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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 7 Jun 1949

Vol. 116 No. 1

Committee on Finance. - Vote 55—Industry and Commerce (Resumed).

Before the Minister concludes I would like to say a few words on some matters under this Estimate. I do not intend to delay the House unduly. The ground has already been fairly well covered by the previous speakers. Nevertheless, there are a few matters to which I would like to direct the Minister's attention.

When the Minister and his colleagues came into office some 16 months ago they seemed to have misled themselves by their own propaganda prior to taking office. They had come to the conclusion that everything that Fianna Fáil had done was wrong and that, therefore, the best thing they could do was to reverse the entire policy of their predecessors. I am glad, however, to know that the Minister has been learning from his experience. I think, perhaps, his trip to America helped to add a little to that experience and helped to open his eyes to the fact that all the policy of Fianna Fáil was not wrong. The result is that we find him, both while he is in America and on his return home, stressing the importance of the tourist industry, despite the fact that during the election all the propaganda was directed towards a wholesale condemnation of tourism merely because Fianna Fáil had done so much to develop it.

According to the Tánaiste, this industry is estimated to be worth £35,000,000 per year. That is not to be despised when one compares it with the exports of cattle during the years 1947 and 1948. In the year 1947 exports of cattle, a very important item to the people as a whole, amounted to £17,000,000; in the year 1948 it amounted to £16,000,000—a drop incidentally of £1,000,000. Comparing the two, we find that the tourist industry was equal in value in one year to the total exports of our cattle in two years.

In connection with our tourist traffic the Minister would be well advised to examine the facilities provided for our tourists, particularly those provided at the chief port of entry at Cobh. I have heard many complaints as to the facilities available there for the large numbers of Irish-American tourists who return to this country by that route. If the Minister can do anything, steps should be taken at once to provide proper and adequate facilities. For a long time to come the bulk of these Irish American tourists will come via Cobh despite the fact that numbers landing at Rineanna will probably increase as time goes on. In that connection, I am reminded of the disastrous effect on that airport of the change of Government. The sale of the Constellations, over which there was so much jubilation immediately the Government took office and despite the profit of £450,000, was a severe blow to Rineanna. Immediately following that sale we had the closing down of the Lockheed repair works there. That was a very important industry so far as Clare was concerned, and provided employment for 286 skilled mechanics. The disappearance of an industry of that magnitude is a serious loss to that part of the country. Tourists coming from abroad were, of course, described by some critics of the then Government as locusts who were eating up our food and leaving the poor of this country in a state of starvation. I wonder is that still the opinion of these politicians? Short as the time has been, I am sure some of them have already come to realise the importance of that industry.

Another change of policy on the part of the Government has been the closing down of the hand-won turf scheme and their frowning upon fuel production in the country as a whole. In my opinion, with the present cost of coal, the production of even hand-won turf is an economic proposition, and the Minister and those of his colleagues who can influence turf production would do well to reconsider their attitude. This industry provided very necessary employment in rural areas. If the position could be restored, as no doubt it could be, by insisting on a good standard quality of turf which would in time help to undo the evil reputation which the production of bad turf created in the minds of city people in the past, turf production, with proper supervision, could, in my opinion, be made an economic proposition. It would help to provide much needed employment and to stem emigration, particularly in the western parts of the country.

The principal function of the Minister in charge of this very important Department is to create conditions under which more employment will be provided for our people. As a result of the plans made by the Fianna Fáil Government, we saw, before the change of Government, that industrial employment was slowly but surely increasing. I shall just give one or two figures to illustrate that point. In September, 1945, there were employed in certain industries a total of 75,603. By 1948, the number employed in the same industries had grown to 92,599. That was a total increase of 16,996—let us call it 17,000 in round figures. That was an average annual increase of 5,565 but, whatever the reason, immediately after the change of Government took place, a slowing up seems to have taken place in that progress. In March, 1948, there were 92,106 employed in these industries and in September, 1948, 92,599, or an increase of 493 in the six months.

The figures show that there was an increase of 7,000 in the 12 months—a much higher increase than the average for the preceding three years.

I have the figures only for the six months. However, I shall accept the Minister's statement, of course. The impression given to me by the figures were that the position had become more or less static. If the Minister's figures are correct, I am very glad, because it would be no pleasure to anybody in any part of the House to find that there had been a worsening in the satisfactory position that existed when the change of Government took place. I do hope that the Minister will forget the prejudices of the past and that where he finds that the plans prepared by his predecessor were such as to give good hope of industrial expansion and the provision of employment, he will go ahead with the work, despite past prejudices.

Another matter to which I should like to refer is the proposed nationalisation of the railways. That is a very big question on which opinions are bound to differ. It is a matter which the Minister and his colleagues will have to consider very carefully. There are many difficulties in nationalisation. If we look at the results of nationalisation in other countries, I think they will give the Minister food for thought before he takes that step. There is a lot of criticism about Government interference with industry and I think the Minister would be well advised to avoid such interference wherever he can. The railways are the life blood of the country, for without adequate transport you cannot, of course, have proper industrial development in the country. If they are taken over by the State, there is a danger that every dispute between the workers and their new employers will become a matter into which politics will enter. I think nothing could be more disastrous for a large institution such as the railways than to have these matters determined on a political basis.

So far as the Industrial Development Authority is concerned, my opinion is that the Minister, in consultation with the experts of his Department, would be the best authority to say whether any projected industry should be approved or otherwise. The only effect of submitting such questions to the Industrial Development Authority will be to put a brake on the development of industry. If the Minister were of that mentality and wanted an excuse, he could shelter behind that new authority in order to avoid criticism. He could easily say that as soon as the Industrial Development Authority had made up its mind he was prepared to go ahead but that he would have to await its decision on whatever matter was being considered by it.

I have no desire to delay the House but I should like to make a few remarks from a woman's standpoint regarding the cost of living. We have been told recently by Deputies from the city and from the country that the cost of living has gone down. I do not at all agree with that statement. It is no relief to a harassed housewife to be told that the cost-of-living index figure is down by half a point or so if, when she goes into a shop to buy the necessaries of life with a pound or a few pounds, she finds there is no reduction in the cost of living, as far as the essentials of life are concerned. Although shops are full of goods which were not to be had during the emergency period, still prices have not come down in any way at all. There may be some small articles, but with regard to food and clothes prices are just as high as they were at any time during the emergency.

In view of the many statements which have been made that shopkeepers and other people in this country were aided and abetted by the Fianna Fáil Government to fleece the public, it is due, I think, now to the country and to the people that the present Government should say that they cannot bring down the cost of living and that the allegations made against the previous Government were unfounded. I would like the Minister to tell us any one article of clothing which has gone down in price. From the smallest thing you can think of to the highest, dearest material, the price has not gone down. Even potatoes are too dear. In Dublin, I understand, housewives have to pay 2/4 for potatoes which are sold down the country for 9d. That is an extraordinary thing to happen in an agricultural country and that is only one item. Then, of course, the cost of living has gone up considerably for people in the professional classes where there is one wage earner in the family, the man of the house, and no other money is coming in. He may have got a rise in his salary, but as the cost of living has gone up, he is just as he was. These people are pretty badly hit by the fact that rates and valuations have gone up by leaps and bounds. In the case of one family I know their rates were £40 and are now £60 and that is a very big increase in one item. The housewives of this country are in no better position to-day than they were in during the five years of the emergency. Everybody knows the difficulty the Government had at that time to preserve the people of this country, to preserve the neutrality of the country, to supply bread to the nation and how they were abused for that. I would like the Minister to state now if he can honestly with regard to what item of goods there has been a reduction in the cost of living.

Another matter that I am very interested in is that a number of boys and girls in our universities obtain degrees in chemistry and engineering every year and there is no outlet for them up to the present. They were hampered during the war as they could not get jobs in this country, and I would like to ask the Minister if there is any prospect of advancement for them in industry. After all, we are told that there is a great demand for Irish technicians abroad, and I cannot for the life of me understand why Irish boys and girls cannot put their years of learning into practice and get a chance at home.

I would also like to know from the Minister if he is going on with the project to manufacture sulphate of ammonia and copper sulphate in this country. It would provide a large amount of employment, and the raw material is, I understand, available. Not alone would it give employment to the workers, but it would absorb boys and girls with university degrees and give them a chance of a livelihood in this country. If the Minister for Finance objects to giving money for that, I think it would be excellent to apply Marshall Aid to it as has been done in India. A sulphate of ammonia plant has been established there on Marshall Aid.

I think it is due to the country and to the people that the Minister should now make a statement that he cannot really bring down the cost of living and that the allegations that Fianna Fáil had aided and abetted the fleecing of the people of this country were untrue.

I would like at the outset to express to the House my appreciation for the manner in which the discussion of this Estimate was approached and also for the general tone of the debate. There are two or three matters which I will deal with later, but perhaps it would be no harm, in view of its undoubted importance, if I were to take as the first matter to which I would refer the question of the cost of living, which was raised just now by Deputy Mrs. Rice, and which was raised by quite a number of Deputies from various sides of the House during the course of the debate. A lot of nonsense is talked, both inside and outside this House, about the cost of living, and a good deal of nonsense is talked, particularly from the Fianna Fáil Benches, about the cost-of-living index figure. I hope to give a few small points, a few small items of information, which may be of interest even to Deputies on the opposite side. First let me say that if Deputies want to approach this question of the cost of living and the cost-of-living index covering the period of the last 15 months, and if they want to approach it in a real way, an honest way, they must advert to the fact that during that period of 15 months in respect of a great many raw materials there was a continuous increase in price and that in respect of many of these raw materials that increase is still continuing. That, of course, inevitably has its effect on the cost of the article, but what is much more important and which Deputies—indeed, I am not confining my remarks in this respect as they can apply to some Deputies on my own side—forget or at least choose to ignore is the fact that during the last 15 months there have been more increases in wages and salaries than during any other similar period in the history of this country. I want to be frank about this matter. The cost of living is not as low as I would like to see it and it has not come down as rapidly as I would like to see it coming down, but I do suggest that the officers in my Department who are responsible for price control are entitled to credit in that, notwithstanding the fact, as I have said, that there were increases in the prices of many raw materials and that we had this, what I might call, spate of wage and salary increases over the last 15 months, there has been no increase, not even by one single point, in the index which was framed by our predecessors as between February, 1948, and February, 1949. I have not yet the latest figure for mid-May. Not only that, but it is an undoubted fact that in respect of a great many items of general domestic utility, items which people have to buy very frequently but which do not figure in the cost-of-living index, there has been a decrease in price and over a very wide range of goods. I am prepared to give any Deputy of this House, on request, a list of the commodities on which price reductions have been secured over the past 14 or 15 months, and, as I say, that comprises a pretty wide list of articles which do not figure in the cost-of-living index.

As I am on that index question, may I remind Deputies on the opposite side how they dealt with the rising cost of living? In mid-May, 1947, the last year in which Fianna Fáil were in office, the figure on the old index rose from 293 in the previous November to 319. The Government then got afraid and panicky about it, but they were not able to take any really effective steps to bring down the cost of living, so they simply indulged in subterfuge. Instead of changing the cost of living, they changed the figure of the index and we got a new figure. Then, of course it was in order to complete that picture that we had a supplementary budget in November 1947. It is interesting to remind the House that the November 1947 Budget had the effect of stabilising the new index at 100, but the Fianna Fáil Party took off the index, when they were increasing the price, beer and tobacco; and those items, which were dropped from the index, had the effect of reducing the figure from 101 to 97, so that by removing beer and tobacco from the cost-of-living index they reduced the cost of living by four points. These are the people who come into the House and preach to me about reducing the cost of living. I would prefer to see the real cost of living being shown in all its nakedness in the figures than adopt a cheap subterfuge of that kind.

That is not correct. Beer and tobacco were neither in the 100 nor the 97.

Of course they were, and the Deputy ought to know that.

Read the Trade Journal, which explains it all.

I have gone to some trouble to get the facts and I have the facts here in front of me.

That is not a fact, anyway.

Well, leave it at that. There are many other things I could say about the cost-of-living index. I want to emphasise again that I am not speaking now solely to the members of the Fianna Fáil Benches, but also to some members on this side of the House who occasionally let themselves loose on the cost-of-living index without taking very much trouble to ascertain the true facts and the real position.

In the course of the debate, a large number of items were raised and so far as I can I will try to deal with them. Deputy Lemass referred to a number of matters, but his remarks were, in the main, directed towards certain activities of Córas Iompair Éireann, particularly the proposed new bus station at Store Street, the chassis factory and the springs shop. He said that one, if not the sole, reason why this building was being erected at Store Street was that a central bus station was required. There is no doubt that a bus station is required and also central offices to house all the clerical staff of Córas Iompair Éireann were required. The intention was that Store Street would act not merely as a bus station but also as the central headquarters. It had been calculated that they would save money on it, that it would be cheaper for them to build this place and equip it and transfer all their officers there, than for them to pay rents and other commitments in relation to the present offices at the various railway stations. In my opinion, that was a fallacy. I believe that the interest and sinking fund, even on the original estimate for the cost of the Store Street building, would have been more than any cash commitments they have now to meet in respect of office accommodation.

I do not know if it occurred to them to consider to what purpose the evacuated offices at Kingsbridge, Westland Row, Broadstone and various other stations would be put once they had cleared out. I think they would be sheer waste and would become derelict. Situated as they are in the middle of railway stations, right in the heart of the railway work, they could not be let to outside concerns. Whatever might have been the risk, and however well-founded or otherwise their conclusions might have been when they started, those conclusions were founded on an estimate of £450,000 for the building of the station at Store Street. It is going to cost at least twice that amount and I have no hesitation in saying, from the information at my disposal, that before it is completed and ready for occupation by the clerical and headquarters staffs of Córas Iompair Éireann, the cost will exceed £1,000,000. I am not now going into the question as to the wisdom or otherwise of the location. We can debate that on another occasion, if it is thought desirable to do so.

Deputy Lemass also asked about the chassis factory and asserted that we were making a cardinal mistake in not proceeding with it. We have no intention of proceeding with the production of chassis there under the agreement or along the lines originally laid down by the board of Córas Iompair Éireann. The building is in course of construction and will be completed, and it will be decided at a later stage for what purpose it will be used. The chassis factory was built, designed and planned for an economic production of ten chassis per week. The estimated requirements of Córas Iompair Éireann itself were only four chassis per week —two lorries and two buses—so that, in order to make it an economic proposition and to produce ten chassis per week—eight of the ten being lorries— they would have to produce six per week, as against their own two, for the competitors outside. On the face of it, that seems to me to be a very adequate reason for stopping the production of chassis in this shop. As it was originally planned by Córas Iompair Éireann, it strikes me as a most extraordinary proposal. With regard to the agreement itself, which they made with Messrs. Leyland, which also contains some rather strange clauses, we can go into that again at a later stage. The same thing applies to the springs shop. The building was under construction and will be completed. Whether springs will or will not be made there is a matter to be decided when we see the position as it will be then.

Deputy Lemass also asked me some questions about Cement Limited, the production of cement and the reason for the delay in building the factory extension at Limerick. The company at present is producing cement to the full maximum capacity of the present equipment. The delay in proceeding with the Limerick extension is very simply explained; the company is not prepared to proceed with the building of that extension except on terms and conditions to which I am not prepared to agree. The Deputy is quite conversant with that matter himself, as he was dealing with it and negotiating with the cement company during the time he was Minister. The Government is more than anxious that the work at Limerick on this extension would start at the earliest possible moment. We are prepared to agree to what we consider not only reasonable but generous terms and I can only hope that the cement company will see that the conditions and terms to which I am prepared to agree are reasonable and almost on the generous side.

Deputy Lemass also referred to the question of steel for shipbuilding. All I can tell the Deputy and the House on that matter is that I have neglected no opportunity since I became Minister to procure the biggest possible allocation of steel for this country for ship building and other purposes. I think I can say I have devoted more time and attention to that matter than perhaps to the procurement of any other raw material for the country. I have not made very much progress. There was over 1948, and there has been to date, some slight improvement and some slight increase, but it is not very substantial. The Deputy, of course, is aware of the steel position in Britain and of the difficulty of getting steel. However, we have made continuous efforts and will continue to press for an increase in the allocation.

I want to come now to another important matter, the matter of unemployment. It is a matter in respect of which the speeches made—and again I am not confining my remarks to the Fianna Fáil Party—and the approach to it and in particular to the speech I made in Westport were not facing up to the position in the way in which it must be faced up to. There has been misrepresentation and distortion of what I said, but far from receding from the position I then took up or recalling any word I uttered on that occasion, I want to reiterate and emphasise what I said, because I look upon this matter as a matter of fundamental national importance.

In order to clear the ground, perhaps I will be allowed to quote what I did say in Westport. I had been referring to the necessity for increased production; I had been urging people to support home industry; and I had been outlining certain of the national schemes which the Government had in hand, certain of the schemes were initiated by my predecessor and which this Government decided to proceed with. I should like Deputies to listen carefully to what I am now about to read, because I propose to ask if there is any Deputy on any side of the House who wishes to challenge anything contained in these words. I proceeded to say: "It is, however, a matter of grave concern to the Government to find that very considerable difficulty is being experienced in obtaining the required number of workers for these schemes. It is indeed remarkable that, at a time when unemployment is regarded as one of our most serious problems, sufficient men cannot be obtained in rural Ireland...."

I want Deputies who have been taunting me with expecting city-born and bred workers to go down and cut turf in the bogs to take special note of the fact that I said "in rural Ireland."

"...for work on turf production and electricity development. Bord na Móna had employment available in 14 counties on production and development work. Having failed to obtain an adequate response from men who had been previously employed by them, the board approached the employment exchanges. The response in this case was also poor, although about 28,000 men with some experience of turf work were registered as unemployed. Radio and newspaper advertising was then resorted to, but as late as a week ago the labour force needed had not been obtained in 11 of the 14 counties concerned. The conditions of employment on turf work are good. The board's rate for unskilled workers is 1/4 per hour for time work, but, whenever possible, work is carried out on piece rates designed to enable the average worker to earn 1/8 per hour and, in fact, good men earn 2/- and over. Camps for workers are provided in Carlow, Kildare, Offaly and Tipperary, and, where adequate labour is not forthcoming locally, whether camps exist or not, Bord na Móna organise lorry trips over a radius of 12 to 15 miles where sufficient numbers can be obtained in towns and villages within that radius.

The experience of the Electricity Supply Board on the Erne hydroelectric scheme has been somewhat similar. Owing to the shortage of available labour it has been necessary to recruit workers for the scheme from as far away as Galway, although, at mid-April, there were over 9,200 persons registered as unemployed at the local office in Donegal and over 1,100 in County Sligo. Employment is at present available for an additional 100 unskilled workers, but they are not forthcoming. I understand also that men refused employment on the Erne scheme, preferring instead to go to Scotland as migratory labourers for a few months of the year. Adequate housing and canteens are available on this scheme and unskilled labourers are paid 1/10 per hour for a minimum of 48 hours per week, with the possibility of overtime. I am amazed that Irishmen are prepared to continue in idleness throughout the country when these opportunities for employment have been made available. This state of affairs cannot be tolerated and the persons concerned will have to realise that they cannot be kept in idleness at the expense of hard-working Irish men and women. I have repeatedly emphasised that we cannot even maintain our existing standard of living unless we produce more, and, if some of our citizens are not prepared to produce at all, it is not necessary for me to stress what our future will be."

Is there anything wrong with that? Deputy Lemass is smiling. Does he see anything wrong with it?

I am merely amused at the change of role.

There is no change of rôle so far as I am concerned — not the slightest. Let me go further and say —the Minister for Finance referred to this matter before — that we took four employment exchange areas in rural Ireland in a county where turf is to be found and where turf is cut and saved in practically every parish. Out of the four labour exchanges 319 single men, no man being over the age of 45 years, were selected as suitable in every way for the class of work—national work, let me add—which was to be done. Out of the 319 single men so selected nine men offered themselves for work. I want to ask Deputies on all sides of the House is that not a position that requires very serious consideration from every Party and every member of this House? Does not it disclose a situation that has in it dangers to the State itself? I resented — particularly coming from people like Deputy Briscoe and perhaps I should resent it even more coming from certain Deputies on my own side of the House— being told, when we talk about unemployment and say that men are offered work on fair conditions and at decent wages that they ought to accept it, that that is a return to the old mentality. Which old mentality? I have some experience and knowledge of trade unions; I have some knowledge of the Labour Party; I have some knowledge of Labour Party policy. I have yet to learn that either by trade unions or the Labour Party or any other Party in this House was it ever laid down as a duty of this House other than to provide suitable employment at fair wages and conditions.

Is the Minister satisfied that the conditions and wages are fair and adequate?

I am perfectly satisfied and I will proceed to demonstrate that. It was not Deputy Lehane who made the remark but there were remarks made in this House, particularly from the Opposition Benches, and repeated in the Irish Times of Saturday last about the wages and conditions that obtain in the employment of Bord na Móna which are not true.

They may not be true now but is the Minister aware that Bord na Móna had a very un-favourable reputation for four or five years?

I know that.

But had no difficulty in recruiting workers.

It did not let them go.

May I suggest to Deputies that this matter is really too serious? I am sure there is no Deputy who is not concerned with the fact that here we have two great national schemes, two schemes which I am urged from every side of the House to proceed with with the utmost rapidity. As a matter of fact, one of the Deputies who criticised me for my remarks about the unemployed and people who would not accept work that was offered to them, also criticised me because Bord na Móna were not proceeding rapidly enough with the work. We have not reached within 2,500 of our peat requirements in Bord na Móna for this year but at the present moment we are short 1,670 men that we require.

I would suggest to the Minister that he should examine the wages and conditions again.

I have. Let me quote from a newspaper that I have here. I do not know anything about it. I do not know what its political views are or if it has any. It was sent to me by Bord na Móna. The article is headed: "£8 weekly for Bog Workers —and they can't be got". It says:—

"Bog workers can earn up to £8 per week at the present time on any bog where Bord na Móna operates. Anybody who can work will be taken on. Yet any ganger with whom a Herald reporter talked during the week”

—this is not the Evening Herald

"complained of not having enough men.

Accompanied by the district superintendent, Mr. J. Hanafin, writes a Herald reporter, I made a tour of bogs in Roscommon and Westmeath during the week and not in one single instance did I meet a ganger who did not want more men.

Nobody seems to know what is the real cause of the shortage of labour...."

It goes on:—

"The strange thing about it is that wages were never so high. Four of a crew on a cutting machine can earn an average of £8 3s. 0d. a week. Yet, on every bog there are machines lying idle because men cannot be got to work them."

The reason I am reading this is that it gives not merely the names of the bogs but the names of the gangers who were interviewed.

"On one bog near Loughglynn (County Roscommon) crew men were earning an average of 30/- per day.

There is any amount of work for juveniles at rates of 1/- per hour. Young lads after leaving school can work at turning and footing turf for as many hours as they wish and get paid for it. Children and so on....

Any way and every way the bord will take workers—but they cannot get them. Workers are wanted in Limnagh, Ballyglass, Clooncoose, Cloonroughan, Lisananny, and every other bog.

Lorries travel from non-turf areas to bogs every morning, transporting workers, and even this is not sufficient to meet the demand.

A curious feature of the shortage is that there are hundreds signing on at all ‘dole' offices every day— signing that they are able and willing to work if they can get it.

In Westmeath the bord tried to get 100 men from the labour exchange. Not one turned up for work. Recently, out of 300 ‘dole-men' in two offices, 30 turned up to work. In Boyle, five out of 125 reported for work; in Castlerea the figure was 26 out of 158."

He makes the comment: Surely there is something amiss here.

"Bord officials say they get every co-operation and assistance from managers and other officials in the labour exchanges, and all their efforts are of no avail."

He went down to the bog at Lisananny, Castlerea. He interviewed ganger Frank Flannery, ganger McDonald in Loughglynn, and so on down along. There is a picture. Let me give Deputies the latest figures which are for the week ending 25th May. There were employed by Bord na Móna 5,225 men; vacancies unfilled, 1,670.

Could the Minister give any analysis of the length of time these men stay? Could he say what proportion of that 5,000 is constant or is there a drift in and a drift out?

Of course, you will always have a certain drift in and out in any job of that kind, no matter how good the conditions may be. My information is that the vast majority go in there at the beginning of the season or early in the season and remain to the end of the season. That is my information. Remember, we are in the same position in relation to the Erne development. That scheme has been delayed for months and months beyond its normal time, not only because of the difficulty but because of the impossibility of getting sufficient unskilled labour there. Remember, the wages for a minimum working week of 48 hours for unskilled men are 1/10 per hour. Remember, also, that on that scheme full board and lodging is provided at 33/- per week. That leaves the unskilled worker, who works the minimum 48 hours, with 55/- cash in his pocket at the end of the week, having discharged his liability for his full week's board and lodging. I want to put this to Deputies: What is the use in my being criticised inside this House for not going ahead quickly enough and in my being urged both inside this House and outside this House to get a move on—what is the use of Deputies talking to me here about the numbers of unemployed— when we have work available? What is the use, when I know and there is not a member of this House, certainly not a member from rural Ireland, but knows that there are in every rural area, in every provincial town and in every village, young single men quite capable of doing the work required to be done either by Bord na Móna or by the Electricity Supply Board?

How are the workers affected by the weather?

There is even a special wet-time scheme also. I am faced with propaganda—entirely dishonest propaganda; with photographs of people flying out of the country; with lurid stories in some of the newspapers of the conditions under which Irishmen have to fly to work in the mines in South Africa. I am perfectly satisfied that the conditions which obtain on those two national schemes are at least as good as they are upon any similar schemes in Great Britain or in any other part of the world. If there is anything seriously wrong with the terms of employment there or with the conditions of employment, I would ask Deputies to come to me and to give me concrete evidence. I do not want evidence founded on the remarks of the grouser who gets tired at the end of a week or a fortnight. Again, that remark will be twisted. It will be twisted and distorted by people who know far less about manual labour than I do and who did far less manual labour than I have done in my time. For 27 years, since the first time I entered this Dáil, I have been, to the best of my ability, trying to uphold the case for the unemployed man in this country. But at no time during that period did I ever claim that unemployed people were entitled to other than the offer of work at fair conditions and at reasonable wages. I do not think any responsible Deputy on this side of the House would ask more. We have to face the fact that this country cannot afford to keep in idleness people who are able to work and who ought to be willing to work. If Deputies do not subscribe to that view to-day, they will probably begin to think about subscribing to it maybe when it is too late.

It is very difficult to understand why it is that men will not take that work and will, instead, accept a pittance. That is all they get at the labour exchange.

I do not profess to understand it myself. I have made inquiries about the wages conditions. I have been assured that the position is such as I have told the House. I have accepted the information given to me. I have no reason in the world to doubt its accuracy. If individual Deputies are in a position to ascertain for me that there are unfair conditions, or conditions which impose on workers hardships which should not be imposed —particularly in present-day conditions —well, I am prepared to have these complaints examined and, in so far as I possibly can, to have them set right. I am afraid I have devoted a considerable amount of time to that particular matter. However, I personally think that it is the most important matter with which I have to deal, not merely from the point of view of my Department or from the point of view of this Government, but from the point of view of the country.

The Minister will agree——

I think the House will agree that it has had a fair innings and the Minister should be allowed to reply. It is the longest debate we have ever had on that Estimate.

I should like to say, before I finish on that point, that I resent Deputy Briscoe making the statement that he objects to workers being dragooned. I resent it, not that I mind it personally, but because I think it is a statement that can do no good and that may do considerable harm outside. Equally, I resent Deputy Connolly telling me that I was lecturing and rebuking the unemployed. I have never lectured the unemployed nor, indeed, have I ever sought to lecture any other section of the community. I should hope that I have a little more common sense. But I make no apology to anybody for putting the facts of the situation, in relation to our difficulty in securing the necessary labour to carry on schemes of national importance, before the House and before the country. It is my duty to put that position as clearly as I can not merely before this House, but before the country. Again, let me remind Deputies that in one county, in four employment areas, 319 single men were selected as suitable for this employment and nine out of 319 accepted work.

Can the Minister say what county that was?

I should prefer not to say it at the moment. If the Deputy wants the name I will give it to him. However, it so happens that the test was carried out there and, in fairness, I would remind Deputies that in 11 out of 14 counties we failed to secure the number of men we require. There is, therefore, no one county to be blackened.

If one knew the county in question it might be possible to arrive at a reasonable explanation.

I have searched for a reasonable explanation but, so far, I have not been able to get it. Deputy Larkin raised a number of points. He referred to factory inspection. All I will say in connection with that point is that we have increased the number of inspectors and we intend to increase the number still more. He also referred to employment in the Liffey Dockyard on ship repairing work. He made a reference to ship building, with which I shall deal later. So far as trying to secure that the maximum number of ships for repair would be repaired by the Liffey Dockyard Company is concerned, I have made representations to every shipping company which has its offices in this country — also to the London, Midland and Scottish, the Great Western Railway and the other companies who have boats plying between this country and Great Britain — to give, as far as they possibly can, the maximum amount of repair work to the Liffey Dockyard Company. I have assurances from every one of them that they will do so, as far as practicable. Deputy Larkin returned again to the question of the building of ships by the Liffey Dockyard Company and, in particular, to the new ships which were built for Irish Shipping, Limited. Deputies will, of course, appreciate that those orders were placed before my time. However, in view of the serious statement which was made by Deputy Larkin on this matter, I made it my business to go into the whole question of the building of these ships. I went into all the files dealing with the negotiations which took place and the correspondence between Irish Shipping, Limited, and the Liffey Dockyard. The Department of Industry and Commerce did not enter into it very much, practically not at all. Having examined that from beginning to end, I am perfectly satisfied that not only did the Liffey Dockyard Company get a fair break in the matter, but that the officers and the officials of Irish Shipping, Limited, went out of their way to try to remove whatever obstacles and difficulties were in the way of the Liffey Dockyard Company in securing the contract for the building of these new ships. Not only that, but, as a matter of fact, the board of directors of the Liffey Dockyard Company, both verbally and by letter, marked their appreciation of the help and assistance which they had been given by the directors and officials of Irish Shipping, Limited.

The statement was made by Deputy Larkin that the Liffey Dockyard Company could have built any of the new ships which were ordered by Irish Shipping, Limited. That is not so. It would not have been physically possible, I am informed, in the present lay-out down there for the Liffey Dockyard Company to build the ships for crossing the North Atlantic. It would be within their capacity to build the ships which were built for the Baltic; they are about 2,000 tons. I could give fuller and more detailed information on these matters to show that Irish Shipping, Limited, did everything that it was possible or reasonable for them to do in regard to having these two ships built in Dublin. I could give that sort of detailed information and give very definite reasons why these ships were not built in Dublin, but I think it is better that I should not.

Mr. A. Byrne

It was a question of price?

Very definitely a question of price, apart from anything else.

Mr. Byrne

Excessive?

Very excessive. These are the sort of questions that I would prefer were not put to me. That is the sort of information which I would prefer not to give.

Mr. A. Byrne

Did they allow for coal and steel?

Every conceivable allowance was made. Not only that, but advice of a nature which should be of the utmost help to the Liffey Dockyard Company was given by the officials of Irish Shipping, Limited. I am satisfied from the files that the board of directors and officials of Irish Shipping, Limited, went all out as far as they could possibly be expected to go so as to make it as easy as it could be made for the ships to be built in Dublin. Unfortunately, it could not be done. I should like to say to the House, however, that, having seen all the files, having read all the correspondence, and having got the full facts of the matter, I am perfectly satisfied that everything in connection with the building of these ships was entirely above board.

Deputy Larkin also referred to Solus Teoranta. I think that position is all right. Deputy Larkin and, I think, Deputy Corry also, asked about the position of Irish Steel, Limited. Recently I got a report from the board of Irish Steel, Limited, regarding its present position and future prospects, and the matter is under consideration at present.

We had a great deal of talk, of course, from various sides of the House, particularly from the Fianna Fáil side, about the general unemployment situation and emigration. Deputies on the Fianna Fáil side of the House were amazingly eloquent about emigration. You would imagine that somebody reminded them that emigration started in February, 1948.

Restarted.

I shall come to that in a moment. That comes well from gentlemen who came into office at a period when, for the first time in almost 100 years, emigration had stopped and there were more people coming into the country than were leaving it. But in 16 years they had managed the affairs of the State so well that emigration reached figures unequalled since black '47 and '48. Deputy Lemass would like to forget the period when they were pouring out of our ports at the rate of 1,000 per week.

During what year?

Not since 1924, or anything like it.

Nonsense. The gentlemen who are now so eloquent and concerned about emigration actually set up recruiting agencies in this country and turned every labour exchange and branch labour exchange in the country into an employment exchange, not for this country, but for Great Britain.

They put labels around their necks.

Am I to understand that the provision of proper supervision of recruiting is being objected to?

I am objecting to the hypocrisy poured forth for the last six days about emigration from the opposite side of the House.

Will similar facilities be given again?

I know the Deputy too well and I am too long in this House to be put off by that sort of thing.

I am trying to find out what the Minister's mind is.

The Deputy is not going to succeed in diverting me from what I am going to "get over" there. It is nauseating to hear Deputies on the far side waxing indignant about emigration and distorting and deliberately twisting figures in relation to emigration during the last 12 months. Deputies with their record on emigration——

Will the Minister say why there was no emigration in 1932?

There was none.

Will the Deputy tell us?

Because America had closed its doors and it was to America they were all going.

Will the Deputy inform the House that America opened its doors in 1948? Notwithstanding the fact that the American doors were closed——

The Minister knows that the closing of the American doors was responsible.

You can always know when you are getting home a thrust on "the boys" opposite; they always start to squeal. America had closed its doors in 1932, but the American doors were also closed when they were pouring out of here at the rate of 1,000 a week, not to America but to Great Britain, not after 16 months of a Fianna Fáil Government but after 16 years. Let me make this point. If there were—I say "if"—40,000 or 50,000 emigrants in the calendar year, 1948, was it the policy pursued by Fianna Fáil for the previous 16 years or the policy pursued by us for ten months which was responsible? Surely if that 16 years of Government had been successful there would not be any emigration. Surely if the Fianna Fáil policy had been successful we would not have Deputies over there yapping about 84,000 unemployed. Incidentally, of course, it is only a detail so far as Fianna Fáil Deputies are concerned.

Did the Minister not succeed in displacing hundreds of people who were in employment when we left office?

One thing I succeeded in helping my colleagues to do and that was in removing the gag that was on Deputy Burke for the last seven or eight years. The Deputy has talked more in the last 15 months than he ever talked before.

I talk in the interests of the people who have been disemployed by your policy.

Let me make this clear. There are not 84,000 unemployed; there are 64,000. That is 4,000 fewer unemployed than at the corresponding date last year.

They have gone in the emigrant ships.

The Deputy was not interrupted by the Minister.

He was persistently interrupted by the Minister.

The Minister did not persistently interrupt anybody. Deputy Burke is an old friend of mine and I do not like to see him wandering from the straight and narrow path. Accordingly I tried to bring him back on the path again. Let me make this clear. Nobody in this country or in this House, and certainly nobody on this side of the House, is throwing his hat up in the air about the unemployment or emigration situation. We are taking very effective steps to deal with it. We have reached the stage where we have nearly 2,000 jobs available and we have not men to take up the work.

You will have to pay them more.

On that question let me say this. I have nothing to do with it as Minister. I do not lay down the terms of the rate of wages or the number of hours. However, I do say this and, again, I can speak from some personal experience. If I could secure for every unskilled worker in this country that at the end of the week, having paid for his full board and lodging, he could be left with 55/- in his pocket the situation would not be too bad at all. I hope, though I am afraid it is a very vain hope, that we will not hear as much for the next few months as we have heard for the last few months about unemployment and emigration.

Deputy Dockrell raised the question of buses in Dublin and referred to the buses that are being used for sightseeing tours. The number used daily does not exceed six or eight and they are all single-decker buses. I should like to inform Deputies that, excluding the new buses replacing the Terenure and Dartry trams, 57 additional buses were placed on the Dublin City service during the last few months and an additional 20 will be going on very shortly.

I am trying to deal with as many points as I can. With regard to turf production I heard a great deal of talk, but not as much as last year, about hand-won turf. I do not intend to go back over the ground again except to say this. There is a market even to-day in this country for considerably more good hand-won turf than is being produced. Deputies are probably aware that what I prophesied this time 12 months actually happened last winter. As a result of the campaign conducted by the gentlemen on the opposite side of the House there was not enough hand-won turf produced last year, notwithstanding the fact that we had the mildest winter probably within our memory.

As the result of our campaign?

Did you hear what Deputy Donnellan said down in Kerry?

I know that Deputies opposite went out and said that they would be mad to produce hand-won turf and I can quote them.

Quote one.

I have one in front of me. I told Deputies and deputations that the result of all that campaign last year would be to so frighten people that they would not produce enough hand-won turf to meet the normal requirements of this country. It is in indisputable fact that in many counties throughout this country, notwithstanding the mild winter, there was a shortage of turf and it could not be got. An awful lot of nonsense is talked here about hand-won turf and all that was done. I heard one gentleman during this debate saying that this Government had killed hand-won turf, that there was no more hand-won turf being produced in the country. Hand-won turf was produced in this country before ever Fianna Fáil were heard of. Remember this, the ordinary normal production of hand-won turf in this country, even when coal was being landed on the quays of Dublin at 19/-, 18/- and 17/- a ton, was 500,000 tons per year. The full impact of the seven years' war, the cutting off completely of external fuel and the whole of the spate of propaganda that was let loose succeeded in increasing the production of hand-won turf by little more than 25 per cent. Deputy Lemass knows that quite well and I know it. I know a lot more about turf than many Deputies who were lecturing me on it and I have a much more practical interest in it. I was dealing in hand-won turf and in machine turf 16 or 17 years ago and putting it against coal when coal was about a fifth of the price it is to-day.

Machine turf was not being produced at that time.

I brought it out of the Deputy's constituency in Kildare 16 or 17 years ago. The Deputy was not interested at that time.

It was not being made at that time.

It was not.

Deputy Harris is right. It was not being made 16 years ago.

Were briquettes not being made then?

No. A factory was set up in 1935 or 36.

Briquettes were being produced before Fianna Fáil set up.

The factory was set up by means of a trade guarantee which we gave them. That is our record, anyhow.

Nonsense. I should like to see a test on this. I am burning turf, machine turf and hand-won turf in my own home. In the fireplace in my own office in Kildare Street since the first day I went in turf has been burned. Many Deputies on the Fianna Fáil side will say the same.

How do you know?

If the Deputies gave as much interest to the practical side of those things as they give to the political or propaganda side they would be making a much more helpful contribution. A great deal of that kind of nonsense is talked and unfortunately it is accepted, if not in this House, then outside. It is quite obvious why Deputies make such outlandish statements. They know themselves that they are absurd. In many cases they know the statements are untrue. The statements are made in this House and outside for the sole purpose of having them reported the following day in the Irish Press in the full knowledge that 98 per cent., if not 99 per cent., of the people who read the Irish Press read no other newspaper and, therefore, get only one side of the story. That is the reason why these statements are made.

What about the Fianna Fáil Deputies who advised the people to produce hand-won turf last year?

If any Fianna Fáil Deputies advised the people to produce hand-won turf last year I would be glad to get that information.

You have told the other side of it.

I have never seen any other side.

I will be able to produce it.

You spend all your time in denouncing me and denouncing the Government. A number of Deputies dealt with the question of woollens, worsted and blankets. Deputy Hickey, and one or two other Deputies, as well as some of the Fianna Fáil Deputies, referred to the question of giving protection for blankets. That is a matter that is under immediate consideration. I do not want to say very much on it. Political capital is being sought to be made by the people on the opposite side that a blanket factory has been closed down. That is one side of it. The other side of it is that another Irish factory, producing blankets, had, within the past fortnight, to refuse to accept an order from an institution in this country for 500 blankets because it is booked so far ahead with orders that it would not accept the order for delivery in the period required.

Was it due to the question of dumping?

What I have said was that an Irish factory producing blankets—one of the most famous factories in the country—was asked to tender for the supply of 500 blankets to an Irish institution, blankets made by this factory in Ireland. The factory had to ask to be excused from accepting the order owing to the fact that it is booked so far ahead with orders that it could not undertake to tender and make delivery of the 500 blankets within the period required.

That does not mean that there are not other mills which could not make them.

You can still make blankets in Cork.

I am aware of this, that not only has this factory got enough to keep it going but that it is booked so far ahead with orders that it had to refuse this order that I have referred to.

That may be, but is it not a fact that there are a number of mills making blankets which are practically closed down because of the number of blankets coming in?

They are closed down, but I had better not go into the reasons for that now. There has been a great deal of talk about the tourist hotels. I would prefer not to say anything about them at the moment. If Deputies want to talk about them I will, but I would prefer not to on this particular occasion. They have been a costly experiment.

Worth £35,000,000 to the country?

I refuse to be drawn by the Deputy. If he knew anything about the situation he would keep quiet.

It is your own statement.

I still refuse to be drawn.

There are other aspects of the tourist traffic on which, perhaps, the Minister might enlighten us.

On that I would like to say, quite honestly, to the House that, so far as I am concerned and so far as the Government are concerned, we appreciate fully the value of the tourist traffic. We are having the matter examined. All that we are concerned about is to see that the best possible organisation will be set up to deal not merely with the question of attracting tourists to the country but also with the question of catering for them when they are here. The matter, as I say, is being very closely examined. It is being gone into in a very full way. I should like to assure the House that we are fully conscious of the value of the tourist traffic. Our only concern is to see that it shall be catered for in such a manner that not merely will it attract tourists at this period and in present world circumstances, but that it will induce them and their friends to come here again when competition for their trade will be much more keen than it is to-day. At the moment I want to say again that I would prefer not to go into details. I do repeat that it has been very fully considered and that the Government are fully conscious of its value to the country.

A number of Deputies referred to the question of a sulphate of ammonia factory. That is not only a very important matter, but it is a very big question. I have got a report from Ceimicí Teoranta on the matter which I am having examined. Deputy Lemass, of course, is aware of its importance and of the fact that its establishment would be a major project. From that point of view it is desirable that the matter should be fully considered in all its aspects before the Government would come to a decision on it. I can assure Deputies that there has not been any undue delay in dealing with it. I have to confess that I am not inclined to take the advice which was so freely offered to me, again not merely by Fianna Fáil Deputies but by some Deputies on my own side of the House, namely, to act first and get the matter considered afterwards. I prefer to get the matter considered first, with all the rapidity that is possible, and then to act in the light of all the information that is placed at my disposal. But, neither in relation to the sulphate of ammonia factory nor, indeed, to any other project is there any desire on my part or on the part of the Government for any waiting or a slowing up in any way beyond the time that is necessary to see that careful and full consideration is given to all these projects. The successful future of many of those projects, apart from the fact that the establishment of them would run into very big sums of money, will depend entirely on the full examination which they get at the beginning and in seeing that they are started and placed on a sound basis.

There are just a few other matters that I want to deal with. Statements have been hurled at us, not only from across the House but from off platforms, about the promises which were made by the present Government during the election and which were not fulfilled. We have been told that we promised to reduce taxation and that, in fact, we increased it. Of course, we did not increase it. The truth of the matter is that taxation has been reduced almost exactly by the amount by which Deputy Lemass said it had been increased, namely, by £7,000,000. The fact is that Deputy Lemass, or rather his colleague, Deputy Aiken, when he was Minister for Finance, prepared and had printed a Book of Estimates for the year 1948 which bore on the cover £70,500,000. The inter-Party Government presented the House this year with a book bearing on the cover a sum of £64,500,000. That is the trouble with me—I have a long memory and I can quote for Deputy Lemass and for Deputy Little from the years 1932, 1933, 1937, 1938, 1943 and 1944; I could quote some of them almost verbatim.

It did a lot for your education.

It did this for me anyway, that in the 16 years the Deputies never once succeeded in deceiving me. I give you the same advice in relation to election promises as I gave you in relation to emigration — the less you say about them the better.

There is one other matter I wish to speak about and I shall address my remarks to all members of the House and ask for their earnest co-operation. I am quite sure that that will be forthcoming from all sides of the House. A couple of months ago I decided to invite representatives of people engaged in trade, industry and commerce and those associated with trade unions to meet me in connection with an effort which I hoped would be made to push and popularise Irish-made goods in this country and to do so on an organised basis and in a co-operative way so as to make an effective effort to meet the spate of advertising and propaganda which our manufacturers have to cope with outside and inside this country.

I am very glad to say that I did get a very good response, from the point of view of attendance. The idea was taken up, I might say almost enthusiastically, and a committee was set up by the parties concerned. I am not in a position to tell you what the committee have done, but I know they met on at least two occasions. I am not satisfied, however, that they are acting as rapidly and as enthusiastically as they should.

I believe, from the evidence which has come into my possession since I became Minister, that no matter how vehemently certain people may deny it, there is in this country not merely a preference for foreign goods, but in certain circles definitely a prejudice against Irish goods. I am asking all Parties in this House, every individual here, to assist me to break down that prejudice and to demonstrate and prove to our people that there are sound national reasons, and in many cases sound selfish reasons, why our people should, on every conceivable occasion, show a preference for Irish over other goods.

There are certain people who always try to see evil in everything, certain people who ought to have more sense. Certain of the people whom we are trying to help in this particular campaign have tried to injure it, if not to kill it, by suggesting that this is an intrigue on the Minister's part to get away from providing protection, either by way of tariffs or quotas where tariffs or quotas are necessary to safeguard Irish goods. It is no such thing; it is not intended in any way to be a substitute for whatever protection might be necessary for any worthwhile Irish product, but it is intended, and it can be of tremendous assistance, in helping to build and develop Irish industries.

I appeal to Deputies, when they are addressing meetings, whether meetings of their own branches or their own Parties, or where they are addressing meetings in public, in the cities or towns or at the crossroads, to say just a few words either at the beginning or the end of their speeches in favour of having our people ask for, in so far as they know they are available, goods of Irish manufacture. I ask Deputies to urge the people at those meetings to insist on getting goods made in our own country.

This is not a Party political matter. Fostering the development of Irish industry is not the prized possession of any particular Party, and I hope it never will be. I know I can, with confidence, appeal, not merely to Deputies on this side of the House, but to Deputies on the opposite benches. We all can do a good deal in this matter. I will make a special appeal to the teachers in the schools to try to instil into the children what a sound national policy it is to insist on getting, as far as they are available, goods made in our own country.

I must confess I find it very hard to understand some people who are going out to-day — again, I do not want to be taken as applying this entirely to the Fianna Fáil Party — writing to the newspapers, making speeches, and in ordinary conversation denouncing us on the grounds of unemployment and emigration and going into a shop five minutes later and accepting some article made outside the country in preference to one made inside this country, or accepting an article without asking whether an Irish-made article is available.

I do not propose to delay the House any longer. There are points which some Deputies may have raised and which I have overlooked in the course of my reply. I assure Deputies that if I have failed to reply to any of their points, it was in no way a deliberate action on my part, nor is it due to any reluctance to give the required information. If there are any points which I have not dealt with, perhaps Deputies will be so good as to send me a note about them? I shall have the facts ascertained and a letter sent to each Deputy concerned setting out the information he requires.

I can only say, in conclusion, that I appreciate the manner in which the House has debated this Estimate, which is undoubtedly a very important one, and I also appreciate the tone in which the debate was carried on. I have tried to put before the House a complete picture of the activities of the Department over the past 12 months and I have endeavoured to give some indication of what we propose to do during the coming 12 months.

As far as the Government is concerned and as far as I am concerned, we are anxious to see the fullest possible development of industry. The Industrial Development Authority, whose functions we shall be debating here very soon when I introduce the Bill, was set up by us because of our conviction that it was through such a body we could advance more rapidly than we have advanced in recent years, even in the development of industry. Far from there being any question of that authority being set up for the purpose of acting as a brake on industrial activities, I take this opportunity of assuring Deputies that it is because we believe they can speed up matters and reach quicker decisions for people who are either contemplating starting an industry or expanding an industry that this authority was set up.

On the industrial side our position is pretty good. We have been making fairly substantial advances. In the course of my opening remarks, I mentioned that the export of non-agricultural goods in 1948 had increased by almost 20 per cent. over the figure for 1947. I do not say that for the purpose of scoring points over the Opposition. I state it merely as a fact, a welcome fact, I am sure, to every member of the House. The increase in the export of non-agricultural goods was almost £2,000,000 over the corresponding figure for the previous year. I am happy to say that not only has that increase been maintained but it is continuing to grow. The latest figures I have are for the first four months of this year. As compared with 1948 there is an increase in the first quarter in the export of non-agricultural goods of almost £1,000,000. I believe that there is an opportunity for this country to develop not merely in agriculture but also in industry. I believe that if we get from those who are engaged in industry that co-operation which is so absolutely essential, plus that fair output we are entitled to expect from both employers and employees, I believe that we can compete successfully in many goods on the export market. When one gets on the export market one must, of course, be right both as regards quality and price. Otherwise one cannot sell. The fact that we are exporting and are holding our own with very old-established industries in other countries shows quite clearly that our manufacturers are making efforts to be as up-to-date as possible.

Might I suggest that when discussing industrial development advice should be taken from those men who have a deep sense of patriotism and not because of bank balances in this country or from men who very often have not the vital interests of the country at heart?

With reference to a very serious situation in connection with the leather industry and the lack of raw materials, I would like the Minister to give me some further information later about it. Possibly the matter has been under consideration in the Department for some time.

I take it the Deputy is referring to the situation which has arisen in some of the tanneries because of a shortage of hides. That matter has been under consideration and I am meeting a deputation of the tanners during the week.

In view of the statement that the Government believes that catering for tourists is a matter of private enterprise, will the Minister say if it is the intention to put an end to the activities of the Irish Tourist Board?

I told the Deputy that the whole question of the future organisation for attracting visitors to this country and seeing that they are properly catered for on arrival is under consideration at the moment.

Question—"That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration"— put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 34; Níl, 57.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Blaney, Neal T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Gorry, Patrick J.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Walsh, Richard.

Níl

  • Beirne, John.
  • Belton, John.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Browne, Noel C.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Commons, Bernard.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Cowan, Peadar.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lehane, Con.
  • MacBride, Seán.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • McQuillan, John.
  • Madden, David J.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Gorman, Patrick J.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Davin, William.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Esmonde, Sir John L.
  • Everett, James.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Fitzpatrick, Michael.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Halliden, Patrick J.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Hogan, Patrick.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F. (Jun.).
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Pattison, James P.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Roddy, Joseph.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Sheldon, William A. W.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Timoney, John J.
  • Tully, John.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Kissane and Kennedy; Níl: Deputies P. S. Doyle and Kyne.
Motion declared lost.
Vote put and agreed to.
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