. The Deputy represents a city constituency, but if he goes down the country and defends that policy to all types of farmers——

I do not need to defend it.

You will take good care to run away from it.

The shape of the agricultural policy in the past year is very important from the point of view of the efforts of the Minister and of the country to try to get increased production. That policy has taken a certain shape under the Minister's direction and during the past year we find among the items on which the farmer must take a decrease in price farmers' butter, oats, potatoes, turf, flax, poultry and eggs. The farmer took less in 1948 than in 1947. That is the shape of the Minister's agricultural policy, but on the other side what do we find?

In 1948, did you say? You are rambling.

Everybody is rambling except the Minister.

The amount paid in taxation, of which the farmer pays his share, was £7,000,000 more in 1948 than in 1947. We find also in 1948/49 that the poor rates which he pays for social services within the county, thanks to the efforts of the Government, have increased. He is paying more for fertilisers this year, more for grass seeds, more for binder twine, more for petrol to run his agricultural machinery. There is also a big extra impost in national health insurance and an increase in agricultural wages.

Are you opposed to that?

I am pointing out the increases.

Are you opposed to that?

I am not here for cross-examination. I will deal with it in a moment and tell you my views on it if you have the patience. Are you opposed to the decrease the farmer is getting as compared with the time of Fianna Fáil?

Deputy McGrath was a wiser man than yourself.

Is there a decrease in the price of farmers' produce or not?

Ask Deputy McGrath.

His poor rates have gone up and there is an extra cost on fertilisers, grass seeds, binder twine, national health insurance and petrol for machinery.

And a bigger over-all return.

I think the Deputy should be allowed to make his speech without a continued barrage of interruptions led by the Minister for Agriculture. It is a disgraceful performance.

Deputy Allen must be allowed to speak.

While I have been on my feet there have been a thousand interruptions. If people are incapable of keeping order the House should be adjourned.

On a point of order. May I direct the attention of the Chair to the classical method of trying to start a row led by Deputy Lemass with a view to discrediting the House outside.

I am asking the Minister to allow the Deputy to speak without interruption, that is all. He is entitled to speak.

You will get no row.

The Minister has interrupted Deputy Allen since he started no less than 42 times.

Another political correspondent.

I want to ask the Minister for Agriculture as custodian of the agricultural interests of this country whether or not he did his duty during the past year, or whether or not he is doing his duty in the present year, in allowing farmers' produce, in forcing farmers' produce to be sold at a decreased price and at the same time increasing the burden on the farmers by increased taxes and rates and an increased price of fertilisers, grass seeds, binder twine, petrol, National Health Insurance, agricultural wages and many other things. Is that a satisfactory state of affairs? Can he hope in the present year or for many years to come that the farmer will do what is absolutely necessary for the salvation of this country, provide him and provide the country with increased agricultural produce?

There is no difference of opinion on any side of the House or in the country, that it is absolutely essential and important for the well-being of the people that our agricultural output should be stepped up. We will help the Minister from this side of the House in every possible way to get that increased output. We will give him every assistance and encourage the people in every possible direction we can in the country to get that increase. However, the Minister himself must give some indication to the farmers that he is in earnest, that he will not spend his time coining the smart quips and smart answers that he is noted for as Minister. A blush has come to the cheeks of the decent farmers.

Hardly to yours.

To Fine Gael, Clann na Poblachta, Clann na Talmhan, Fianna Fáil farmers—and to Labour farmers as well. Deputy McAuliffe himself is a farmer and need not be ashamed of it. Many a blush has come to their cheeks during the past year, because of the pronouncements of the man who holds the portfolio of Minister for Agriculture in this Government. We are sorry to have to say it, but it is so. I appeal to him to try and guard his tongue for the coming year and not use it as glibly as he has been using it in the past. Only last Thursday when introducing his Estimate, he could not restrain himself, even for 15 or 20 minutes while he spoke here. He said: "The farmer that would grow oats for sale in the future should be apprenticed to a tailor or a cobbler."

On a point of order, if the Deputy purports to quote from the Official Report, that is not a quotation. I challenge him to read the quotation.

It is given in the Report for Thursday, 12th May, Vol. 115, No. 8, col. 1081:

"The farmer who grows them exclusively as a cash crop will confer a blessing on the community at large if he puts himself as an apprentice to a tailor or a cobbler and gives up farming altogether."

That is the Minister for Agriculture in this House on the date I have quoted.

I wish to repeat that.

It does not worry the Minister much what he says about the farmers. He has come out with numerous cheap insults in the past year or more. I hope he will stop and give the farmers the decency of his silence for the next 12 months. The farmers were idiots, fools, cods and all the rest of it. That is all we have heard from the Minister—and that goes for policy, while he is allowing the price of the farmers' produce to be reduced and allowing taxation to be heaped on them. There was one statesman at one time we read about—he was called "Bloody Balfour". The Minister heard more about him.

I think the Minister's father had some association with him, in 1887.

"Bloody Balfour" was supposed to say one thing—that the heavier the Irish farmers were loaded, the better they drew. I and many farmers are afraid that the Minister for Agriculture at the present time is adopting a bit of that policy—that the heavier they are loaded the better they draw. It looks that way, anyhow.

It is impudence for Deputy Allen to say that.

I think the Deputy should have forgotten about "Bloody Balfour". We in Mitchelstown do not ever forget him, nor do we forget the Minister's father, nor the three crosses that are there in the square as a result of it.

We hope the son will turn out as well and give as good service to this country.

He is taking the gun to the Border now.

I wonder will anyone else take the gun. I know the fellows who are talking about guns now.

The Minister went across to meet his opposite number, the Minister of Food in England, to draw up a new egg agreement. One thing that intrigues many people is why our present Minister, after all his boasting over all the years, failed when he went across, to wring out of the Minister of Food the price that he tried to get for Irish eggs. Some explanation is needed to the House and to the country from our Minister as to why he failed, why he had to surrender and take a lesser price than was wrung out of the British previously by his predecessors in office. Did he need any support from this country? Did he need the good-will of the Opposition or of the Deputies who sit behind him? He did not. In any case where the Minister goes across to any country to try to arrange a trade agreement that will be for the benefit of this country, he will have the full support of the people on every side of the House.

Especially when flax is in question.

Flax is a word that should never cross the Minister's lips again. He made a muddle of the flax question. His pride got the better of him on that occasion and he made a muddle of it and left the farmers, the poorest farmers, the farmers of his own constituency and the farmers on the poorer lands, in a mess. He advised them not to grow flax, that there was no other option. The Minister was offered what I gather those farmers considered a fairly reasonable price, but because the Government in another country——

In another country, did the Deputy say?

In another country—a different Government from the Government that sits in this House.

But not another country. Surely we have not gone that far?

Another Government decided to subsidise the flax growers who lived in their area. The Minister got vexed. I remember an occasion in this House, some short 12 months ago or less, when the Minister said he would refuse to take from the British Government a price equal to what the British Government were subsidising their own farmers in the matter of fat cattle in England. He refused to take that subsidy from the British—it would be an insult to our dignity and our national status to take that 5/- differential that the British Government are paying their farmers for fat cattle in England. He would refuse to do that, but he was insulted in another way and the people up in the North gave their farmers a subsidy of 5/- or 7/- a stone —or something like that.

£10 an acre.

Because they would not give it to the people who live in this part of the country, the Minister advised those farmers not to grow flax, even though their fathers and grandfathers before them grew it.

Why does the Deputy misrepresent me in order to please the Belfast spinners?

I am not interested in the Belfast people at all, but I know, and the Minister knows, that these growers in Donegal, Monaghan, Cavan and West Cork had to go up on their own, hat in hand, and beg these spinners to take their flax, and the spinners took it at their own price.

Exactly—that is their kind.

Because the Minister had run away from his responsibility and had thrown the growers to the winds. That is the reason these poor farmers from Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan had to take a lower price than they would have got if the Minister had put the weight of his Department behind them, but he ran away when the first shots were fired from his duty to these growers who earn their livelihood by growing the hardest crop that can be grown in this country. Flax is a crop which entails the most hard labour and it is the dirtiest crop that can be grown and the Minister let them down. He has let down other people, too—the people who produce farmer's butter.

I refused to let the Belfast spinners make penny-boys out of them.

The Belfast spinners were allowed to make hay at the expense of these farmers in the Minister's constituency and I hope the Minister will be able to explain his action to their satisfaction. The Minister has proved in every respect that he is an absolute failure and it is no wonder—I say this with all due respect to the Minister, who knows it as every Deputy sitting behind him knows it—that the criticism of the Minister is not confined to Fianna Fáil supporters. Farmers who support every group in this Government severely criticise the Minister and every one of them is praying for the day when he will be given some other portfolio and when some sensible man—and there are many of them sitting behind the Minister—may be found to represent the farmers in the Government as Minister for Agriculture. I have several times had to defend the Minister down the country.

That must have been a moving scene.

I was ashamed of his own supporters and the supporters of the groups opposite. The dogs would not eat his flesh when they were done talking about him.

God help poor Deputy Allen—he must have been killed.

I was asked if I objected to agricultural workers getting the wages they are getting. I can say definitely that I do not, but I will say this, and I will stand over it, that the increase in agricultural wages which married workers wanted very badly affected many farmers to such an extent that a great number of agricultural workers to-day find themselves in a worse position that before the last increase was given to them. That is true all over the country. Very many agricultural workers who were able to keep themselves and their families on the wages and the perquisites they had before the last increase was given find themselves to-day without employment. I say further that married agricultural labourers require higher wages than they have at present, and should get them, if agriculture were enabled to give it to them.

There are some farmers who can pay these higher wages, but a great many of them cannot. It is unfortunate but many agricultural labourers who had full-time employment—not casual employment—have lost their employment in the past four or five months. I will go further and say that there is nothing political whatever in it.

Methinks he doth protest too much.

Many farmers, not all of them supporters of mine, tell me that they could not wring it out of the land, that their incomes would not allow them to carry the number of men they had and they had to lay off one, two and, in some instances, three, and the indications are that fewer agricultural workers will get full-time employment in agriculture this year than last year and previous years. The number—I am sorry to have to say it—is diminishing. There are other reasons for that, too. Farmers are reducing their tillage. In County Wexford, there will be little or no reduction—there will be some reductions here and there but not very much in all—but, with the aid of tractors, farmers are planning to employ less workers. Cattle are bringing a good price.

What extraordinary neighbours you must have.

The fact that the price of live stock is so high at present may be a blessing in one way, but it will be a curse in other directions. The Minister can make what propaganda he likes of that, but I say deliberately that the higher live-stock prices climb, the worse it will be on the whole for the country. There is a certain point up to which it is useful to have live-stock prices climb, but if prices go beyond that point, it will be more damaging than otherwise to agriculture and the economy of the country.

Has that point been passed?

In the price of very small cattle, yes.

You were telling me half-an-hour ago that they had gone down.

I never mentioned cattle, but I can add one further item of agricultural produce to the list I gave you, pigs. Pigs are falling.

Would you not love that?

I do not.

What a consolation it would be!

By October of this year——

They will not fall despite your best endeavour.

The Minister will fall long before.

I am up to Deputy Davern's tactics now.

I would like to see the price of pigs higher than it is to-day.

And the farmer's butter.

But if the Minister does not take steps and make plans for next October, when he will have an exportable surplus of bacon——

We will have it before October and will sell it at a price sufficient to maintain the present price for pigs, in your despite.

I hope so, but the Minister knows that when there is a fully supply for the home market, there is always the danger and the encouragement to people in the trade to lower the price, so the Minister should take steps in time.

And if they were not thinking of it, you put the idea into their heads now.

The Minister should stop this continuous interruption, and, if he will not, I think you, Sir, should adjourn the Dáil.

That is a matter which should be left to the Chair

I want some decent behaviour. The Minister is holding a responsible position now and is not supposed to behave like a rowdy.

You are behaving like a rowdy.

Acting-Chairman (Mr. Halliden):

Deputies must keep order.

Every kind of sabotage they can think of.

The Minister told Deputies recently that he was not prepared to provide any cheaper credit for farmers than was available to them. He told them also about the number of uncredit-worthy farmers and the number of rogues that were among them who would not pay back their loans when they got them. I wonder is that a Minister for Agriculture who was speaking.

There was still grave doubt about the Minister's policy in respect of tillage. The Minister had a very bad background before he became Minister in the matter of tillage and in the matter of agriculture. Farmers are never slow to take the cue from who ever is Minister for Agriculture and the farmers around the Midlands, around the City of Dublin and in the grass areas were not a bit slow to take their cue from the Minister and to get out of all tillage and this time 12 months it will be a rare thing to see a field of corn or tillage after you leave the City of Dublin and go west or north. It would have been far better for the national economy if the Minister had continued to encourage the people in the midlands, County Dublin, County Meath, County Westmeath and County Limerick and such other counties to remain in tillage even if there were a certain percentage of compulsory tillage on each holding, let it be five, ten or 15 per cent., and to see that that was carried out. That would have been sounder national policy and would have provided employment for agricultural workers who are idle to-day. It would have kept skilled men on all the farms. That would have been sounder policy than to allow a big proportion of the land to go completely out of tillage.

There is another matter to which I want to draw the Minister's attention. Is the Minister satisfied with the position that numbers of working horses are being exported? He and his Department are aware that the export of farm horses is greater than ever before, that they are being sent out to other countries for we do not know what purpose. We will not mention it.

Does the Deputy recommend prohibition?

We have an idea of the purpose for which they are being sent out. It is an indication of the trend of things.

Does the Deputy recommend prohibition?

On several occasions since he became Minister the Minister has talked about slow horses, broken-winded horses and scalded cats of farm workers that would wallop slow horses at 55/- a week. The Minister does not deny that. He repeated it more than once. He was giving encouragement to many people who were using horses to till their land to get rid of them but, they are not getting tractors. Three-fourths of agricultural production was always produced on the small farms. It was not on the big ranches or larger farms that we got the biggest portion of agricultural production. It is not the big farmers in Meath or in any other county who produce the most but the small farmers who rear the calves and keep the few cows, rear the pigs, breed and feed most of them. These small farms cannot be mechanised. Agricultural tractors may be useful now and again for doing a small job in the spring or harvest and the farmer with 30, 40 or 50 acres can do an amount of useful work on his farm with a tractor but he would be a fool to get rid of his horses altogether.

The Minister, I am sure, has been advised by his advisers, and the people who sit behind him ought to know, that it would be bad policy for the Minister for Agriculture or anyone else to encourage and advise the farmers to get rid of their horses. Horses must remain. They do the best tillage on small farms and the tidiest tillage and it is the farmer on the small farm who does his work efficiently who will produce the most. Any indication from a Minister for Agriculture that it is against national policy to plough with horses, with broken-winded horses, and all the rest, is very bad for the community. It is sad to think that we have a Minister for Agriculture who condemns men for trying to earn their livelihood in the best way they can. He should give them some better way of doing it.

Would the Deputy suggest that we should use oxen?

We will get motor bikes like we have for the President.

After all, they are using oxen in India now.

They are using them in more up-to-date countries.

And the Deputy recommends the use of oxen?

Deputy Cowan wants to use oxen.

Some of the dumb driven cattle opposite would look nice pulling a plough.

I cannot imagine the Deputy looking nice in any circumstances.

The Minister mentioned maize meal. There was a lot of talk in the last 15 months about maize corn.

The Deputy has not overlooked the fact that he has been speaking for two hours.

The Minister talked a lot about maize and making maize available to farmers at about £1 per cwt. or £20 a ton. He has not done so. I have been told in three towns in County Wexford by grocers who sell a lot of meal stuffs of all kinds that the retail price of maize per cwt. in the present week varies between 26/- and 26/6.

They are robbing you.

Have sense. Maize is not maize meal.

Plain robbers.

Maize is not maize meal. Maize meal is made from maize.

There is no use giving a cwt, or a ton of maize corn to a man who is trying to fatten one, two or three pigs and who lives in a cottage or the man who wants to keep a few dozen poultry. Maize corn is not much use to him. He must bring it to a mill to get it ground. Otherwise, he would have to boil it whole.

What is the point?

The lawyers are at it again.

It is my opinion and it is the general opinion of farmers throughout the country that the Minister was foolish, that he was mad, to import maize last Autumn after the best harvest that we had for many years, when the farmers' barns were full of grain they could not sell, that he was mad to import grain until the farmers had found a market for the grain they had grown. It is bad economics to import foodstuffs that we can produce. I would like to see the Minister taking steps to grow all the barley and oats that are needed and to forbid the import of maize. I would like to see that policy in operation.

If he has sufficient influence with the farmers to encourage them by every possible way to grow all the cereals that are needed to feed our live stock and human population, I will get up in this House then and apologise to the Minister for anything I ever said about him. I will say that he will be a success the day he will be able to persuade the farmers to do so. We talk about industry and the necessity for employment. There is more employment available in tilling land, and extra land, in this country than there is in all the factories we can establish in the next ten or 20 years. There is no doubt about that. If we could persuade the farmers of this country to till an extra 1,000,000 acres over and above the peak that they tilled during the last emergency it would be the best thing that ever happened in Ireland. Even if they tilled 3,500,000 acres we would probably still have 7,000,000 acres of grass land in this country. A greater porportion of our arable land is under grass than is the case in any other country in Europe. We have less people per square mile on that land and it is because we have so much grass in this country that we have so few people engaged in agriculture.

Has it gone up in the last 12 months?

The Minister talked a lot recently about the 11 months' system in different parts of the country. Many people were wondering whether he made those statements as Deputy James Dillon, without responsibility, or as a member of the present Government and whether he was speaking with the authority of his colleagues in the Cabinet or not. We would like the Minister, when he is concluding, to tell us whether he was just giving his own views in regard to that system or whether he was giving the considered views of the Government of this country. I believe that he is not the Minister to make statements in regard to that system. I believe that the Minister who is now sitting beside him, the Minister for Lands, should make a Government pronouncement—if it is necessary to make one—on the matter of the abolition of the 11 months' system. We are not called upon at this stage to discuss that matter in any detail but if the Minister states that it is the policy of the Government to see to it that a lot of the land let on the 11 months' system is occupied by resident farmers who will work that land and till it, and employ labour, we on this side of the House will certainly not be the first to object.

The Minister told us about a specific he had discovered for contagious abortion and mastitis. I happen to know something about the specific he mentioned—strain 19. Veterinary surgeons down the country have been using it for a number of years. It is not the first time it was heard of in this country. From the way the Minister spoke one would think he had discovered it. One would think he had put his Veterinary Department experimenting and that they had discovered that strain in the course of the year. They did not.

When did the Department put it into operation?

He also mentioned other discoveries that, from the way he spoke, one would think were made overnight—weed killers for spraying "praiseach".

He is now being like a jealous old maid.

These spraying materials have been extensively used down the country. Experiments have been carried out and reports have been made by officers of county committees of agriculture all over the country for a number of years on these weed killers.

And the Deputy knows about them.

The names are in common use—and not only since this year or last year either. The Minister did not discover them. The Minister recently sent to county committees of agriculture a circular asking for advice on the matter of agricultural instructors. He wanted to know if it would be a good idea for the country to appoint an agricultural instructor in every three parishes. I suppose we shall hear the Minister again on that topic but I should like to give him my view. I expect I shall have to give it to the county committee of agriculture of which I am a member within a week or so. I think there is no necessity for an agricultural instructor for every three parishes in this country. I believe the men would be idle. I do not think the Minister should be insulted if a county committee of agriculture, having been asked to express an opinion, give their opinion. Those opinions should be given freely, whatever the members of the committees may think of the Minister.

The Wexford committee need not have acted the part of a crompán when they were asked.

The Wexford County Committee of Agriculture expressed no opinion one way or the other.

That is just like them.

I object to that remark. I object to the Minister——

May I ask a question, a Leas-Chinn Comhairle? I am one of those Deputies who have heard that word thrown across the House for the past four days. May I ask what is a "crompán".

Do not press for an answer.

It is an oak sticking out of a bog on which you hit the edge of your slean when you are cutting turf.

When the county committee of agriculture in my constituency had the Minister's circular before them at the last meeting they held that it was the first time they heard about it. Like wise men they decided to circulate it to their members and to consider it at their next meeting when they will give the Minister their opinion. However, having considered the matter with an open mind, I personally can see no reason in the world for the appointment of an agricultural instructor for every three parishes in the country. I think it would be very bad for the Minister to attempt to do so. They would become very unpopular after a while amongst the farmers who work hard. It might be all right in the grass areas in this country where everything is sleepy and peaceful.

However, in those areas where the farmers and their wives and families work hard those gentlemen, coming every other hour of the day and every week to give the farmer words of advice would not be popular at all and especially in difficult times. I ask the Minister to seriously consider the matter. As certain as the sun is in the heavens, within the next five, ten or 20 years agriculture will run into difficult times again.

You are very farsighted. We might all be dead and buried then.

I do not know whether we can refer to the Minister's new scheme which he outlined for the first time in the village of Carnew, Wicklow, on the borders of my constituency. He refused to give details to the farmers there. He said he was obliged to withhold the details until the following Saturday at a meeting to be held in Limerick. Usually the Minister makes his important pronouncements on a Saturday. It is suggested that he has some reason for that, but I do not know what the reason is.

You had better ask the Limerick County Committee of Agriculture.

Some uncharitable people have gone so far as to suggest other reasons why the Minister makes his important pronouncements on a Saturday. I know the people who say these things are uncharitable.

It is like reporting progress here on a Thursday night.

As for the Minister's proposed scheme for farm improvement, I want to bring this to his notice. The policy of this Government is to reduce expenditure. Now the Minister has set out to establish a couple of extra sections in his Department. He has already set up two separate sections to deal with farm improvements and farm buildings. He has separated the inspectors working down the country. One section is to deal with farm buildings, plus the farm improvements schemes that have not been finished. Another section is investigating where to put this Marshall Aid scheme into operation. There are going to be two separate sections.

It must be breaking your heart.

Not in the least. I do not want to see a lot of this money expended on headquarters and administration expenses. I think that whether you are operating the farm buildings scheme or the farm improvements scheme or whatever you call it, it should be all under the one direction in the particular counties. You will save a big lot of administration expenses by having it under the one direction. Whatever may be the status of the official in charge in a particular county, there should be only the one directive when the Minister is putting this glorified farm improvements scheme into operation, because that is all it is. The Minister for Education announced somewhere in Tipperary last Saturday or Sunday that there were still 20,000 applications under the farm improvements scheme which have not been dealt with yet.

On a point of order. At 9.10 this evening the Deputy dealt with that already. I suggest that it is out of order for the Deputy to repeat himself.

The Deputy never mentioned before what he is going to say now.

Perhaps if we had a little more manners from Deputies and Ministers opposite this debate would end more quickly.

I think I am entitled to raise a point of order without interference. I am raising the point that the Deputy is repeating himself, that he dealt with this matter at 9.10 this evening.

I did not mention the Minister for Education's name before.

Deputy Allen should be allowed to proceed.

It is practically impossible to make a statement in this House owing to the constant interruptions from the benches opposite and the most disorderly person is the Minister, who is practically an imbecile.

Is it in order for the Deputy to call the Minister an imbecile?

I suggest that Deputy Corry should be asked to withdraw that statement.

Deputy Corry should not have made that statement.

Perhaps I may be allowed to proceed. As I said, the Minister for Education made a statement last Sunday in County Tipperary.

Is that relevant to the debate?

Absolutely; it has reference to the farm improvements scheme for which money is provided in this Vote. When addressing his constituents in the County Tipperary last Saturday or Sunday the Minister for Education said that there were still 20,000 applications under the farm improvements scheme to be dealt with. In other words, 20,000 farmers applied last August to the Department for a grant under the scheme and have not yet been able to proceed with the work. One of the reasons, as I said earlier—probably that is what Deputy O'Higgins is referring to—was that the scheme was held up. That is the only thing I am repeating.

The Deputy said that at 9.10 p.m.

Is the Minister going to invite any applications this year under the farm improvements scheme?

To the tune of £40,000,000 over the next ten years.

I am glad to hear that. The Minister is going to incorporate the farm improvements scheme in this larger scheme which he has in mind.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again to-morrow.
Top
Share