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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 16 May 1950

Vol. 121 No. 1

Social Welfare Bill, 1949 — Committee (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following amendment:—
Section 21. In sub-section (2), line 9, to delete the words "on or after the 1st day of July, 1954".—(Deputy MacEntee.)

This amendment was discussed on the last occasion on which the Bill was before the House, Thursday, 4th May. The amendment seeks to make the Minister for Finance responsible at all times for any payments in respect of moneys expended by the Minister for Social Welfare on the provision of premises for the housing of the staff of the Department of Social Welfare. The Bill, in its original form, sought to relieve the Minister for Finance of any responsibility for the expenditure of money on buildings or otherwise until after 1st July, 1954. The Minister, in reply to Deputy MacEntee's case for the amendment, used the old argument that Córas Iompair Éireann, having undertaken originally to construct the Store Street buildings, did so in the knowledge that they were a bankrupt company and that at no time would they be able to meet any expenditure for the completion of the building and to provide the people of the country and of Dublin with an adequate bus terminus in a convenient place in the city. That argument, to my mind, is completely fallacious; it is built on a foundation of shifting sands, as it were. The Store Street premises will now have to be completed out of public funds. If the Minister never proposed to take over the premises and the Government allowed them to be completed to serve the purposes for which they were originally intended, the cost would still have to be met out of public funds.

Inasmuch as the transport of the country has been nationalised, the Exchequer is to be responsible for any loss or losses incurred in the running of our transport system, therefore the ultimate result would be just the same. If Córas Iompair Éireann were allowed to retain and complete the building it would be the same, from the point of view of the charge to the Exchequer, as if the Department of Social Welfare, as is now about to happen, were permitted to take over the premises and complete them for purposes for which they were not originally intended, that is, the housing of the Department staff.

The next amendment, I take it, will be largely bound up with this amendment, and since the Minister has adopted a certain line in the reply which he made to Deputy MacEntee's argument, I think it is relevant for me to impress on the Minister and the House the folly of altering the building from the purposes for which it was originally intended. The building was first erected, as the country and the world probably know, for the purposes of a bus terminus. The ground floor in particular was peculiarly adapted to the purpose of housing and manipulating crowds and queues and the parking of buses. It is difficult for a layman to see how the Minister at this stage is going to convert the ground floor into offices suitable for the running of his Department. It is understandable in the circumstances, I suppose, for the Minister to ensure that the Minister for Finance will have no say whatever in the way he is going to alter these premises until such time as he can be reasonably assured that they will be finished. Apparently he is giving himself plenty of time when he inserts in the Bill the date 1st July, 1954. That in itself indicates to me that a tremendous difficulty will have to be faced, not only in procuring the money — I take it the Minister will use the fund that is now to be placed at his disposal — but also in the actual drawing up of the conversion plans and schemes. The magnitude of that task is apparent from the Minister's own admission as, I take it, that it will take possibly until 1st July, 1954, before this conversion can be proceeded with.

Apart from the folly, as I term it, of changing the character of the building to something for which it was never intended, I think the principle that the Minister for Finance is the Minister responsible for the expenditure of public moneys — moneys got no matter how: by way of taxation, by way of insurance contributions paid by the public, or by way of investment of their hard-earned savings — is a principle recognised in all democratic countries. The purport of the amendment is to ensure that the proper Minister will still be responsible for the expenditure of public moneys in this case. Apart altogether from that, I think that any responsible member of the Opposition, with a common duty to the people of the country, must realise the farce of letting people queue up in all kinds of conditions and circumstances, in unpleasant surroundings, open to adverse weather conditions, be they extremely hot or extremely cold. It is about time something practical was done to enable those people to get the treatment they should get from a Government that professes to be so considerate of their needs. The alternative, of course, is to delay the provision of adequate premises, but so long as the Minister for Social Welfare himself will have complete control of the purse in this case, the undemocratic principle of precluding the responsible Minister from having his full and final say in it I think is reprehensible and one that should be resisted on all possible occasions.

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted and 20 Deputies being present,

We have been over this ground already, and I do not think there is anything more to be said unless we want to have an interminable debate on a matter on which, clearly, there are two points of view. The object of the amendment is to restrict the freedom which the section gives to utilise certain moneys for the purpose of purchasing and equipping the premises now known as the Store Street building. I explained on the Second Stage, and on this and other sections of the Bill, that the object is to enable the Store Street premises, which looked like becoming a derelict building in the city, to be purchased for use as Government offices, to be paid for from invested funds, the State itself repaying to the fund a sum of money not less than the interest which these invested moneys are at present producing. It was desired by the Government that, instead of having to go, from time to time, to the Department of Finance to get authority for this, that and the other piece of work, the Minister in charge of the Department would be entitled to take certain action, and to act within a certain broad authority, between July, 1949, and July, 1954, so that vexatious delays would not take place in the purchase of the existing building, in the completion of contracts for the additional work which has to be done, in the equipment of the building and its conversion for use as a public office. The Government's line has been to give the Minister in charge power to do that.

The amendment seeks to deprive the Minister of these powers and to make it necessary that he should get sanction at each stage. The Minister for Finance, who is concerned in this Bill with the Minister for Social Welfare, is of opinion that, having regard to the problems to be dealt with, the Minister for Social Welfare for the time being ought to be able to exercise these powers prudently, and the section simply ensures that he will be enabled to do so. Now, as I have said, all aspects of this matter have been discussed already, and I do not think there is much that one can usefully add at this stage.

This is a typical example of the position to which the unfortunate Minister for Finance has been reduced under this Coalition Government. There was a time when the Minister for Finance held a key post in the Cabinet.

That is when you were there?

No, but when I and my predecessors and my successors were there, there was a time when he knew exactly where he stood, and when he knew whether he spoke for the Government or not in financial matters. All that, of course, has disappeared. The Minister for Finance himself admitted, in the discussion on the Vote on Account, that he was not quite certain who expressed the financial policy of the Government, whether it was the Minister for External Affairs or the Tánaiste or the Minister for Finance himself. When challenged on that point, the Minister for Finance said:—

"It is not for me to say, but I might be taken to do so."

Here is a clear indication of a case where, undoubtedly, the Minister for Finance is not going to be taken to do so; here is a case where moneys, coming into the possession of the Minister for Finance, are saddled with obligations and commitments which the Minister for Finance will have to discharge at the taxpayers' expense henceforward, and, yet, when it comes to spending those moneys, the Minister for Finance has got nothing whatever to say in regard to them.

The Tánaiste, when speaking on this Bill on the 4th of May last, as reported at column 1844, misled the House as to the position of the Minister for Finance in relation to other moneys which are dealt with under the Hospitals Act — the Hospitals' Trust Funds. He tried to set up the same analogy between the moneys with which we are now dealing and those which are under the control of the Minister for Local Government under the Hospitals Act of 1934 and subsequent Acts. Now, I say the Minister tried to mislead the House. I do not say that he deliberately misled the House, because I think the Minister was quite ignorant of the nature of the Hospitals' Trust Funds. The Hospitals' Trust Funds are not public moneys; they are not raised by taxation, and they do not represent an accrual of income upon investments which the Minister for Finance may hold in trust either for certain departmental funds or for the State as a whole. Their nature is quite different. They are moneys which have accumulated, not as a result of governmental activity, but as the result of an institution which was originally established — it is true under the authority of this House — by private interests as a voluntary organisation to help our voluntary hospitals. All that the Hospitals' Trust Funds did was to regularise the trust.

Now, those moneys are to be differentiated from the fund which is now being handed over to the Minister for Finance in this way by this fact, that the Hospitals' Trust Funds do not involve the Exchequer, or the State, in any commitment whatsoever, and so long as the Minister for Local Government sees that these funds are used by the hospitals concerned and by the Hospitals' Committee for the purpose for which they were provided, there is no further obligation on him or the State except, as I have said, to see that they are distributed equitably between one hospital and another. That is not the position here. As I said at the outset, the Minister for Finance does not take the National Health Insurance Fund over free of all obligation. He takes over the assets of that fund, but he also takes over the charges upon it. He takes over liability for any charge which may fall upon it in the future by reason of the benefits to which the members of the national health insurance scheme are entitled in return for the contributions which they have paid.

There is no use in the Tánaiste getting up and, wittingly or unwittingly, misleading the House by the sort of analogy which he tried to draw on the previous occasion. The position is altogether different. Despite what the Tánaiste has said, in this Bill we are doing something unprecedented. The Tánaiste has had considerable time to consider this matter since the amendment was first put down. Although, as I said, I am speaking subject to correction because I am not familiar with every statute on the Statute Book, my recollection is that there was never before a proposal on all-fours with this one, never before a proposal to take over a fund which involved the State in contingent liabilities and, in doing that, to oust the control of the Minister of Finance entirely over the expenditure of these moneys. That is what is happening here.

If this amendment goes through the Minister for Social Welfare may spend the whole of the moneys in this fund upon that building. He may provide himself with a hall of mirrors, similar to what I understand the Minister for Agriculture has already provided himself with in the Department of Agriculture where he may admire himself and rehearse his orations before he delivers them in the Dáil. I am told that that is a common practice in the Department of Agriculture now. The Minister may put golden knobs on every door in this new building and, as the matter stands, the Minister for Finance cannot say nay. These are the sort of things the Minister can do from now on until 1st July, 1954. These moneys appear to be under his control to dispose of them as he likes.

That is not the way in which the finances of this State should be managed. Hitherto, it has been the invariable procedure, before public moneys can be spent on anything, that the assent of the Minister for Finance must be secured. That is essential if the taxpayers are to be protected. It is a salutary procedure which experience has taught us to be very necessary and very essential. Now we are going to throw the whole thing overboard. The Tánaiste is too proud to humble himself and go to the Minister for Finance and say: "I want to spend £500,000 more decorating this building; will you agree?"

What is it that differentiates the Minister for Social Welfare from any other Minister? If one turns to the Estimates now being discussed in detail by the Dáil and looks at the Estimate for Public Works and Buildings, he will see there a huge sum — I think it runs to £1,800,000 — to be devoted to the construction of new works and the erection of new buildings. In not one single instance has any Minister been able to secure the consent of the Minister for Finance to undertake these new works or erect these new buildings without there being, on the part of the Minister for Finance, continuing supervision over the expenditure of the money.

The Minister for Finance operates in these instances through his Parliamentary Secretary and the Commissioners of Public Works. The expenditure of public money on the construction of new buildings or the reconstruction or alteration of other buildings is subject to the consent of the Minister for Finance. Why should the Tánaiste be in a completely different position? If it is right that the Minister for Agriculture should secure the consent of the Minister for Finance, why should not the Tánaiste be put in the same position? If the Minister for Defence, before spending money on the Army, has to secure the assent of the Minister for Finance for the expenditure he is about to undertake, why should not the Tánaiste in regard to the expenditure which he desires to undertake on this building? I cannot see any reason why an exception should be made in this case and I am perfectly certain that the Tánaiste will not be able to adduce any sound and convincing reason why he should be regarded by the Dáil and by the Minister for Finance as more trustworthy in regard to the expenditure of public moneys than any one of his colleagues.

The real importance of this provision in this Bill is that it is the thin edge of the wedge. Once permission has been granted in relation to the Minister for Social Welfare, it is difficult to see how that permission can be refused in the case of any other Minister and, ultimately, the position will be that every Minister will be able to spend public money regardless of what the Minister for Finance, who is responsible primarily to the House for the management and control of public moneys and the solvency of the State, may have to say in the matter.

It is an extraordinary thing that the people who were telling the electorate a couple of years ago that expenditure was getting out of hand, that it was necessary to tighten up, that it was necessary to curb the extravagance, as they used to say, of the then Fianna Fáil Administration, are the people who come before the House with a proposal of this sort. The Fine Gael Party, at any rate, cannot reconcile this proposal with any of the declarations which they made when fighting the election or any of the pledges which they gave to their constituents. I think it is a most dangerous proposal, and I hope the Tánaiste, on reconsideration, will withdraw it.

I only intervene to correct some palpable misunderstandings on the part of Deputy MacEntee. I almost beseech the Deputy not to allow himself to be carried away by the illusory lure of his own silver tongue. Gold knobs on the doors of the Store Street building and creating a hall of mirrors there are probably foibles against which Deputy MacEntee might not be able to hold himself in check if he had the administration of these funds, but intelligent people will know that nobody contemplates getting into the realms of daftness to such a degree as Deputy MacEntee visualised as a possibility if certain people had their hands on the money. Store Street is going to be completed and utilised as a public building. Nobody will be allowed to develop the artistic tastes of which the Deputy drew a word picture a few moments ago.

Let us approach this matter in a realistic way. I have already explained that this building will be purchased and utilised as a public department. We want to do that as speedily as possible, firstly, because it is an eyesore at present and, secondly, because those responsible for the erection of the building had no money to complete it. Headquarter offices for a public department are required and it is desired to purchase these premises and equip them in the shortest possible space of time without any of the vexatious restrictions which Deputy MacEntee ought to know are inseparable from trying to complete a building of this kind, having regard to the condition in which it is now. This is purely a matter of procedure and of doing whatever appears to be the most sensible thing. The Government view is that this is a sensible approach to the problem. The national health insurance funds were used to buy Arus Brugha in O'Connell Street. There is nothing new in that. Under the 1911 Act, the Minister for Social Welfare has power to invest moneys in certain types of securities and they are not all of the stock type of security in which the Minister for Finance is compelled to invest his moneys. What we are doing, therefore, in connection with Store Street is exactly what was done in connection with Árus Brugha, that is, we are investing moneys in a building which will be an asset to the funds of the society and no loss whatever will be suffered by the investor. That is the simple story. No attempts at embellishment by Deputy MacEntee for the purpose of misrepresentation will alter that cold fact. One would think the power given to the Minister for Social Welfare in this section was a power to do what he liked with the money — as if, in fact, the Comptroller and Auditor-General were not there to ensure that the funds were spent properly and that nothing in the nature of misfeasance occurred. So far as the Minister for Social Welfare is concerned, his only aim in this matter is to get that building completed and purchased and staff transferred into it so that it will be available for the administrative machine which it will contain to implement the comprehensive social security scheme. Deputy MacEntee says that the Hospitals' Trust funds are not State Funds.

They are not public moneys.

The Minister had better ask the Dáil.

These funds are funds which would normally be brought to the credit of the State. There is a device in operation by which the Minister for Health operates these accounts.

I say yes. If you want an example, what we are doing here could be said to exist already in connection with the Hospitals' Trust Funds. But even apart from that, I understand that a Department of Industry and Commerce section was set up and its purpose was to act independently of the Commissioners of Public Works from the point of view of carrying out the work of the erection and the technical equipment of airports and, again, the aim was speed in that instance — and speed is the target in this instance also. It has already been well recognised that the procedure which is adopted here is one designed to facilitate the speedy attainment of the objective in view. That is the sole purpose of this particular provision. Viewed in that light, I do not see on what grounds there can be reasonable opposition to it.

I do not want, by intervening in this debate, to share in the waste of time which Deputy MacEntee is undoubtedly indulging in in the hope that by the time he has finished speaking on this amendment the necessary number of Deputies on his side of the House will have arrived by the Cork train in Kingsbridge. I was interested to hear Deputy MacEntee talk so eloquently, and nobody can talk more eloquently than he can, about the importance of the key position held by the Minister for Finance in any Government established by this House. He went on to elaborate on that. He more or less tried to convince Deputies on this side of the House that the Minister is seeking to do something in the proposals in the section of this Bill which is contrary to the Constitution and in conflict with the customary practice. I wonder if Deputy MacEntee was in the House last Thursday night when the majority of the members of the House heard the Minister for Finance reading out portion of a most important file, when he was concluding the debate on the Budget. The Minister pointed out that at a particular period in the history of the late Government, in which Deputy MacEntee had the key position at the time, proposals were put forward for the provision of palatial buildings for a new Parliament and for the housing of the increasing number of civil servants, proposals which, at that particular period, before he left office, were estimated to cost over £11,000,000. The Minister for Finance of this Government read out from a file the arguments put forward by Deputy MacEntee when he was Minister against the carrying out of such a costly scheme. What has he to say to his colleagues who refused to accept his point of view? How can he relate that, even if his argument were in any way sound, with the kind of argument he is advancing in the statement he has just made? I wonder if he would tell the House and the innumerable friends he has amongst his Fianna Fáil supporters in the country whether it is for reasons of that kind that he got out of the Department of Finance and got the junior post in the last Government?

I think we cannot allow Deputy Davin's contribution to go without making a few observations on it. I do not quite understand what the memorandum to which the Minister for Finance recently referred when he quoted part of the observations of the then Minister for Finance on a project, back in 1935, for Government buildings, has to do with the present measure. At any rate, the Minister for Finance should at least have placed the full memorandum and the full facts before the House. In any event, the fact of the matter is that the particular proposals were not proceeded with. Whether the Government of the day agreed or disagreed with the then Minister for Finance, the proposals were not gone ahead with. It was really only a red herring on the part of the present Minister for Finance to drag in the question in the Budget debate.

The Minister for Finance is the key Minister in the Government. The whole policy of the State revolves round the annual statement which we heard last week dealing with the State's financial position and the general trade and economic outlook of the country. As was pointed out, the Minister for Finance has a special responsibility, as guardian of the national finances, to see that proper supervision is exercised over the expenditure of Government Departments. He has the responsibility of ensuring that the expenditure is properly accounted for and that he is satisfied that it may take place. Anybody who has had experience of government knows that unless the Minister for Finance takes his responsibilities seriously the country will soon find itself in a very serious financial position. It does not matter what financial concern or what business enterprise you have, you must have control over the expenditure from day to day and the expenditure over the years.

When the Government of a country decide to go ahead—with a particular expenditure, well and good. But, even when the decision has been arrived at, the practice hitherto has been that the general implementation of the programme should be under the supervision of the Minister for Finance. That may be a good thing or a bad thing, but that has been the position. It is simply a proof of the complete lack of collective responsibility in the present Government — which has been so noticeable in public statements when Ministers have given utterance to opinions that could not be reconciled and that are directly antagonistic to one another — that they should now endeavour to carry this a step further from the public platform to the actual control of the administration of the country. It would be a strange thing, indeed, if the Dáil, as the ultimate authority in matters of national expenditure, should allow such an unprecedented step without having a word to say in regard to it.

When the airports were being constructed, special arrangements were made for the more rapid completion of the buildings, and I think that Deputies on this side of the House who were then responsible either for the Department of Finance or the Department of Industry and Commerce will agree with me that the usual control and supervision of the Minister for Finance was exercised during that period. If the Tánaiste or any other Minister, having got sanction from the Government to proceed with the building of some edifice in Dublin or elsewhere, is not satisfied that in the ordinary way of the setting of contracts by the Board of Works he would be able to get forward with his proposals in the required time, he may adopt another procedure, also having got the sanction of the Government for that course. In this case I do not think there is an analogy between the construction of the social security dwelling, or the Department of Social Welfare building, and the building of the airport at Collinstown. The position at that time was that this country had got an unique opportunity. The opportunity was there to be grasped and the transatlantic air companies concerned were not likely to hold their hands if they were not provided here with facilities to fall in with their arrangements.

What about the Civil Service palace?

If they were not provided here with facilities they might have made entirely different arrangements and gone elsewhere, if it suited their purpose. The Government of the day felt it their duty in the national interest to take such steps as were necessary, on the recommendation of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, to push forward with all speed and cut through what Deputy Donnellan, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Works, has described as the "oceans of red tape" with which the machinery in that Department has been, in his opinion, festooned, even since he took control of it.

What about the Civil Service palace of 1935?

We did not hear anything about it for years until the Minister for Finance, in an effort to dig up something from the records, produced it here. Whenever the question arises of Government buildings, we will be in a position to explain our attitude, and it is not merely a destructive attitude but a constructive one.

The Tánaiste has described the existing building as an eyesore. If he means an eyesore from the Government's point of view, it may mean a certain black eye here and there for members of the Coalition groups who are going to support the Government's new departure in regard to it. But if he means that it is an eyesore in any other way, I think he will not get very much agreement among informed opinion. Noted architects and judges of these matters have expressed admiration for this building as being an addition to the architectural features and, indeed, the architectural richness of the city. It was built, as Deputy Lynch pointed out, for a particular purpose. It was specially designed by an eminent Dublin architect as a bus station. Apparently, largely it was the fruit of a policy which had gone on under the previous Administration, but the present Government decided to scrap it for the purpose for which it was originally intended, and then they found they must devise some other means of utilising it.

I do not think there is such a violent hurry in connection with the establishment of the Department of Social Welfare in a new building. Is it not the position that in the existing building, Árus Brugha, there is considerable accommodation? Why would that not be utilised? What is going to happen it, and what is the justification for taking over this building, which was planned entirely for a different purpose? There can hardly be the slightest doubt but that the reconstruction of that building for an entirely different purpose will probably cost as much, if not a great deal more, before it is completed than it has cost up to the present.

The position is that at present we are interfering — going back again to the technical aspect of Deputy MacEntee's amendment — we are restricting the Minister for Finance in the functions which have been hitherto accorded to him and in the responsibilities which have been placed upon him by law and by the Constitution in regard to the control and supervision of our national finances and we are placing no restriction upon the Tánaiste in this matter. He has not given, as far as I know, any information to the House as to the amount likely to be spent in completing this project, how long it is going to take, and what the advantages are going to be to the country generally and to the national interest, if we pursue the plan he has in mind. I think that, before the House gives the Tánaiste these unrestricted powers he is looking for, we are entitled to get a great deal more information than we have got from him up to the present.

The Tánaiste said that this was a similar procedure to what the National Health Committee had done in the past in the purchase of Árus Brugha. The Tánaiste appears to be forgetting that that was not a Government body; it was an independent body, working on the funds accumulated by subscriptions to the national health funds. Under this Bill, he is making national health and social welfare strictly a Government organisation. He has made the staff civil servants. He wants to deal with the funds in a different way from what Government funds have been dealt with in the past, and he tries to tell us the position is still the same, so far as the funds are concerned, as it was in the past. I do not know whether finance control is a good or a bad thing in the actual working of a Government. I can see that, if I were a Minister, I might often be very impatient of that control, but I think that, in the interests of the citizens and of the taxpayers generally, it is not right to give any Minister a free hand to do what he likes with these funds until 1st July, 1954, and that, so far as I can see, is what we are doing in this section. I do not think it is right from the point of view of the taxpayer, and, as a representative of the taxpayers, apart from Party, I could not support it.

Deputy Davin's forte is the introduction of red herrings, but I think he excelled himself this evening. Where the analogy exists between the statement read by the Minister for Finance some days ago as to a proposal for the spending of £11,000,000 on Government buildings, a proposal which was not adopted, and this proposal which the Minister tells us is not to be carried out in the ordinary governmental way, I cannot see. This much we know from what Deputy Davin said — I did not hear the statement by the Minister for Finance — that the proposal was not approved by the Cabinet and did not go any further. Here the proposal is to put some millions into the hands of a Minister, and, judging by the way things have been going for the past few years, it is quite on the cards that there will be no funds left, that up to the full extent of these funds may be spent by 1954. We will have no control and I do not think we could possibly agree to the proposition.

It is typical of the improvident attitude with which members of the Coalition approach the disbursement of public funds that Deputy Davin should have referred to this debate as a waste of time and should have made a jocose reference to the Cork train. We all know that Deputy Davin is an authority on trains and transport and I suppose that, when the Transport Bill has been signed, we shall have the transport of the country under his direction. Then the Cork train will arrive here much more promptly and it will not be necessary for the Deputy to make the jibe he made here about the Cork train. We are not concerned about the Cork trains; what we are concerned about is the innovation in financial control which the proposals in sub-sections (2), (6) and (7) of this section represent. I am not a very strong authority, but I understand that Neptune is sometimes thought to be the father of fishes. After his intervention on the last occasion on 4th May and this afternoon, the Tánaiste might be described as the mother of red herrings, because there never was a more wasteful or more lavish display of red herrings in this House than that for which the Tánaiste has been responsible this afternoon.

He started off on the last occasion by referring to the Hospitals' Trust Fund and tried to cite it as a precedent for what it is proposed to do in this Bill. Let us see what it is proposed to do in the Bill. The Bill provides that when the fund is transferred to the Minister, the functions which the society had immediately before the transfer date will be transferred with it. Amongst these functions is the provision of the necessary benefits for those members of the society who, by reason of illness or disability, are entitled to them. Therefore, the liabilities as well as the assets of this fund are to transferred, not to the Tánaiste, but to the Minister for Finance, who will have to accept these liabilities and discharge them on behalf of the State out of voted moneys. I have already pointed out that there is no such commitment attaching to a single penny piece of the Hospitals' Trust Fund and therefore the precedent which the Minister sought to find in the Hospitals Act for what he is doing in this Bill does not exist. The analogy is destroyed and falls to the ground.

What is the position in relation to airport construction? I have here the Air Navigation Act, which consists of 103 sections. I challenge the Minister to get that Act of 1936 and point to a single section which contains any provision remotely resembling what is contained in Section 21 of this Bill. The Minister has chosen to come in here and ask the House to believe that what he proposes to do in this Bill was done by his predecessors in office. I say that is not true, and I challenge the Minister to prove that any provision of this sort is contained in any other statute of the Oireachtas. What did happen in relation to airport construction was that a great deal of time was occupied in discussions between the section in the Department of Industry and Commerce, which was responsible for the general physical planning of the airports, and the technical section in the Office of Public Works, the architectural and engineering sections, which were responsible for preparing the plans to give effect to the policy agreed on in the Department of Industry and Commerce. In order to save time, the Government decided that what is now proposed to be done in relation to the various sections of the Department of Social Welfare should be done in relation to the sections concerned with airport planning and construction in these two Departments and they brought together the technical men and set up a special section in the Department of Industry and Commerce to which they appointed an airport engineer and airport architect. Both of them were on the staff of the Office of Public Works and they brought them over to the Department of Industry and Commerce, where they would be in touch with the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the permanent heads of the Department of Industry and Commerce, in order to discuss technical details. They never spent one penny piece on airport construction without securing the sanction of the Minister for Finance and there is nothing in this Air Navigation and Transport Act which states that in relation to these works the Minister for Industry and Commerce is not bound to secure the consent of the Minister for Finance. If there is, it is easy for the Tánaiste to point it out. He has had, since this debate opened on 4th May, almost a fortnight to find precedents to support what is being done in this Bill. He has not found them but, instead, he has tried to mislead the House by making it appear that what was done in relation to airport construction is on all fours with this.

It is very important that we should know where we are going in this matter because Section 11 of this Bill provides that, as well as taking over the fund, every debt and other liability of the society which existed immediately before the transfer day shall on that day become and be a debt or liability of the Minister and shall be discharged by him out of the fund. Therefore, this expenditure becomes a debt or a liability upon the Minister for Finance. Why is the Minister for Finance going to be ousted? Why is he going to be thrown out of the window when liabilities will be contracted for which he will be ultimately responsible? He will not be responsible personally, we know. The Dáil will be responsible and, through the Dáil, the taxpayer because, if by any chance, the assets of this fund are dissipated in wilful and extravagant building or reconstruction, it is the Dáil, the taxpayer, who will have to make good the deficiencies.

That is the reason why we think, at any rate, that it is very important that the position of the Minister for Finance as the watchdog for the taxpayer should be safeguarded. The taxpayer is not the income-tax payer. The taxpayer is the man who has to pay taxes on tobacco, entertainments, petrol, beer and spirits and the £15,000,000 odd that is now being collected every year in taxes on clothes, furniture, boots, shoes and articles of everyday use in the households of the people. It is the particular job of the Minister for Finance, therefore, to ensure that no extravagance will be committed by the Tánaiste as Minister for Social Welfare which will ultimately impose an obligation on the taxpayer to made good any deficiences in this fund.

We heard a great deal from Deputy Davin about a proposal which was going to cost £2,500,000 in the year 1935. Perhaps it might be more ad rem on the section, but since the Deputy has mentioned it, and it is fresh in the minds of the Deputies who heard it, may I say this in relation to that particular scheme, that there was a time, when the Tánaiste and Deputy Davin were in opposition, that they used to be pressing, at least, they used to pretend they were pressing, that it was the job of the Government to provide a pool of public works, not to be carried out immediately but to be held in reserve as a remedy against widespread unemployment which was sure to accompany an economic depression? They used to say that the Government should plan ahead, that it was desirable that the Government should have a number of large-scale projects on the shelf which would give employment in time of need when unemployment was dire and rife.

However, this particular proposal was going to cost £2,500,000. It was going to be spread over a great number of years. It was going to be done in instalments, one building now, as the need arose, and as the unemployment situation demanded. What is this building going to cost? We have not heard. The Tánaiste has not given us a single figure in relation to it. What is this building going to cost to purchase it in the first instance? Can the Tánaiste give a figure for that? Can the Tánaiste tell us now what this building is going to cost to buy in its present unfinished state or, does he not know or, does he not care, and, when it is bought, what is it going to cost to destroy the original plan of that building in order to mould it to the Tánaiste's dream? Can we get figures for that? Can we be told what in fact is the burden that will be imposed on the fund when the Tánaiste's desire to grab this building and to divert it from it original use is put into effect? This, perhaps, will arise more relevantly on the section itself, but it has a bearing on the amendment now before the House, because we are entitled to know what is the probable extent of the liability of the fund, in relation to this building, and, ultimately, of the liability of the Minister for Finance — a liability in regard to the incurring of which he is not going to be able to say a word. I am glad Deputy Davin has come back again.

I am glad Deputy Davin has come back again, because I did say, when the Deputy was out of the House, and I want to say it now to his face, that it certainly indicates the completely reckless way in which the Deputy regards the expenditure of public money to describe this debate as a waste of time. For the first time in the whole history of the legislation of this House, a proposal is being introduced which is going to throw the Minister for Finance out of the window, and Deputy Davin's concern about the position of the taxpayers and about the expenditure of public moneys is to say that it is a waste of time to discuss it. That is the Deputy's attitude, but he will go down to Leix-Offaly and he will talk about the extravagance of Fianna Fáil——

The Civil Service palace you had in mind.

And he will talk about the Cork train.

He will not talk about the train to Mallow.

He will talk about the Cork train. I understand that in a little while the Deputy will retire from the Dáil and will be running the Cork train or helping to run the transport system. I hope that, when he does, he will run them efficiently.

And that you will not miss any more trains.

The Deputy never tried to miss anything in his life. We know that.

Let us come to the amendment now.

The Deputy does not miss much now.

We should not miss the amendment.

The only thing I do hope for the Deputy's sake is that we will soon be missing his appearance in the House, when he will be translated to a more lucrative and more responsible position.

You have done your best to bring that about on several occasions.

I hope it will be a more lucrative and less onerous position. I would like to remind the House how the existing procedure in relation to financial control was described by the Tánaiste. He referred to it as a vexatious procedure. The Minister who was going to grab the Store Street building and spend £1,000,000, £1,500,000 or £2,000,000 upon it, regarded it as highly vexatious that he should have to go to the Minister for Finance, who would have to accept contingent liability in connection with the fund when he takes it over, and ask him to agree that the spending of the money of the National Health Insurance Fund on what Deputy Davin would describe as "a super-palatial building" was justified. The Minister referred to that as a vexatious procedure; I think it is a very salutary procedure. In view of the fact that the Budget is now £107,000,000 one of the most important things from the point of view of public interest is that the Minister for Finance should again be put in control of public expenditure.

If this matter was not so serious from the viewpoint of the members of the National Health Insurance Society whose money it is, the whole thing would be rather amusing. The Minister stated on May 4th, column 1840 of the Official Reports:—

"This matter was approached in a reasonable and matter of fact way. This building in Store Street had been ordered by a bankrupt undertaking which could not pay for it."

It would be very interesting to know how much money there is in the Department of Social Welfare to pay for it if the Minister had to depend absolutely and entirely on the amount of money at his disposal just now. Instead of doing as Córas Iompair Éireann did, planning for the future, hoping for the best, and putting up with an act of God in 1947—it was an act of God in 1947 which put Córas Iompair Éireann in such an unfortunate position — the Minister comes along and says: "I am not going to borrow money. I am not going to ask the Minister for Finance to raise it by taxation."

He is going to take without any authority from the members some millions of pounds — we know not how many — of the funds of the National Health Insurance Society. There are a number of people in this country, many of them I am sure in a position to judge, who say and believe that his present premises with some extensions would be quite good enough and quite big enough to hold the staff required for the purpose of administering this Bill. The Minister states that a precedent has been made by the purchase of Árus Brugha. I do not know what the cost of it was, but I am sure it was infinitesimal compared with the cost of the Store Street building. It probably cost some thousands, but now we are going to have some millions. It is quite obvious that the main purpose of the Minister's decision is to come to the rescue of the Minister for Finance and to save him, or rather Córas Iompair Éireann, from having to complete that building for the purpose for which it was constructed.

The functions of the society do not include all the functions of the Department of Social Welfare and we find that the Department of Social Welfare as a whole will be installed there. It will be very interesting to know the amount, if anything, which the Minister for Finance will refund to the National Health Insurance Society in consideration of the housing of the staffs of the old age pensions appeals department, the widows' and orphans' pensions department and the unemployment exchange officials.

The Minister made a statement which I can scarcely follow when he said that this Store Street building will be an asset to the funds of the National Health Insurance Society. If the Store Street building is the monstrosity that the members of the Government Parties have led us to believe, I ask any sensible man how a monstrosity purchased at a colossal price could be an asset to the funds of the National Health Insurance Society. Deputy Davin referred to the buildings proposed by the previous Government. When I saw Deputy Davin getting up I thought he was going to support this amendment because I thought he should. There is a difference between proposed expenditure of £11,000,000 and proposed expenditure when we do not know what the amount is.

Ten million pounds.

It could be £15,000,000, because to convert a monstrosity into something good and useful is not going to be an easy matter, as far as finance is concerned. I do not know if it is a monstrosity. I am accepting the word of the Government Parties. There is a difference between the building to which Deputy Davin referred and the present proposal in regard to Store Street. There was no mention, I take it, in the file produced by the Minister for Finance that the money to pay for that £11,000,000 or £10,000,000 proposal was going to come out of the pockets of the members of the National Health Insurance Society. It was going to come, as it should, from the pockets of the taxpayers or from the Central Fund. I hope that some Government some day will have the courage to put some of those buildings together instead of having every Deputy in this House who desires to represent his constituency going from the South Circular Road to Glasnevin every day of the week. When that happens I sincerely hope that it will not be the result of taking over funds in such a way that there might appear to be a grave danger — as there appears to be now — that it is an unconstitutional act. I do not know if the Minister can quote authority for it, but I doubt very much if he can. I think he should satisfy the House about his statement that the building is going to be an asset to the society's fund. Again, he said that it looked like becoming derelict a little over two years ago. It was in course of construction, and everybody looked up to it as something which further added to the beauty of Dublin, as well as being a grave necessity. Now, the Tánaiste says it looks like being derelict. I think he has condemned his own garment in no small way when he admits that Store Street appears now to be becoming derelict.

I add my voice to those raised in an effort to save the Tánaiste from himself. I am satisfied he would have attacked this proposition vigorously if it had been brought before the House three years ago — and he would have been justified in doing so. The Minister for Finance is a keyman in the Government. It is very desirable that a Minister should have beside him someone who would act in the capacity of a brake. The Tánaiste himself would regard this particular section as an undemocratic one, and would have attacked it, so I cannot understand the motives which actuate him in defending it so vigorously this evening. I would strongly appeal to him to reconsider his attitude generally in his opposition to the amendment. It is an amendment which every Minister of the State would be prepared to abide by, inasmuch as it would be a certain protection to a Minister to be in a position to say that, while he himself approved of a particular project, he could not secure the approval of his colleague, the Minister for Finance.

When Deputy Davin referred to the Minister for Finance as having recited a record of the proceedings of a former Government some years back, he was, to my mind, paying a compliment to that Government. In the first place, it shows how the records of the decisions of that Government were preserved. It shows how the then Minister for Finance defended the position which he occupied, being there to protect public funds, and if he did not agree with the particular project that was then being discussed — his beliefs may have arisen from the fact that he deemed that particular project at that particular time and the expenditure of money on it at that particular time as inopportune — it only goes to prove that the then Minister for Finance was carrying out the functions for which he had been appointed. I think it was foolish of the Minister for Finance to have read out such a record, and I think it is equally foolish for Deputy Davin to have referred to it.

It might make peculiar reading if the records of the present Government and the decisions which took place at some of its meetings could be recorded here in the Dáil to-day. I am sure that the various Parties in the Government have put up, from time to time, propositions which they fully believed in but which were turned down by other members of the Government for financial or other reasons. What the purpose is in bringing that into the discussion I find it very difficult to understand.

I say in all sincerity that I believe the Minister to be a genuine democrat, a man who believes in democracy. If democracy means anything, surely it means that no one individual should be given the right to make a decision regarding finances secured from the public through one means or another. In his own interest, apart from the interest of the public, I would strongly appeal to the Minister to accept the amendment tabled here to-day.

I do not wish to delay the discussion at this stage, or to be attacked by people like Deputy Davin for trying to hold up the business of the Dáil, since Deputy Davin has the type of mind which thinks Deputies talk with some other motive than that shown by what they say. From the general point of view, the position has been very well argued, but from the particular point of view we are dealing with now I do not think the Minister should be trusted, since when discussing this business the last day he made two specific statements:— (1) "I am going to take that building", and (2) "I do not know what it will cost". Imagine a Minister of State, about to administer the funds owned by the insured people, saying he is determined to take a place though he does not know what it will cost. There should be someone to control that. He should accept the amendment, so as to give the Minister for Finance some control over how the Minister is going to spend this money.

Deputy Dr. Ryan says the Minister for Social Services does not know the bill, though he is going to take the building. I do not know, any more than Deputy Dr. Ryan would know what his new suit will cost in 1951, since he has not yet given the order. I am in precisely the same position, as orders for some portion of this building have not yet been placed.

Some portions?

The Deputy has some technical qualifications and I hope he will at least show that he knows what he is talking about and not misunderstand technical matters as he has misunderstood and muddled administrative matters. I will say it slowly for the Deputy. I am taking over this building, as it stands, from Córas Iompair Éireann.

At how much?

We propose to pay——

Will the Deputy stop always being a problem impetuous child in this House? Let us have some evidence of a dawning maturity, however far away the dawn may be. I am taking over this building. Everybody knows the condition it is in down there. No bleached elephant that Deputy MacEntee ever conceived could be more hideous than it is as it stands at the moment.

There it is. I propose to take over this building and pay Córas Iompair Éireann what they have paid so far on its construction. That will depend to some extent upon the day upon which the agreement is signed with Córas Iompair Éireann. The day on which we take over the Store Street premises we will know the exact cost of the premises — that is, the cost that will have been met by Córas Iompair Éireann in carrying the building thus far. Is not that quite clear? The building must then be finished. Contracts must be entered into. Tenders must be invited. The architect will have to advise as to the precise nature of the work to be undertaken. He will invite tenders for the work. They will have to be examined as to suitability and acceptability. We will then know how much we shall have to spend in order to complete the job. How could anybody tell, having bought a half-finished outfit of the kind that is now adjoining the quayside, what it will cost to complete that outfit until such time as tenders have been accepted? That is the position I am in in connection with this building. The day we seal the agreement we will know what we shall have to pay. The remaining cost we will know when we get the tenders. It is because the architect has not advised and the tenders have not yet come in that I do not know what further work will be necessary and I cannot, therefore, say what the total cost will be.

Whatever it is, you will take the building. Whatever the price you will pay for it.

Whatever the price, I will take it.

That is what you said.

The architect will be told to do certain things. He will be told the limits of our financial capacity to do these things. Should the architect think that the building would look nice with a dome on it, he will be told that he must do without the dome. A certain sum of money will be available. Unnecessary embellishments will be cut out. As soon as we have bought the premises we will control, from day to day and week to week, the expenditure on it, since we will know the contracts into which we are entering.

But the Minister for Finance will not be allowed to have a say in this.

I do not think he will be so wholly dense as to what is being done as the Deputy has been in his examination of this Bill. I think it is perfectly clear what will happen.

Perfectly clear!

Córas Iompair Éireann reckoned this would cost approximately £1,000,000. The cost will be in the vicinity of £1,000,000. Additional expenditure may be involved in doing certain things, but to offset that, there will be savings in other directions. Córas Iompair Éireann planned on a millionaire pattern. We will not need some of the equipment. The order for that equipment will be cancelled or the equipment sold and the money will be diverted into a more useful channel. I still think that £1,000,000 will be round about the cost when the building is satisfactorily finished as a Department of Social Welfare headquarters. Deputy Derrig and Deputy Davern said the building would be used for a purpose for which it was not intended. Córas Iompair Éireann started off with a bus depot to house buses and accommodate long-distance passengers. If they had sense enough to stop at that they might to-day have their Store Street premises. According as their funds went down their ambitions went up, and having started with a one-storey building, they then proceeded to put five storeys on top of what they originally intended to construct.

And the Tánaiste proposes to add a dome.

I said that if any crazy technician attempts to advise me in that direction I will cut the discussion very short. All expenditure on this building will be controlled and regulated. None of the patterns which the Deputy introduced in the Custom House when he was there will be allowed to soak up money when we come to equipping this building. The Deputy knows the flights of fancy in which he indulged in the Custom House.

I am not aware of them.

From bells to announce his arrival to bells to announce his departure.

The bells were there before I came and they were there after I left.(Interruptions.)

The Minister for Social Welfare.

The bells were installed when the present Minister for Education was Minister for Local Government. That was a substitute for the fanfare of trumpets with which the Field-Marshal used to be met.(Interruptions.)

When this is over I should like to get on with the Bill.

Not satisfied with a single-storey building to provide accommodation for buses and long-distance passengers, Córas Iompair Éireann decided to put five storeys on top of that to provide administrative accommodation. When the bills began to come in for this extravagance they could not meet them. They decided that they had sufficient administrative accommodation as Kingsbridge. That was the situation presented to us.

Let us take the building as it stands. Every one of these five storeys will be used as administrative offices. The five storeys overhead are quite suitable for administrative offices since that is the purpose for which they were deliberately planned. The only adaptation is on the ground floor. It will be used as a large public office where all kinds of inquiries affecting the activities of the Department of Social Welfare can be made. It will be used for administrative work as well. It is ideally suited for that purpose.

The amendment we are discussing is why you want to kick the Minister for Finance out of the Bill.

I am answering the points made by Deputy Derrig and Deputy Davern which, presumably, were in order. I hope I have made the position perfectly clear. I do not think any difficulty will arise in adapting the ground floor for use as a public office. Deputy Davern said Árus Brugha was big enough. As a matter of fact it had to be enlarged some time ago either by the addition of another story or the projection of part of the building in a particular direction.

Árus Brugha holds only 300 people. The Store Street premises will be required to hold anything from 900 to 1,000 persons. Quite clearly, Árus Brugha could not possibly hold three times, or more than three times, its present staff. If the Deputy consults the staff of Árus Brugha and asks them what kind of life they picture for themselves if they get 700 more people concentrated in a building which at present holds only 300, he will get an answer which will at least induce some modification of his views as to the capacity of Árus Brugha to hold the staff which will be required in the new building.

I take it then that 1,000 people will be needed to administer national health insurance in the future?

No, not national health insurance. The Deputy should try to show some interest at least in what is going on. I have told the House that the Store Street building is intended to be the headquarters of the Department of Social Welfare. The Store Street building will deal, not only with national health insurance but with old age pensions, unemployment insurance, unemployment assistance, children's allowances and all these other sections. It will be utilised as central headquarters and the Department will be able to vacate many of the temporary offices which it at present occupies in different parts of the city. These can be utilised possibly for other public requirements or help to stop the inroads of the State in the acquisition of private property for public use.

So far as the Minister for Finance is concerned in this matter, I do not see that there is any need for Deputies to be solicitous of the Minister's interests nor does the Minister feel that he wants anybody to look after his welfare in this matter. There are available at the moment substantial sums of money, assets of the National Health Insurance Society, which are under the control, in some instances, of the Minister for Finance and, in other instances, of the Minister for Social Welfare. Quite a substantial amount of these funds are invested in British securities. In so far as the funds held by the Minister for Social Welfare are national health insurance funds, they are available for use on behalf of the National Health Insurance Society and the Minister for Finance in this matter acts merely as the agent of the Minister for Social Welfare and the trustees of the society.

Would the Tánaiste say how much of the national health insurance funds are invested in British securities?

In British securities there are £2.7 millions of national health insurance funds alone.

Invested in British securities?

Yes. The provision which we are making in the section to which objection is now taken, will give the Minister for Finance power in 1954 over funds in respect of which at present he has no power. So far from weakening the Minister for Finance in respect of whatever control he has at the moment in regard to these funds, he is being given responsibility entirely for these funds in 1954, a responsibility which he has not at the moment and the whole structure of this Bill is designed to enable the Minister for Finance to hold all the surplus funds on behalf of the National Health Insurance Society. There is, therefore, no need at all for the alarm which is being expressed for the interests of the Minister for Finance. In any case, the Minister for Finance in this matter was a consenting party to the arrangement, realising that if this scheme was to be got through quickly, it should be got through with a minimum of the delays which are inseparable from consultations between one Department and another. Nobody should know better how annoying these delays can be than those who have been Ministers in the past. Nobody knows how long these delays can be unless he has had experience of trying to get replies out of an authorising Department, with very little power to influence that authorising Department, even to deal with the thing speedily. I do not want this power. I shall shed it as soon as we have completed Store Street. I do not want to hold it until 1954. I shall shed the power as quickly as I can. My main idea is to get on with the job and to get it done quickly. When it has been done, I shall be finished with the power and I do not want to hold it any longer.

May I draw the attention of the House to the amendment which we are supposed to be discussing, that is, amendment No. 20 to sub-section (2) of Section 21? It provides for the deletion from the sub-section of the words "on or after the 1st day of July, 1954." It has nothing to do with domes on the Custom House, nothing to do with the circumstances of Córas Iompair Éireann, their financial condition or otherwise. What it is concerned with and what the Minister has evaded is: why is the Minister for Finance, in relation to the expenditure of this money, to be estopped from discharging the functions which he discharges in relation to expenditure for other ministerial purposes? That is the whole question. I said when I was last on my feet that the Tánaiste seemed to be the mother of red herrings. He reminds me of another denizen of the deep. There is a fish called the cuttlefish, or the devil-fish, and a peculiarity of it is that when it gets into difficulties it emits a black inky fluid which obscures its surroundings and in the muddy water it escapes. That is what the Tánaiste is trying to do. He has dealt with almost every point except the one point involved in the amendment: why should he want to free himself from the ordinary supervision and control which the Minister for Finance exercises over every colleague in the Cabinet? That is the point which the Tánaiste has not answered.

I gathered, so far as one can gather anything from what he said, that his reason was that he wanted to prevent somebody coming along and proposing to erect a dome on the Custom House. That is the most logical, the most concrete justification which the Tánaiste has given the House, for what he proposes to do in the Bill. It seems to me that it beggars description.

At the tail-end of his long and wearisome speech he said something which indicated that the delays involved in consulting his colleague, the Minister for Finance, were so prolonged that nothing could be done. He sits with the Minister for Finance in the Cabinet, I suppose, once a week, if not twice a week, and he can get him on the telephone. I suppose he has direct communication with the Minister for Finance as Tánaiste. If there are prolonged delays, who is responsible for them? Either the Tánaiste, on the one hand, because he is too indolent to approach the Minister for Finance personally, or the Minister for Finance, on the other hand, because he is not amenable and open to reason. There is one way in which that difficulty can be resolved. That is for one or the other to get out. If the Tánaiste believes that the Minister for Finance is unnecessarily obstructive, that he is holding up praiseworthy and laudable projects, why does the Tánaiste not say to the Taoiseach that unless the Minister for Finance becomes more co-operative the Tánaiste will be compelled to resign and that it is up to the Taoiseach to get another Minister for Social Welfare? That is one way in which this difficulty can be resolved, if, in fact, the difficulty exists. Of course, it is not a question of the Minister for Finance being unduly obstructive, but merely this: that the Minister for Finance, apparently, is endeavouring to put some curb on the Tánaiste's extravagant approach to this question of Store Street.

Now let us get back for a moment to another aspect of this amendment. As I say, it is germane to the discussion that we should have here some idea as to the extent to which the Minister for Finance was going to be prevented from exercising his proper function in relation to the expenditure of public money. I said that, for that purpose, the Tánaiste ought to give us some indication as to what it is going to cost at this present moment to purchase the Store Street building in its existing condition. I think most people would say that is a reasonable question to put to the Tánaiste. I think an ordinary businessman, if he were contemplating the purchase of a building, even an unfinished building, would be able to satisfy himself as to what it was likely to cost in its then existing condition. Apparently, that is far beyond the capacity of the Tánaiste. He comes along here and he evades that question by saying: "We do not know what it is going to cost because we do not know when the agreement is going to be signed."

But he has made up his mind to buy the building. It has never struck him, having made up his mind to do that, that he might now go and ask Córas Iompair Éireann, which is now a national concern that has been taken over by the State. The chairman, I think, is an officer in the Department of Local Government, but whether he is going to continue so or not I do not know. At any rate, he is not in the same building as the Tánaiste, but a colleague of the Tánaiste's, the Minister for Local Government, is in the same building, and do Deputies not think that the Tánaiste might ring up the Minister for Local Government and say: "Look here, please, can you find out for me at this moment how much Córas Iompair Éireann has spent on Store Street?" One would think that would be a very easy thing to do. It is what the ordinary businessman would do. He would not think there was anything unseemly or wrong in doing it, particularly if he had made up his mind to buy the building.

The Tánaiste, of course, cannot do that because he says there is work on the building still going on. All one can say is that that work must be going on in the bowels of the earth because, so far as anyone who passes Store Street can see, the building is derelict and all work on it has been suspended for months. If it should happen, however, that somebody is going around the building pushing away the cobwebs and putting on a little whitening on the glass to obscure it, surely, expenditure on an odd job of that sort is not so great that it is going to make any significant difference to the amount which the Tánaiste is eventually going to have to pay for Store Street. If he does not know the precise moment at which the agreement is going to be concluded and, therefore, cannot tell us the precise price, could he not tell us to within say £5,000 or £10,000?

Put down a question.

This question was raised before and it is not necessary to put down a question. The Tánaiste, having made up his mind to buy the building, ought to know the amount spent on the building at the date on which this Bill was introduced. Could he not tell us what was the amount Córas Iompair Éireann had expended on the building up to the date of the introduction of this Bill? I think he should be able to go even further, and tell us to within £5,000 or £10,000 what has been spent on the building up to this. It is reasonable, I think, to ask him to give us that information in order to enable us to decide whether we would be justified in acceding to the proposal in this Bill which removes the expenditure on this building from the control of the Minister for Finance.

If we had information as to the possible cost of the building, then we would know exactly the amount of latitude which we were giving to the Tánaiste in relation to the control of public funds. We would know the extent to which the proper functions of the Minister for Finance were going to be transferred to the Tánaiste. It seems to me just nonsense for the Tánaiste to get up here and withhold from the House information which, as a reasonable, intelligent man, he must have in his possession. The information may not be exact to the last 1d. or the last ¼d., but, surely, he does know to within £5,000 or £10,000 what this building is going to cost him in its existing condition. If he does not know that, then I do not think the House would be justified in conferring upon him unfettered power to disburse the moneys of this trust fund in whatever way he likes.

Deputy MacEntee has referred to the cost of Store Street. The Tánaiste has informed the House that the cost, so far as he knows, will be what it has cost Córas Iompair Éireann up to the present, plus the cost of reconstructing the lower portion of the building to make it suitable as administrative offices for the Department of Social Welfare. I think Deputy MacEntee's question is a fair one. He asked what the probable cost of this building is going to be. I find it hard to convince myself that the Tánaiste is as innocent as he tries to impress the House he is. Surely, the Tánaiste, before deciding to take over this building for his Department, had advice from some technical experts as to the amount of money which his Department should pay for its acquisition as well as the cost of its conversion into offices for use by his Department.

There should have been very little difficulty in the Tánaiste securing the necessary information as to the cost of the building up to the present which was the responsibility of Córas Iompair Éireann. There were well-known contractors carrying out the work under the direction of architects and engineers. There should have been perfect data as regards the progress made and the material. Some of the work may have been on contract; some of it may have been on time and material. The original job, I presume, was by contract, but, on a big job, a certain portion of it may develop into time and material due to architectural, engineering or structural changes. Even in that case, I think the Tánaiste was in a position to ascertain the actual cost up to the time he decided to take it over. There should have been no great difficulty in satisfying himself as to the actual sum.

With regard to the amount of money to be expended from this on to provide the necessary administrative accommodation in the under part of the building, as intended by the Tánaiste, surely before he decided to purchase the building he must have asked some of his technical advisers, architects, engineers or otherwise, to give him at least an approximate figure of the amount required to convert the under portion of the building into the type of offices which he required in order to provide the necessary accommodation. If the Tánaiste did not take these steps, the only conclusion the House can come to is that Córas Iompair Éireann or the Government decided that the building would not be used for the purposes for which it was intended and that the Tánaiste, in his charity and because there was a certain amount of money in the National Health Insurance Society's funds which he could take over, came along and said: "There is a way out. I will give you a way out. I will purchase this building without making any inquiries as to the cost up to the present or the future cost. I am prepared to buy a pig in a poke and I will relieve you of all your troubles in connection with this matter." The Tánaiste must have been influenced from that point of view. He made no effort to answer the questions put to him by Deputy MacEntee as to the cost. As a matter of fact, he has evaded the questions, and the only conclusion we can come to is that he was prepared to do the Good Samaritan and utilise the funds of the National Health Insurance Society to relieve Córas Iompair Éireann of the responsibility of having to pay for the "monstrosity", as he referred to it, in Store Street.

Question put: "That the words proposed to be deleted stand."
The Committee divided: Tá, 61; Níl, 52.

  • Beirne, John.
  • Belton, John.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Commons, Bernard.
  • Connolly, Roderick J.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Cowan, Peadar.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Davin, William.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Dunne, Seán.
  • Esmonde, Sir John L.
  • Everett, James.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Halliden, Patrick J.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Kinane, Patrick.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lehane, Con.
  • McAuliffe, Patrick.
  • MacBride, Seán.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • McQuillan, John.
  • Madden, David J.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, William J.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F. (Jun.).
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Roddy, Joseph.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Spring, Daniel.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Timoney, John J.
  • Tully, John.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • De Valera, Vivion.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Friel, John.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lahiffe, Robert.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, John.
  • McCann, John.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • ÓBriain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Thomas.
Tellers:— Tá: Deputies Doyle and Kyne; Níl: Deputies Kissane and Kennedy.
Question declared carried.

That decision, I take it, covers amendments Nos. 25 and 26.

Yes, I think so.

I take it that amendments Nos. 21 and 22 can be discussed together.

Yes. I move amendment No. 21:—

Before sub-section (3) to insert a new sub-section as follows:—

(3) Notwithstanding anything to the contrary contained in sub-section (1) of this section or in any enactment or law now in force, a payment shall not be made out of the fund for the purchase or acquisition, or in respect of expenditure by the Minister on the acquisition, of the premises, the property of Córas Iompair Éireann, at Store Street in the City of Dublin, planned and partly completed by Córas Iompair Éireann as a depot or station with all modern conveniences for long-distance omnibus passengers.

Anything that I can say on these amendments has already been said during the discussion of the previous amendment. I do not know how it got into it, but it did. My reason for putting down this amendment was to make a further effort to save the Store Street building and to enable it to be utilised for the particular purpose for which it was planned and constructed. I feel that the Government is making a grave mistake and that the Minister is making a mistake in acquiring the entirety of these premises. The conditions under which our long-distance bus travellers are compelled to assemble on the quays are exceptionally bad. So many people travel long distances now by bus that it is only right that there should be some accommodation for them. The Minister says that Store Street was planned and partially constructed by a bankrupt concern and that they had no money to complete this bus station.

It has already been indicated to the House that if this bus station is not to be completed, a bus station will be built in another centre, so that Córas Iompair Éireann, apparently, are going to spend money on the construction of a bus depot. I believe the amount that would complete Store Street now would be less than the amount required to build a bus depot or station in Smithfield or elsewhere in the city. It is not a very strong argument to say that Córas Iompair Éireann have no money to complete this bus station. If they have no money to complete the bus station, then they have no money to build a bus station, and if they have no money to build one, then bus passengers will have to look forward to years of the horrible conditions that they experience on the Dublin quays in this type of weather and also during the winter.

It is quite true that the Department of Social Welfare needs offices, and perhaps there might have been a reasonable compromise by which the Department would avail, either by renting or on some other system, the office accommodation in the five storeys above the bus depot proper. I put down this amendment to give the Minister and the Government an opportunity of further considering this whole matter.

The Minister indicates that of the funds under his control, the national health funds, there are £2.7 million invested in British securities and that approximately £1,000,000 of the money so invested will be withdrawn for the purpose of paying Córas Iompair Éireann and paying for the work necessary to complete Store Street as the headquarter offices of the Department. Of that £1,000,000 approximately one-half will be handed over to Córas Iompair Éireann — at least, I assume approximately half of it will be handed over to Córas Iompair Éireann to recoup them for money already expanded on the building. I do not know whether that is correct or not, but I assume that approximately that amount will be handed over. Probably that is the money that Córas Iompair Éireann are looking forward to obtaining for the purpose of building the other bus station that they propose to build elsewhere in the city. The rest of the money will be paid to contractors and for furniture, I presume, and furnishings.

Now, the whole arrangement seems to me to be unsatisfactory. It is unsatisfactory, in the first instance, that a building, designed and planned as this has been, is not completed. The Minister describes the building as an eyesore, with the qualification that it is in its unfinished state. But that can be said of any building in process of construction—that it does not look well and that it is an eyesore. I believe if that building were completed in accordance with the original plan and design it would be anything but an eyesore, that it would — and I understand this from people who are more competent to judge than I — in fact, be a thing of beauty rather than an eyesore. That part of it is unsatisfactory. It is unsatisfactory that this new Department of Social Welfare, planning as it is to carry out a comprehensive scheme of social insurance, should be responsible for preventing the construction and the completion of that very necessary bus depot. I think it is unsatisfactory that the many citizens residing in that area who understood that plans were prepared to make this bus depot, and who had expended considerable sums in modernising and developing their premises, should have had this expenditure for nothing.

The arrangement proposed in the Bill is that the Department of Social Welfare will pay out of the funds under their control this £1,000,000 for the building and that the Government will pay in respect of that a rent or an interest equivalent to what that £1,000,000 is earning now. As against that, a certain proportion of that interest will be retained in respect of facilities enjoyed by the national health section of the Department.

This is a very cumbersome and unsatisfactory method of public finance. The Department of Social Welfare is just in exactly the same position as any other Department of State and the office accommodation required should, in my view, be provided in exactly the same way as office accommodation for any other Government Department. I do not think we should introduce into Government Departments the very complicated system of finance, interest, etc., that is proposed in the Bill.

I should have imagined that the Department of Social Welfare might have considered the erection of a new building for itself. The erection of such a building as headquarters offices would provide employment, which in itself is a very good thing. The Department should have set out to build their own headquarters offices, constructed in accordance with the organisation of the Department and properly planned to deal with any possible development in the building. That would have been the ideal and proper thing for the Department to have done and the problem of Córas Iompair Éireann and Store Street should have been left to solve itself. In the particular area I represent, Dublin North East, there has been great disappointment with the change of decision and change of plan in regard to this Store Street building and I believe that that disappointment will make itself felt in a general election. I believe it is the duty and the responsibility of the Government to take note of developments such as that and I feel it is my duty to bring before the Minister and the Government the very strong feeling that exists in regard to it in the Dublin North East area.

I had hoped that, as a result of the discussions on the Transport Bill, as a result of the discussions on the Second Stage of this Bill and as a result of the propaganda in our newspapers in this regard, the Minister and the Government might have changed their views, and that even if the Department decided to acquire the whole building, they might have come to an arrangement by which Córas Iompair Éireann would be entitled to use the ground floor for the purposes of a bus depot. If that were done, it would be a reasonable way out of it and I think informed public opinion would expect the Government to do that. The Minister will have all the office accommodation he wants and bus passengers will have the amenities they want. They will have a room or rooms in which to rest while waiting for buses, instead of having to stand, as many of them have to stand, for long hours in all weathers on the quays of Dublin when preparing to travel on these long-distance buses from the city.

It is for that purpose that I put down these amendments. I know they will be defeated, but I hope that the discussion on them will have the effect of inducing a reconsideration of the whole matter. It is not a very big problem. It can be solved easily. It can be solved with a measure of goodwill on all sides. I see no reason in the world why the Minister cannot have all his office accommodation and Córas Iompair Éireann their bus depot, with everybody satisfied. I again earnestly appeal to the Minister to give consideration to the proposal which I make. If he does, it may be that this problem, which has aroused quite a lot of public interest, not only in Dublin City but all over the country, will be solved in a satisfactory manner. If so, I feel that I shall have achieved something by putting down these amendments.

I do not know whether Deputy Cowan's appeal will find any response on the Government Benches, but I should like to approach this matter, even at this late hour of its history, from the point at which it began. Before the change of Government, and in fact during the elections, one of the items acutely discussed and canvassed was this Store Street project. It was said that the erection of this building was further evidence of the extravagance of the then Government. It was with that approach that the new Government came into office and lopped off many items and knocked out of existence certain developments, in line with that approach. Some years have rolled by since the election and it is quite obvious that the Government has changed its tune in relation to most items which it previously criticised. That has been evidenced, as is well understood by the country as a whole, by the recent Budget.

May I add my voice to the appeal to the Minister to go a little further, and, forgetting previous speeches and expressions of opinion, to agree not to commit this injustice on the City and people of Dublin and on the travelling public in the rest of Ireland? I do not know whether the Minister appreciates the history of the adoption of this site for the building of a bus depot. It was a matter which was under review for a number of years by the Dublin Corporation, a matter which was considered and decided on in relation to other city developments. I do not know whether the Minister realises that there is to be an extra bridge across the Liffey east of Butt Bridge, or whether he realises that there was in contemplation with the erection of this building at Store Street the provision of new roads to divert traffic from the congested centre. I do not know whether he will admit that the relief of traffic congestion, the provision of comfort and convenience for the travelling public and the supplying of the needs of Córas Iompair Éireann, from its point of view, were all considered together and a deliberate decision come to that Store Street was the proper place, because of the other developments which were to go hand-in-hand with it.

We are now going to abandon, if these amendments are not carried, all that is implied in the building of the Store Street depot. I repeat for the Minister's benefit that another bridge across the Liffey is to be built east of Butt Bridge. We had hoped to build circular roads, to divert traffic further south and so relieve the congestion in the centre of the city. It was from the point of view of administration of the city that it was felt that this was the proper place for the Córas Iompair Éireann bus station. It is true what Deputy Cowan says that Córas Iompair Éireann recognised the need for a central bus station. They accepted the site, by direction of the Dublin Corporation. It was agreed by all authorities concerned, including the police, that this was the proper place. It was agreed by the Dublin Corporation that benefits would accrue to the city in the spending of moneys and in bringing reliefs to the City of Dublin for which people are crying, apart from the question of the bus station. All this is going overboard because members of the Government Party committed themselves during the election to a description of this building as wasteful extravagance.

Now we have a Department of Social Welfare and the Government says that Córas Iompair Éireann cannot go ahead at Store Street but must go somewhere else and that they will take this building for the Department of Social Welfare. I do not know whether Deputy Cowan's figures are correct or not. One must assume, when a figure is quoted and a statement is made in this House, that it is a statement of fact if the Deputy making the statement is not corrected. I accept what Deputy Cowan says.

He says that, from what he has gathered from the ministerial Department, the cost of this building will be approximately £1,000,000, that the £1,000,000 will be taken out of already invested moneys and that the interest at present accruing on that invested sum will come back to the benefit of the invested capital by way of a rental or something equivalent to a rental, payable by the Department. If that is so, if there is £1,000,000 invested in British securities, I take it it is invested at 3 per cent. What really will happen is that the Department of Social Welfare will clap on the back of its running expenses a rental of approximately £30,000 a year for the use of Store Street. If that is not extravagance, I do not know what is extravagance.

How do you make that out?

I have made it out in this way: Deputy Cowan stated that, as far as he could gather from the Social Welfare Ministry, this building, when completed, between what the Department of Social Welfare will have to pay to Córas Iompair Éireann to recoup them for moneys already expended, plus the finishing of the building, plus certain equipment to make it usable, would mean the expenditure of £1,000,000.

The Minister said that?

The Minister said it himself. I take it that that money is invested at approximately 3 per cent., maybe a little more. Let us assume it is 3 per cent. If the capital sum is to recover what it previously earned by investment, it means that the Minister must pay into the accounts of that particular Department a sum of approximately £30,000 or more per annum.

No. The Minister will receive the £30,000.

Yes, from the Department of Social Welfare. Who is going to pay it? The Minister is going to receive £30,000 to put into the fund, to make good what it would lose, since he has taken the £1,000,000 out of its present state of investment. I do not care what the Minister says, if the money is going to come from the State, it is still £30,000 per annum rental paid for that building. I say that is a most extravagant rental to have to pay for offices for the Department of Social Welfare. I am not adding to that rates or upkeep. The actual recoupment to this fund of the interest at present received will mean that the Minister must get from the taxpayers or from the people who contribute their portion that amount of money — £30,000 or over £30,000, per annum.

Is it not quite clear, as Deputy Cowan says, that such a Department should first of all design a building to suit its requirements, as nearly as it can anticipate them over, say, a period of ten to 15 years? Is not it reasonable to add to that that the location of this building should come into consideration side by side with the design of the building that is needed? Is the Minister taking the line that that is not necessary? This building was designed, in the downstairs portion, to handle large numbers of buses coming and going for 24 hours of the day, to cater for thousands of passengers and to meet all their requirements as travellers as far as possible. That part of the building will not be anything other than an absolute waste from the Minister's point of view. Are we to take it that the upstairs floors of offices will be worth £30,000 a year rental? I am sure that a building of the kind the Department of Social Welfare would require for offices could be built at a much less amount of money and could be located more conveniently for the staff and the public.

What is the total amount of staff to be housed? The Minister on one occasion gave the figure that he expected to have. I do not know that the Minister will be very comfortable in that building and I do not know that his staff will be comfortable going to and from their offices. I think the Minister should have taken away from the existing congestion there of people going to their work, such as in the case of the Custom House, by having his Department elsewhere. Ordinary traffic congestion in the City of Dublin will be worsened if Córas Iompair Éireann are to be forced to take this new site in Smithfield.

The Minister, apparently, has an absolute contempt for the views, knowledge and wishes of the public representatives from that area even in his own Party because every one of the public representatives of that area in the inter-Party groups, here in the House, or in the Dublin Corporation, is definitely of the opinion that the Government is making a very serious mistake in persisting in taking this building from Córas Iompair Éireann, particularly as far as the downstairs portion is concerned. If there is anything in the argument that the Córas Iompair Éireann staffs' offices could remain where they are and that two purposes could be served, that of Córas Iompair Éireann and that of the Social Welfare Department, then there might be something in the compromise suggestion which Deputy Cowan has made in connection with his amendments.

I have told the Minister before: by this move he is going to put back for years the progressive approach to the development of the City of Dublin. That is going to happen. The corporation will probably reconsider whether it is worth while to build roads and divert traffic to relieve congestion and whether it is worth while to build this new bridge that all the talk is about with all its consequent employment to our workers just because a political mind has made a political approach to this particular matter.

Deputy Cowan also referred to the persons in business in the immediate neighbourhood. Deputy Cowan knows as well as I know that many business people in that area either acquired additions to their premises or made alterations and spent a considerable amount of money so that their premises would be suitable to meet the trade which they expected would flow from the building becoming the centre. within the city, of traffic from all over the country. The Minister has again ignored the hardship which has been imposed on these people. Some of these alterations which cost so much money have resulted in increased rates being imposed upon them, all of which has to go by the board now just because somebody got a brain-wave and said during the elections: "Look at the proof of that wilful, extravagant crowd. When we get in we will stop that and pull it down just as Samson pulled down the pillars in the temple no matter upon whom it falls."

It did fall and killed people.

A wall fell during construction. Accidents of that kind happen. Are we to take it that because a wall falls and someone is killed the whole scheme is to be abandoned? If an agricultural labourer is killed by a tractor, are we to give up agriculture in this country? That is what the Deputy is arguing. That is great logic. Are we to give up the railways because occasionally there is a crash and somebody is killed? That is no argument, no approach. Deputy Cowan, who represents that part of the city, knows full well that it was the proper site when one relates to it the whole proposed development for the future, the relief of congestion of traffic in the City of Dublin and the safety of the citizens in their comings and goings.

I would like to ask the Minister if I am wrong when I say that his annual rental for the use of the building will be over £30,000. Then we will know what is extravagance. If the Minister for Social Welfare was to let it be known that he was prepared to pay £30,000 a year for certain offices to suit his requirements and guarantee to take them for so many years, I am sure builders would be ready and willing to put up a building for him which would be much more adaptable and much more suitable for his requirements than this one is going to be as a result of this makeshift policy. I do not know whether now after the introduction of the Budget one could get the Minister to recognise that the taking over of this building as is proposed is just as big a mistake as many of the other mistakes which are now irretrievable. Take the destruction of Aer Rianta. You cannot bring it back, but before it is too late do not make this irretrievable mistake. We cannot get taxation down now that it is up and that was another mistake. The public is fully alive to the fact that a lot of "hooey" has been recognised by those who spoke it as nothing other than smoke or "hooey". I am appealing to the Minister—not from any political point of view—to believe that all the Parties who represent the citizens of Dublin in the Corporation came to the conclusion, by a majority, that this was the spot. The greatest care was taken in approving the decision and from that on further decisions were made for the improvement and welfare of the City of Dublin. I am appealing to him to go half the distance if he will not go the whole distance and accept Deputy Cowan's suggestion to compromise and leave the downstairs portion available to Córas Iompair Éireann. We have the question of additional expenditure in Smithfield but that does not concern us under this Bill. I am not going to argue whether it is going to be as good as some people say or not as the discussion of the alternative site would not be in order now. I appeal to the Minister to take the sensible view and forget the election posters and election speeches. The manufacturing racketeers are now being appealed for by the people who condemned them before, so let us not have an irretrievable mistake.

Listening to Deputy Briscoe, it was very difficult to understand exactly what argument he was making for the retention of Store Street as a bus depot. I have an interest in this matter because the people of the constituency I represent in County Dublin pass that building every day in the bus if they work in the city or come into the city at regular intervals. I would remind Deputy Briscoe of what happened in the corporation when the site was first mooted as far as the Labour Party at any rate was concerned. I have a very distinct recollection of the Labour Party taking a very firm stand against this Store Street site, led by the late Councillor Larkin. The Labour Party has not altered its view in that connection. We hear a lot of talk nowadays about decentralisation, the need for spreading out over a wide area Government Departments or other institutions which employ large staffs. Anyone who examines the position calmly and with a viewpoint detached completely from politics—and this has resolved itself now, from the efforts made by the Opposition, into something of a political question—can test out for himself the traffic congestion in the Store Street district. It will take you longer to travel from Butt Bridge to Amiens Street, whether on a bicycle, in a car, or by some other means of locomotion on the highway, than it would take you from Amiens Street to Fairview, which is three or four times the distance, if not more. The reason is that the area surrounding Store Street is one of the most congested traffic districts in the city. It can compare with the College Green bottleneck at the rush periods. Deputy Briscoe suggests that the congestion would not be worsened by having, as he describes it himself, hundreds of buses coming and leaving 24 hours of the day, hundreds of long-distance buses going to and fro, going forward and reversing across the narrow stretch of roadway at Store Street. Surely it must strike anyone that, from a practical point of view, the use of Store Street as a bus depot was obviously ill-advised from the beginning and should not have been embarked on.

The suggestion now is that the bus depot should be centred at some other part of the city and, indeed, there is every good reason why it should. There is every good reason why such a depot should be brought into an area where the traders may not at present have the opportunity of being as prosperous as the traders in the centre of the city. Wherever this depot may go, prosperity must naturally follow for the traders who have businesses surrounding the site of the depot. The Smithfield site is suggested. Smithfield, which was in years gone by a place of much activity, of industry and prosperity, has been hit within the last decade and the erection of a bus depot in that site would be beneficial to it.

Deputy Briscoe stated that at the time the Store Street site was first mooted all the interested bodies considered that it was the proper place to have a bus depot. I have recollections of numerous bodies objecting to this particular site. I do not know if it is true that the police authorities agreed that it was the best site in the city. I think it is very doubtful that they would take that view, with all the difficulties and problems which they have in relation to traffic. It is all very well to talk about alternative highways, alternative traffic roads being planned. We know that this transporter bridge which has been talked about in this House within the past year or two has been planned for something like 20 years and we are no nearer to it now than when it was first thought of.

It has been suggested during the course of this debate that the right thing to have done was for the Department of Social Welfare to acquire a site somewhere in the city and to plan a building suitable to the needs of that Department. We are all aware that a comprehensive social welfare scheme is coming into existence. That scheme, by its nature, will require a greater staff than that at present in the Department. It is obvious to anybody that the present offices of the Department are not adequate to meet the needs even of the present staff. Is it seriously suggested that the Government should wait until it can obtain a site in the city and then wait until plans are prepared? We all know the long time it takes architects and technicians to prepare plans for a building of that kind. Then should we wait while the building was being erected before embarking on adequate social security measures? If that idea were put into effect and if the Store Street building were not utilised for Government offices, it would mean that we would be waiting three to five years before adequate office accommodation could be got for this big Department.

I think this amendment should be rejected. I can understand Deputy Cowan, or any Deputy representing the area, making the case for his constituents, but I think there are major considerations which arise above any local considerations, the considerations of the national interest. In the national interest, it surely would not be good policy that a depot should be proceeded with which would be bound to lead to indescribable traffic congestion, far worse even than we are experiencing at the present time.

We have been listening to very well reasoned speeches on this amendment. I think the net point is whether the selection of these Store Street premises gives the best headquarters for Social Welfare or not. At any rate, that is the point being discussed on this particular issue and the point to which the speakers so far have directed their attention. I mentioned before and still hold very strongly that the headquarters of the Department of Social Welfare should not be in Dublin at all but in some of the other cities. Every Party here, including Fianna Fáil, has spoken of the desirability of decentralisation. You hear every public body talking about the unnatural growth of the City of Dublin. You hear it said that something should be done to prevent that growth from continuing and to encourage decentralisation as far as possible. There are not many Government Departments which conveniently could be placed outside the city, but I think that definitely Social Welfare is one that could. It is not a Department where a Minister has very many administrative functions to perform. The Minister brings in legislation, it is true; but he legislates for the various benefits and contributions and then everything goes according to rule. He is not called in in any particular case— in fact, he should not come in in a particular case. Every Deputy will agree that the Minister should not say whether a particular person should get an old age pension or sickness benefit or not. That should be done by officials, according to the rules and regulations laid down.

If you take the Department of Agriculture or the Department of Industry and Commerce, you have a great many interests concerned there. You may have several deputations wanting to discuss particular points with the respective Ministers, points that enter into the policy of the particular Departments and which result in a proper conception of the best policy that can be pursued by a Minister for Agriculture or Industry and Commerce.

I can hardly imagine any great movement of that kind in relation to social welfare. Possibly on occasions there may be deputations about the blind or about a particular class of widows. But there would certainly not be any very frequent deputations. Whatever way one looks at it, one must conclude that if any Department can be placed outside the city it is the Department of Social Welfare. I had reached that conclusion when I was in charge of that Department. I had made certain inquiries in both Cork and Galway to find out if it would be possible to get a site for such a Department and housing accommodation for its staff. I think that from that point of view alone we should do everything in our power to prevent, if we can, the taking over of the Store Street premises or any other premises in the City of Dublin. This amendment deals with Store Street and we must deal with Store Street in particular.

I would like to emphasise a point made by Deputy Briscoe. The Minister is the Minister for Social Welfare and he should certainly be more concerned with the economic running and administration of that Department than with anything else. If the Minister insists upon taking over a building in the City of Dublin for social welfare, I think he would get a cheaper and a better building for his purpose than the one he proposes to take at the moment.

The Minister says he must house a staff of roughly 1,000 persons. I think a building could be planned in accordance with the rules of hygiene much more suitable for that purpose and certainly a great deal cheaper than £1,000,000. Why is it that the Minister has not that consideration in his mind? Is it not obvious that it is because, as Deputy Briscoe has pointed out, of the various speeches during the election about the extravagance of Fianna Fáil? Yet, when the Coalition came into office they could find very little evidence of that extravagance. Some of the bright ones among them, and they have a few bright ones, said: "What about Store Street? Let us concentrate on that." And they came down on Store Street and the Minister now, in order to keep up the political bluff, must take over this premises and say it is suitable for his purpose. Is it not obvious the Minister is prejudiced in this matter? Imagine a man who comes in here and says: "I will take over this building" and, when asked what it will cost, says he does not know. A Deputy came up to buy cattle from me yesterday evening. He first of all asked me the price. He did not say: "I will take these cattle" although he was very anxious to get them. Unlike the Minister, he was spending his own money. I asked him so much he did not take them at all. Why should that not be the Minister's attitude with regard to this building? Obviously the Minister is there to serve the Coalition propaganda. The building was an extravagance. It should never have been built by Córas Iompair Éireann. Córas Iompair Éireann was a bankrupt concern. The Minister has £6,000,000 or £7,000,000 at his disposal and he decides to take the building over. He does not care what it will cost. Is there very much use in Deputy Cowan appealing to the Minister now? Does Deputy Cowan think the Minister will listen to reason? If the Minister was prepared to listen to reason, he has listened to two of the most reasonable speeches made by Deputy Briscoe and Deputy Cowan. Will they have any effect? Will the Minister say again, as he said earlier to-day: "I will take it" and when a Deputy asks him: "What will it cost?" he says: "I do not know." Here you have a Minister administering the funds of a Department. These funds do not belong to the State. They belong to those who may be regarded as the poorer people in the country. These are the people who have contributed week after week for sickness benefit, for unemployment benefit and for widows' pensions. All that money is now at the Minister's disposal. The Minister is in charge of that money. He says: "I will take that building; I do not care what it will cost." He does not mind if, as a result of his action, the widow will get less, the sick person and the unemployed person will get less because there will be a smaller fund. He must carry on the political propaganda of the Coalition that Fianna Fáil and Córas Iompair Éireann were extravagant and spent money, as he says, on white elephants and so on. That is the sort of Minister with whom we have to deal. Is it likely we shall convince him and make him change his mind in this matter?

Did not Deputy Cowan make a most reasonable suggestion? I would not have gone so far myself. He suggested that the Minister might utilise the four or five upper floors but leave the ground floor for the purpose for which it was planned. If the Minister's sole concern is to find accommodation for the Department of Social Welfare that is a very reasonable suggestion. He might do that for the present until such time as a decision could be taken with regard to the ground floor. Deputy Briscoe has appealed to him not to take an irretrievable step. If the Minister were reasonable, he would listen to Deputy Cowan's suggestion.

The Minister must make his case consistent with the propaganda of the Coalition. The propaganda of the Coalition is that that building should not have been put there, that it was a most extravagant building, and a most unsuitable place for Córas Iompair Éireann. The only person who can afford to take it over is the Minister for Social Welfare, the Minister who has the funds of the sick and the unemployed and the widows at his disposal. He can lash out those funds. It does not matter what the building will cost. He has already told us that. He will take it so long as the funds from the unemployed, the sick and the widows are there. Why should he care what it will cost? Deputy Briscoe has pointed out that he will take back £1,000,000, irrespective of whether it is invested in England or Ireland. That £1,000,000 is earning about £30,000 a year at least. The Minister will bring back that money. He will buy this building with that £1,000,000. He either deprives the social welfare funds of that £30,000 or he gets the taxpayer to contribute the £30,000 to make up the deficiency in the funds. There, again, we will either mulct the widows, the sick and the unemployed or the taxpayer in order to help the Minister to carry on the Coalition propaganda.

I think that the Dáil should accept Deputy Cowan's amendment because, by accepting it, it will, at any rate, preserve the status quo and will not allow anything to be done to make the position irretrievable by converting this bus depot into offices for the Department of Social Welfare. Deputy Cowan suggested that if the Minister could not accept this amendment he might himself bring in an amendment on the Report Stage which would give his Department the use of all the floors from the first floor up and leave the ground floor to Córas Iompair Éireann for its purposes. We should all be glad to see the Minister bring in that amendment on the Report Stage, not that we think that it is the best solution but it would be an indication that the Minister was prepared to approach this matter from a point of view from which we think he should approach it and not from a political point of view.

When Deputy Dr. Ryan was speaking he reminded me of the story of the fox and the crow, because Deputy Dr. Ryan was in his foxiest mood this evening. When he was purring, hoping to get Deputy Cowan to release the cheese I could not help wondering——

A very unhappy simile.

——whether Deputy Cowan was not feeling embarrassed by the certificates of reasonableness which were being showered on him from rather unexpected quarters. I think I can assure the Deputy that his present standing in the minds of the Opposition will be a very ephemeral one and that other appellations will be used to describe the Deputy when he subjects the policy of the Opposition to another close and analytical examination.

If he is unreasonable, yes.

I do not want to go over the whole question of the Store Street building again and as to why it became more or less derelict. I suppose that the public in general is already fully informed on that subject now. It was discussed during the elections, after the elections, at the Dublin Corporation, on public platforms and in this House. It has been the subject of parliamentary questions; it was discussed here in the Dáil and in the Seanad on the Transport Bill and is still leading a very merry life, as the discussion for the past fortnight on this Bill has shown.

I think the public are already clear about the facts which are that Córas Iompair Éireann, in its giddy moments, decided it would build this station in Store Street. It first started to build it as a single storey structure. Then as its funds went down, its ambitions went up and it decided to add five more storeys on top of the first storey. Thus it has now reared the enormous structure which is there for all to see. Of course, for every prodigal there comes a day of reckoning. Córas Iompair Éireann reached the stage when it was not able to pay its debts. The nearest it came to it on some occasions was to fill in the cheques but those to whom it owed money were no nearer to getting payment. This was a little exercise in which it indulged from time to time. It filled in the cheques for the amount due but put the cheques back in the safe because there was no money to meet them. It discovered then that it could not pay for the premises in Store Street and decided that it did not want them. It was in these circumstances that the Department of Social Welfare came into the picture.

Córas Iompair Éireann had decided that it could not proceed with the erection of Store Street building, that it did not require the premises as offices, as the Kingsbridge offices were satisfactory and work on the building came to a halt. It was in these circumstances, as I say, that the Department of Social Welfare came into the matter. We decided to buy the property in order that it could be utilised as a central office in which the various schemes of the Department could be administered and so that the scheme of centralisation could be undertaken, if not in advance of the comprehensive scheme, at least in or about the time that the comprehensive scheme would come into operation so that the Department would get an opportunity of starting the administrative machine, so interlocked and so organised, as to be able to take the impact of this far flung scheme. That is my association with the Store Street building. If Córas Iompair Éireann had decided to retain it, this question would not have arisen. I am sure if Córas Iompair Éireann felt it was able to pay for it, it would have retained it but the fact of the matter was that Córas Iompair Éireann was on its uppers.

The fact that this House had to vote £4,000,000 by way of Supplementary Estimate to come to the help of Córas Iompair Éireann is the clearest possible evidence that it had reduced itself to a state of complete impecuniosity and had simply no money to carry on. How long it was going to exist in that way is another matter. At all events that was the position, as the House knows only too well. If Córas Iompair Éireann could have paid for the premises or wanted the premises, it would have retained them. The fact is that Córas Iompair Éireann was not able to pay for the premises and said it did not want them. The premises then became available for other purposes and the Department decided to purchase them. What was done in this matter is simply what was done in the case of Arus Brugha, namely, the funds of the National Health Insurance Society were utilised for the purpose of erecting Arus Brugha——

They were not. Surely the Tánaiste's memory is not so defective. Does he not realise that a large part of Arus Brugha was completed long before the National Health Insurance Society came into existence at all?

The National Health Insurance Society decided to buy the premises from the contractor who had built them.

The Tánaiste said they built them.

In that case, the contractor built Arus Brugha, as a speculation, intending to let it.

The Tánaiste is now mending his hand.

If I could mend the Deputy's head, it would be better.

It goes to show how reliable the Tánaiste is in relation to these matters of fact.

In the case of Arus Brugha, the National Health Insurance Society decided to purchase the premises. They utilised the national health insurance funds for that purpose, as they were quite entitled to, under the Act then extant. In this case, we are using the national health insurance funds for a similar purpose. These funds are at present invested in British securities, and they may be employed anywhere in the world. We are proposing to invest these moneys in the purchase of the Store Street building. There will be paid into the national health insurance funds a sum of money which will be equal to the dividends which the invested sum used to purchase Store Street is realising at the present moment, so that notwithstanding all the daft rantings of Deputy Dr. Ryan no single widow or orphan, and no sick or unemployed man, will lose a halfpenny because of what will happen after the Store Street building has been purchased. After the deal has been completed, each year there will come into the national health insurance fund at least the same sum of money as goes into that fund at present from the investment of those moneys in British or other securities, so that, as far as the fund is concerned, the merest child can see that what we are doing is utilising invested moneys, which are all invested in British securities, for the purpose of purchasing the Store Street premises. These funds will not lose a farthing by that transaction, because at least the same sum of money will be brought to the credit of the national health insurance fund.

Deputy Dr. Ryan is, therefore, uttering a statement which he knows cannot be true when he pretends that a widow or an orphan, or a sick or an unemployed man will lose a halfpenny under this transaction. If he could even read Section 21 of the Bill, he could see there a provision to ensure that there will be payments into the fund in respect of the outgoings, that these have been agreed to, and that the agreement has been that they will not be less than what is paid into the fund at the present time, so that all the talk of Deputy Dr. Ryan about widows and orphans and sick and unemployed people is just so much moonshine. Nobody knows that better than Deputy Dr. Ryan.

The same Deputy talked about the question of decentralisation. Now, of course, when he is in opposition he is reeking with good intentions about decentralisation. Fianna Fáil was in office for 16 years, and there was not much evidence of a decentralisation policy during that time so far as Government Departments were concerned. Now, 16 years is a pretty long time in which to try out a scheme of decentralisation. There were some Departments in respect of which, probably, a case for decentralisation could be made out. I will take as an example, without coming down on one side or the other, the Land Commission. It might have been suggested, during the period that Fianna Fáil was in office, that it was a Department which could usefully go to the country. It is concerned with the acquisition and division of land. I do not know whether it is necessary that the folk concerned with the acquisition and division of land should all be cluttered into an office in Dublin. Some people may think that that is not wholly necessary and that they might do that work somewhere else just as efficiently. But that Department was there for 16 years under Fianna Fáil.

And for 32 years before that. We are talking about a new Department. That is the time to make a change.

I hope I am not hurting the Deputy's feelings by reminding him of the 16 years' inactivity in respect of decentralisation. I do not intend to do that. I want to discuss this objectively.

It is easier to find a new home elsewhere for a new Department than for an old one.

The whole thing is relative, but we have plenty of time to discuss it. As regards the Land Commission I think a case could be made that it was a Department which had not necessarily to be located in Dublin, and that the acquisition, division and allocation of land could be considered even if the headquarters were outside of Dublin. But that Department was there for 16 years under Fianna Fáil and Deputy Dr. Ryan, I am sure, did not appear as the spearhead of an attack during those 16 years in order to get the Land Commission decentralisted and located in the country.

One might say also that a Department like the Department of Agriculture might be suitably located in the country, having regard to its activities. But it was there for 16 years. Deputy Dr. Ryan was the Minister for Agriculture for a long portion of that time.

It also was there for 30 years.

We will come to that. I do not know whether the Deputy will get any solace from that. Deputy Dr. Ryan was Minister for Agriculture for a long period under the Fianna Fáil Government. Yet, the Department of Agriculture remained in Dublin during the whole of those 16 years. I have never known Deputy Dr. Ryan to express any view in this House during the period he was Minister for Agriculture in favour of uprooting the Department of Agriculture and sending it out to the country, so that Deputy Dr. Ryan had 16 years in which to try out this pet scheme of his.

Deputy Dr. Ryan only assimilated those fertile views of his since he went into opposition. When he was on this side, Dublin was good enough for the Land Commission, and Dublin was good enough for the Department of Agriculture, and devil a move was made by him to shift one Department or the other from where they are located at present. But the moment he goes to the other side of the House the poor soul has got the zeal of a crusader, and he is bursting to transfer some Department down the country. He mentioned on a previous occasion when he discussed this, I understand, that this idea was the creation of the former Taoiseach who had got notions in this direction. The pup was sold to Deputy Dr. Ryan as far as I can gather. He got the job of trying to see how it would work. Deputy Dr. Ryan made some inquiries about fixing the Department of Social Welfare in Galway or in Cork. There would be no difficulty, of course, in getting a site in Cork or in Galway to put the Department of Social Welfare there.

I suppose you could get a site in any one of the Twenty-Six Counties. But there is something more than a site involved in this. When you had got your site you have then got to erect a building, and when you had your building you then have to provide housing accommodation for all the people in the Department transferred there. A few other things would then have to be considered unless you were going to move the staff around like pieces on a chess or a draught board.

You must remember that these people have their roots in the city in which they have either been born or have lived for a long period of their lives. Their sons or daughters may be at school here. Some of them may be in employment here. It might not be so easy to find employment for them in a new town or a new city. Perhaps the city or town selected for the location of a Department would have limited opportunities for the employment of adolescents. You would also have to consider the reasonableness of uprooting families and transferring them to other centres with which they were not familiar, completely tearing up the pattern of friendships which they had made or woven in the place where they had either been born or had lived over a long number of years. You cannot play with human beings as if they were displaced persons. I think Deputy Dr. Ryan's scheme to uproot the staff of a Department, as if you were taking cuttings off rose trees and planting them elsewhere, is simply all cockeyed. If you were to do anything like that you would have to do it in a different way. You could not do it in the way he has suggested, namely, to find a building in Cork or in Galway and take the whole Department of Social Welfare and plank it there—the men and women employed in the Department, with their families, quite regardless of the consequences to them.

At all events, even assuming that you got a site and had a building, you would then have to put up houses. Who would put them up, I do not know, because it was never contemplated, apparently, that the State would put them up. A situation would then arise with the local authority. Whether the Corporation of Cork would put up houses to accommodate the staff of the Department of Social Welfare I do not know. Neither do I know if the Galway Corporation, while wanting houses for its own citizens, would provide houses for the staff taken from Dublin, and neglect the claims of its own citizens. These are some of the problems which I just leave to the imagination of Deputies to ponder over. But, quite clearly, it is simply impossible to imagine that you could get yourself into this question of centralisation to such an extent as to contemplate the erection of a building to accommodate the Department outside Dublin, the erection of houses there as well—by whom it is not stated—and the uprooting of families by transferring them to this place. That is an impossible idea. It seems to me to be pursuing a daft fancy without regard to the inconveniences and hardship you will inflict on the people whose destiny, as I might put it, you are dealing with.

I have the view at any rate that if experiments were to be made in connection with decentralisation they could have been made during the 16 years of the Fianna Fáil administration, for example, in the two Departments I have mentioned. But to suggest at this stage to the Department of Social Welfare: "You ought to abandon Store Street, you ought to contemplate forsaking your offices in the city, you ought to go out and blaze the trail for the decentralisation of Government Departments, find a site somewhere, put up a building, find out who will build houses for you and then come back and tell the staff: `Now pack your bags, tell your wives and children that you are leaving at once for this particular place where we have got a new Department of Social Welfare, and at the railway station they will get the cheers of Deputy Dr. Ryan when going to their new found home' "—I do not think daftness could go much further than that. I think that if the interests and the welfare of the staff were to be consulted, they would have something to say about this. They are entitled to be consulted and, being human beings, should have rights in a matter of this kind.

At all events, as I said, Store Street has been discussed upside down and inside out. There are two points of view. One is that Córas Iompair Éireann should have kept it and used it. That is, however, a counsel of perfection so far as Córas Iompair Éireann are concerned, because they have no money to pay for it and, in any case, they said they did not want it. In these circumstances, when the building was derelict and likely to remain derelict, we decided to buy it for the purposes I have indicated and this Bill is asking for sanction to do that. Deputy Cowan has fought a gallant rearguard action for his constituents. He knows that in the circumstances there is no means by which Córas Iompair Éireann could raise the wind to pay for the premises and, in any case, they have already said that they do not want the building.

I hope those portions of the Tánaiste's speech in which he devoted himself to the problems of decentralising Government Departments will be cut out, marked and read by him and sent to some of the Parties in the Coalition who, before the election, used to advocate decentralisation. It would be a very salutary thing if the Tánaiste, for instance, would button-hole the Minister for External Affairs and put these every persuasive and cogent arguments of his to the Minister, because I understand that in 1948 it was one of the leading planks in the Clann na Poblachta policy to decentralise all Government administration.

However, we can perhaps revert to this amendment and discuss the narrower question as to whether the trust moneys which belong to the members of the National Health Insurance Society should be used for the purchase of an uncompleted building originally designed as a bus terminus for the national transport services. That is really the question at issue. I think that the onus is on the Minister for Social Welfare to justify the expenditure of these moneys by showing that they will be expended for the benefit of the persons to whom they belong. In all the remarks which he has made on this amendment, on the preceding amendments to Section 21 and on the Second Reading of this Bill, that is the one consideration that does not seem to have entered the Tánaiste's mind. He has not shown in black and white that the expenditure of this considerable sum of money—I understand that he has now admitted to the House it is likely to be at least £1,000,000—is going to provide either the National Health Insurance organisation with better offices than they now have or that it is going to enable the charges which fall on the National Health Insurance Society in respect of rents and rates to be reduced. There is no other ground than that upon which the Minister can attempt to justify this proposal here.

We are not, and the Minister for Social Welfare is not concerned with the finances of Córas Iompair Éireann. He is not concerned with the architectural suitability of the building which he proposes to purchase as a bus terminus. The only thing that he, as Minister for Social Welfare, should be concerned about is the interests of the members of the National Health Insurance Society, and it is the one aspect of this matter to which he has consistently refused to address himself. The House has been treated to some statements like this. I am quoting from column 1840 of the Official Report of the 4th May. It will be noted when I do quote it that the Minister, apparently, has got his case off by heart. Every speech he has made on this matter is the speech of a man who has learned his lesson by rote. I do not know who coached him. Perhaps it was the Minister for Industry and Commerce; perhaps it was the Minister for Finance. But, whoever it was, he was a good school teacher, because we have a pupil here who gets up and, parrot-like, recites the same thing over and over again, as for instance the following:—

"This building in Store Street had been ordered by a bankrupt undertaking which could not pay for it; ..."

I do not think that is true, but, whether it is true or not, what has it got to do with the utilisation of the National Health Insurance Society's funds for the purchase of that building? What justification is it for spending other people's money in buying this building which "had been ordered by a bankrupt undertaking which could not pay for it"? Then he goes on to say:—

"It had been ordered by a company that had in its safe at Kingsbridge cheques made out to people to whom they owed money but which they could not issue because there was no money to meet them."

Did we not hear those words before? They were used in the debate on the Second Reading of the Bill, they were repeated by the Minister a fortnight ago, and we have heard precisely that same sentence several times this afternoon. But, again, if this building were ordered by some persons who could not afford to pay for it, surely that was the concern of the people who ordered the building and not the concern of the members of the National Health Insurance Society or of the Minister for Social Welfare? Why should he come in to save these people from the consequences of their act? I should like to hear him tell us why— and I do not want to hear anything about bankrupt organisations or about cheques which were written out as an exercise and then put back in the safe because they had no money in the bank. I want him to tell us why it is proposed to use the fund of the National Health Insurance Society as he proposes in this matter. That is the net point and nothing else. "This was the illustrious institution, Córas Iompair Éireann, which decided they would build Store Street; this dream fantasy clamped down in the busiest part of the city was ordered by Córas Iompair Éireann ..." Is it any less a dream fantasy because the Minister for Social Welfare proposes to spend a cool £1,000,000 of other people's money upon obtaining it, upon deforming it, and upon diverting it from the use for which it was intended? Is he going to raze the building to the ground? He seems to have set himself up here in the course of this debate as the arbiter of architectural taste and functional elegance. He is going to buy that building in order that he may raze it to the ground and that we may have a wide open space with a lily pond in the centre——

The money will not go down the drain.

—— around which Deputy O'Leary and others can come to admire their republican lineaments. Is the Minister going to do that? There used to be a vacant space around Store Street. There used to be a vacant space around the Custom House where little children used to play, safe from the dangers to life from the traffic. And what is happening under the Labour members of the Coalition? The children are driven out of it.

The Deputy must come back to the amendment.

Mr. Murphy

And do not forget the ringing of the bells.

Children are driven out of it and instead we are now having some sort of an ornamental feature put there for the delectation, I presume, of the Minister for Local Government—and of the Minister for Social Welfare when he occasionally visits the place. It costs a great deal more to do that than it cost the Minister for Education to put bells in the Custom House—which the Minister for Social Welfare seems to think has something to do with the merits of the proposal.

Mr. Murphy

The bells were for you.

Look here, Deputy Murphy, it is a rattle you want, not a bell.

Give him a white elephant to play with, will you?

I want to come back again to the question which I have asked. Why does the Minister propose to spend this money on purchasing and diverting from its proper use a building in Store Street which was originally designed as a bus terminus? Apparently, even in the mind of the Minister himself, he is exceedingly doubtful as to whether the building is well adapted to the purposes of a Government Department, exceedingly doubtful about it. He seems to think, in fact, that as a Government Department it is rather undesirable. Again, if that is the case, how much less justification there is for spending—let me repeat it again—other people's money? Deputy Murphy need not worry very much about it since it is not his own money—it is other people's money. It is the money collected by way of contributions which are paid by workers, and employers in respect of their workers, in order that they may be able, if they are ill or disabled, to receive the rather limited and restricted benefits which are given to them under the National Health Insurance Society. That is the purpose for which the moneys were originally provided. They are going to be diverted from that purpose in order to buy a building which, according to the Minister, is not an object of beauty. Architects and others disagree with him very strongly in that regard but then, of course, just as the Minister for External Affairs is an authority upon financial matters——

That has nothing to do with the amendment.

——so the Minister for Social Welfare, apparently, is an authority upon modern architecture. He is, therefore, going to take this huge ugly building and spend a million of money upon it for purposes of his own—one he did disclose in the debate upon the preceding amendment was to ensure that nobody would try to erect a dome on top of the terminal building. That may be very laudable but is it worth spending £1,000,000— again, of other people's money—to secure it? We have been told, of course, that Córas Iompair Éireann was down on its uppers. Córas Iompair Éireann would only be down on its uppers if the State were bankrupt. The original provision under which Córas Iompair Éireann had been constituted provided that where expenditure was incurred for the purposes of the transport undertaking it could be financed, and in this case was financed, by the issue of debentures which were guaranteed by the State. I wonder if this sudden desire to spend other people's money—the funds belonging to the National Health Insurance Society—upon the purchase of this building is for the purpose of relieving the State of some of its obligations and responsibilities in relation to it? If Córas Iompair Éireann were down on its uppers we all know the reason why. We know of the deliberate act of sabotage which was carried out in 1948. I do not want to go into the merits of that although I could, perhaps, because the Minister has devoted the greater part of his speech to attacking the credit worthiness of Córas Iompair Éireann. But let that pass. Córas Iompair Éireann has passed. We are going to have a new transport authority. I understand that there may be some vacant places in this House shortly because some members are going to be appointed members of the transport company.

Would the Deputy please relate his remarks to the amendment?

I understand that the Government, having bought out Córas Iompair Éireann, is now in the position——

I warn Deputy MacEntee that what he is saying has nothing to do with the amendment. He had better come back to the discussion of the amendment at once. I issue that warning to the Deputy quite seriously.

Very well, Sir, I must take note of your warning. We are on the question as to how moneys are going to be used and why they should be used. I say the Government can meet its obligations in respect of this building. The Government owns this building because, if this building belonged to Córas Iompair Éireann, it has now become the property of the Government. Why, therefore, should the funds of the National Health Insurance Society be used to buy this building from the Government? The Tánaiste has said that it is most unsuitable, even as offices.

I did not say any such thing.

The Tánaiste, in the course of his speech justifying the purchase of this undertaking, went on to say that, after all, the transport undertaking does not want offices; there are offices at Kingsbridge which are quite good enough for them. If the Tánaiste has any vision, surely he does not want to link up a vital service like national transport with out-of-date offices, offices that were built and designed for quite another purpose, and tie the whole development of national transport up with tracks that were laid almost 100 and, in some cases, more than 100 years ago? I think it is quite incomprehensible that the Tánaiste should step in and use the moneys of the National Health Insurance Society in order to prevent the proper development and functioning of the national transport undertaking.

The Deputy has said the same thing half a dozen times in my hearing.

What is going to be the consequence of this purchase? Thanks to the wisdom and the foresight of the people who established the unified society, the National Health Insurance Society is at the moment in possession of magnificent offices in the centre of the City of Dublin, offices which it holds upon terms that are modest in the extreme. Perhaps when the Tánaiste rises, if he does rise in this debate again, he will let us know what amount the National Health Insurance Society now pays in respect of rent and rates upon Arus Brugha. I cannot recollect what the figure is, but I know it is an extremely modest one. I doubt whether it amounts to one-tenth of the charges which are now going to fall upon the National Health Insurance Society in respect of the purchase of the Store Street premises. It will be interesting if the Tánaiste will give us those figures.

Are we, therefore, in this position, that the Government which is crying out against extravagance is now going to saddle the National Health Insurance Society with a sum in respect of the capital charges upon this purchase which will be ten times what the society at the present moment pays in respect of rent and rates upon the O'Connell Street property? From the point of view of the general public convenience, from the point of view of the convenience of the members of the National Health Insurance Society, the premises in O'Connell Street are very much more suitable than the premises in Store Street.

I cannot see any explanation for the decision which the Tánaiste has come to to buy these premises except a desire to justify the statements which were made so widely and wildly during the general election that Fianna Fáil was proposing to build extravagantly new accommodation for the Civil Service. Now, one justification for purchasing Store Street, not at the expense of the National Health Insurance Society, but at the expense of the Government, would be this, and the Tánaiste himself conceded it when he was replying to the debate on the Second Reading of this Bill. He admitted that he had the various sections of his Department scattered over the city at inconvenient distances from each other, so that it was not possible for them to hold a conference of the higher officials without a considerable loss of time; it was impossible for him to get in contact with any of the senior officers of the various sections of the Department without involving that officer in a needless and time-wasting journey across the city. He said there could be no proper coordination between various sections of this service so long as the offices of those sections were scattered here and there throughout the city. Therefore, he said, one of the advantages of purchasing Store Street will be to bring all of these sections together under the one roof.

I concede that that is a very strong reason for purchasing or building some sort of premises in which all these services could be centralised, in which all the several services which are administered by the Minister for Social Welfare could be centralised, so that the administration could be carried out efficiently and economically. That is a justification, not necessarily for buying Store Street, but for providing proper office accommodation for the several sections of a Government Department—for that matter, for the several Government Departments.

The Department of Social Welfare is not the only Department that is in that position. The Department of Local Government is in exactly the same position; the Department of Industry and Commerce is in exactly the same position, and some of the branches of the Department of Industry and Commerce are located in what used to be Richmond Barracks and other barracks throughout the city. There is, of course, a crying and urgent need to bring these Government Departments into closer contiguity with each other, to bring them together, as the Tánaiste is going to do in respect of his Department, into one convenient, compact group. That is what it was intended to do when it was proposed to build modern office accommodation in Dublin Castle Yard, where many of the buildings are in such a state of decay that it is almost positively dangerous to keep staffs in them.

But these are not the reasons which the Tánaiste has given. Though these reasons have been admitted by the Tánaiste, and though they are strong and cogent, nevertheless they do not justify what the Tánaiste proposes to do in relation to Store Street. There is no use robbing Peter to pay Paul. A central bus terminus is wanted in Dublin; a national bus terminus is wanted in Dublin. There is one already built. As Deputy Cowan has argued, the ground floor section of this building has been laid out or planned —it is not yet completed—as a modern bus terminus. Why not let it be used as a modern bus terminus? What is the purpose of diverting it from its proper use and building another terminus on a site which many people contend is much less suitable? What are the interests behind the Smithfield scheme? We have heard a lot about the extravagance——

There is nothing about Smithfield in this. The bus terminus does not arise on this amendment.

May I draw your attention——

The bus terminus does not arise on this amendment.

May I draw your attention to the concluding portion of the amendment?

It does not arise.

The bus terminus does not arise.

Let me refresh my own memory, if I am going wrong. The amendment reads:—

"Notwithstanding anything to the contrary contained in sub-section (1) of this section or in any enactment or law now in force a payment shall not be made out of the fund for the purchase or acquisition, or in respect of expenditure by the Minister on the acquisition, of the premises the property of Córas Iompair Éireann at Store Street in the City of Dublin planned and partly completed by Córas Iompair Éireann as a depot or station with all modern conveniences for long-distance omnibus passengers."

That does not justify discussion of an alternative bus terminus in the City of Dublin.

I do not propose to discuss any further the merits of Smithfield, except to say that we already have one bus terminus. Why are we going to be saddled with the cost of providing a second? Who is going to pay for it? If we buy this one, who is going to pay for the other one? We have a bus terminus partially completed. Why not let us go ahead and complete it? I take issue with the Minister when he tries to contend that Store Street is not a suitable office centre for the national transport undertaking. I think it is, and I think it is much better than Kingsbridge; but if the Minister wants to have it that way, if he thinks the offices of the transport undertaking should be located as inconveniently as they would be at Kingsbridge, let him have it that way. If he wants to take over the upper portion, if he is driven by the exigencies of the demands of his own Department to take over the upper portion of the Store Street premises to accommodate his staff of civil servants, why not let Córas Iompair Éireann go ahead and complete the lower portion as it was originally intended it should be completed? I suggest that it is a very wasteful way to spend national health insurance money to do what he proposes to do, because the ground floor portion of the building cannot be satisfactorily adapted for office purposes. Where are they to get the light from to light the interior? The upper portion of the building has been designed functionally as offices. It is well lighted from every point. It is glazed all the way up and is virtually a house of glass. The lower portion, however, has been quite differently planned, as one can see by just looking into it. Even in broad daylight, without any glazing at all, with only the pillars standing and the whole ground floor thrown open to the four winds of Heaven, it is dim and dark in the centre.

That is where the bus passengers were to be put.

Whether the buses were to be put there or not is not what we are discussing now. What we are discussing is whether that building is to be lighted artificially all day long and whether we are to have people working in artificial light and in an atmosphere that cannot be properly ventilated. It was quite a different matter when there was no need for artificial ventilation, when the ground floor was going to be open. Now it is to be closed and shut in. What sort of health, what sort of comfort are the staff of the National Health Insurance Society and the Department of Social Welfare, for whose well-being the Tánaiste professes to be so concerned, going to have working under these conditions? Does everybody not know that there is nothing more trying to people's health and temperament than to be working continuously in artificial light?

There is—listening to the Deputy. It beats the artificial light.

They do not have to do that every day, but they are going to have to work every day in the conditions you are creating for them. You, the Labour leader, the man who wants to see people working under decent conditions. You are going to condemn them to work in a place that was never designed for the purpose. Whatever else it was designed for, it was not designed as an office in which people would engage in concentrated clerical work day in and day out. That is what you are going to condemn them to and you are going to do that in the name, if you please, of social welfare.

The more this project is examined, the worse it becomes. The Minister for Social Welfare wants new offices and the Minister for Finance agrees that the Department of Social Welfare will have to have proper office accommodation. What is going to be done? The State—let me repeat—wants new office accommodation. It is merely incidental to that that the State is also taking over the National Health Insurance Society and is going to merge it with the unemployment insurance schemes, the old age pension scheme and the widows' and orphans' pension scheme. The main thing is that the State wants new office accommodation. Why should the members of the National Health Insurance Society be the only section of people who are obliged to buy the new office accommodation which the State requires? The Minister does not propose to saddle the unemployment insurance fund contributors with the cost of purchasing the accommodation necessary for the staff administering that aspect of the social welfare scheme, nor does he propose to do it in respect of the staff administering the widows' and orphans' pensions or old age pension schemes. Why should he throw the burden of providing the office accommodation which the State admittedly wants on the members of the National Health Insurance Society?

That is the case the Minister has to answer and there is no use in his smiling about it. The Minister may think he is putting a fast one over on the workers, but the real fact is that, for good or ill, this fund is to be saddled with about ten times its present charges for rent and rates. It is being utilised to buy offices which the State should provide for itself in the same way as it has to provide police barracks, military barracks and so on. All this talk about accounts being kept and the fund being credited with certain amounts is mere eyewash. Does everybody not know that, if to-morrow the Minister for Social Welfare should decide to translate his Department to some more salubrious surroundings, the whole of that building would fall into the hands of the Minister for Finance and be treated in exactly the same way as the buildings belonging to the Department of Agriculture in Kildare Street are being treated? There will be no distinction between them. The people who are subscribing these moneys will have no claim on these buildings. The whole thing is a trick and a ramp and it reminds me of nothing so much as the man who first garrottes, who puts a cord round the man's neck and strangles him and then rifles his pockets. That is what he is doing to the society—killing the society and stealing its funds.

In the course of a debate like this one may be inclined to think rather harshly and to speak rather severely of Córas Iompair Éireann in connection with the Store Street project and one might perhaps feel inclined to say that Córas Iompair Éireann ought to have approached the project of a central bus station with much more caution and prudence than in fact they displayed. However, even if Córas Iompair Éireann had no money and was in the position that it could not pay its bills, it still had unbounded ambition. At least, it could be said that other folk were similarly circumstanced and that it was in goodly company when it was actuated by a policy of building more the less you have. Of course, that was the policy of the last Government. Deputy MacEntee pulled aside the curtain slightly from his titanic mind in the matter of building just to give us a fleeting glimpse of the way in which he would approach this problem of Government offices in Dublin. We all know the way in which the Deputy would have approached the problem. We have concrete examples of the proposal to apply in the City of Dublin what can only be described as an Irish scorched earth policy. The Government had in mind a scheme whereby 55 acres of land in the city were about to be levelled.

What part of the city?

Not many miles away from us.

Merrion Square.

I suppose, Sir, we will be in order in discussing this, because I am very anxious to discuss it.

Fifty-five acres were to be levelled.

It is now in order.

It was to cost £11,750,000. Churches, schools, hospitals and shops were all to be levelled out. There was to have been a scorched earth policy in order to provide a parliament building. Fifty acres of land were to be levelled to satisfy the architectural ambitions of Deputy MacEntee and the other Deputy MacEntees within the Government who thought like him. I do not know whether they were going to build a second Pyramid but I do think that some monument ought to have been erected there, whether on the ground or under the ground, to the author of that scheme.

Of course, hearing the Government's grandiose plans in this connection, if small men with not the power and not the might and not the money of a Government, became ambitious and thought they, too, would play for big stakes and that they would paint on broad canvasses, who can blame them after the example set to them by the Government of the day? Córas Iompair Éireann, consequently, is entitled, I think, to some kind of pardon. What type of pardon is another matter; how it should get it is another matter. At any rate, it is entitled to some kind of pardon, perhaps, for having fallen into the pit of ambition created by the thought that if it was right for the Government to pursue a scorched earth policy and to level 55 acres at a cost of £11,750,000, it cannot be bad for Córas Iompair Éireann to build a bus depot and to put five storeys on top of it, even if they had no money. When we think of Córas Iompair Éireann in this connection and its approach to the Store Street problem, we are entitled to remember the bad example it received and the influence it was under in the light of the programme of the Government of that day.

Deputy MacEntee has blown hot and cold on this amendment. He first said that the scheme provided for in this section was an extravagant scheme, that we were going to spend more money on this building than we need spend. In other portions of his speech he indicated that we were not going far enough and that portion also suggests that the scorched earth policy was one that was nearest to his heart.

He said in the course of his statement that the national health insurance funds should be invested for the benefit of the insured persons. That is the view of the Deputy. These funds are invested to-day. They were held by Deputy MacEntee, when he was Minister for Local Government, as investments on behalf of the insured persons. Where were the moneys invested? The moneys were invested in British securities and are still in British securities. May I put this to Deputy MacEntee: If the spirit and the intention of the National Health Insurance Act were being fulfilled by investing surplus national health insurance funds in British securities, are the spirit and the letter of the Act not being more properly complied with when we repatriate these moneys by selling the securities and investing the money in a building in the City of Dublin?

A building which is already up?

Up? Is that what you call up?

The money is not going to be invested in a building, wherever it goes. The building is up and paid for.

The building is not up and is not paid for.

Five-sixths.

Who paid for it? Unless somebody died and left Córas Iompair Éireann money, I do not know who could have paid for it.

If they had the orphans' fund, they could pay for it.

If they could have got what we lost on the Argentine wheat, they could have paid for it.

What are we paying for wheat this year?

You paid £50 a ton for 75,000 tons of Argentine wheat—the dearest wheat in the world.

What price are you going to pay this year?

Wheat is not relevant on this amendment. There is not a word about wheat in the amendment.

It is as relevant as the orphans.

Orphans are very relevant.

Deputy MacEntee is now concerned about the utilisation of the lower floor of the Store Street premises. The Deputy has looked into the place. He is afraid it is rather gloomy and dark inside and he is not sure how those who will be located there will feel. The Deputy is worried, almost tearful, about the discomforts which these people will suffer. Let Deputy MacEntee remember that it was in that very spot that Córas Iompair Éireann proposed to ask passengers to wait for buses. It was in that very spot they proposed to erect shops and hairdressing saloons, in which people would work. I think there was a scheme for a cinema there also. A whole variety of shops of that kind were to be erected and it was to be a hive of industry. So far as the darkness is concerned, if there be any darkness, Córas Iompair Éireann contemplated that that floor had uses for waiting passengers, shops, offices, hairdressing establishments, cinemas and everything else.

It is news to me to learn that the Tánaiste regards a cinema as a proper place for clerical officers to work in.

No. As a matter of fact, the cinema is down further. The cinema is on a line with the river bed, or thereabouts. There is no end to the ingenuity that went into that scheme. There is no end to the headaches that have come out of it either.

The Tánaiste has got one now.

The Tánaiste has no headache on this Bill but what is interesting him is to see the Deputy trying at one stage to run with the taxpayers and at another stage to run with the Government against the imprudence of the Tánaiste. The Deputy does not know where he stands. We have discussed the amendment ad nauseam. Everybody knows what is involved in the whole business. Córas Iompair Éireann said that they did not want these premises for administrative offices as their Kingsbridge offices were satisfactory and would suit them. They said that they did not want to proceed with the project of completing the building and it is because Córas Iompair Éireann unloaded the property that it became available for purchase by the Department of Social Welfare.

Or anybody else? Are they free to sell it to anybody else?

I do not think anybody——

Are they free to do it?

There is no reason why they are not. As far as I know from the Government they are free to dispose of the thing in any way they like.

Was it put up for tender?

The Deputy should have asked Córas Iompair Éireann. I imagine that he knows a few people up there. When it was unloaded the Department of Social Welfare came in. The Department of Social Welfare will be investing money in this building instead of investing it in British securities and the National Health Insurance Society will not lose one halfpenny by that transaction.

There is one aspect of this matter to which no reference was made since I came into the House except by the Tánaiste, and which is, I think, important. The development of a rational and adequate plan for the construction of Government buildings in Dublin has been regarded as necessary since the foundation of the State. Shortly after the Treaty of 1921 in fact a commission was established to consider that problem. It was thought then that the occupation of these buildings in which we now meet could not continue as they had been temporarily taken over from the College of Science and it was assumed that they would have to go back to the College of Science. The commission were asked to choose between taking over the Bank of Ireland in College Green or the premises which are now used as Garda Headquarters in Kilmainham and probably action would have been taken towards acquiring one or other of these premises but for the fact that some speculation in house property followed the establishment of the commission. It was decided by the Government then in office, the Cumann na nGaedheal Government that nothing should be done for some time and the Dáil continued to meet here and Government Headquarters remained in the College of Science building in Merrion Street. Nothing further of a definite character was done for some years but at some stage between 1924 and 1932 when the Cumann na nGaedheal Government left office a decision was taken by somebody that the Board of Works should acquire any premises coming on the market in the Merrion Square area, there being apparently some idea that the natural growth of Government buildings with the Dáil meeting here would be in that direction.

When we came into office the problem of planning the growth of Government buildings on a long term basis was coming to a head and we had to take certain decisions. We found this tentative decision that development should be in the Merrion Square locality. We found also that some knowledge of that decision was circulating in commercial circles in Dublin, so much so that we contemplated at that time introducing legislation to freeze the values in that locality so that they would not be unduly inflated against the State. I do not say that we were enthusiastic about the idea of developing in the Merrion Square locality, but as considerable property had been acquired there and as it appeared to be the type of development which would be least controversial in the Dáil we were prepared to let it proceed. The Tánaiste talks about a plan for clearing that area and constructing buildings on it. That of course is fantastic. There was an idea that over a period of years—it might be 50 or even 100 years—buildings would be constructed in that locality in accordance with plans prepared now, buildings being acquired only as they became available or if other developments made it desirable to proceed with their acquisition. That plan to construct Government offices in the general area of Merrion Square came in conflict with a project for the erection of a Catholic cathedral. An option on Merrion Square had been acquired by the Archbishop of Dublin and it became known that it was intended to build the contemplated Dublin cathedral in the square. That development naturally again brought up the question of whether the original plan for developing Government buildings in that locality should be adhered to or not and in the course of subsequent discussions alternative plans were being considered. Various sites in the vicinity of Dublin, St. Anne's and the south side, were examined as well as other possible areas in the city which were marked for slum clearance purposes. There was, I think, a tentative decision ultimately in favour of planning for development in the Phoenix Park locality although nothing in the nature of even a sketch plan was made.

It is possible of course to misrepresent the consideration of these matters as preoccupation with extravagant plans but it seems to me that at some stage there must be consideration by some Government in consultation of course with possible alternative Governments as to a long term plan for the construction of Government buildings here. That was done in other countries and there is no reason why it should not be done here. Haphazard construction of Government offices in different parts of the city as the need arises appears to me to be very undesirable. I do not know if we are back on the basis of the original Merrion Square idea or what has happened to the project of constructing a cathedral there.

It may be possible now to get some general inter-Party discussions upon these matters with a view to working out some plan, but if the suggestion comes from the present Government I will assure them that we will not accuse them of intending to carry out works of that character with such speed that all other construction will have to stop and that existing factories and hospitals will have to be pulled down. Nobody believes that nonsense. If there is a decision to develop Government buildings in the Merrion Square area we should get an over all plan so that as the years roll by construction work can be regulated and if a decison is made in favour of some other locality a draft plan should be prepared. In my view it is utterly undesirable and thoroughly bad precedent for the Minister to come into the Dáil and read to the Dáil minutes circulated to the Cabinet by individual members of a previous Government in relation to a matter under consideration by that Government and expressing a view which was held by that Minister alone, which was not in conformity with the ultimate decision taken by the Government, for the purpose of creating subsequent misunderstanding. That precedent has been established by the present Government. Such minutes have been read, in relation to this very matter we are discussing, and other matters, in the Dáil and Seanad, particularly by the Minister for Finance. I hope it will be departed from because if on every occasion there is a change of Government there is a likelihood that the practice will be continued, then, of course, no individual Minister will submit even to his own colleagues in his own Government frank views in writing upon any matter under consideration, as he will always have to bear in mind the possibility of those views being read out to the Dáil by his successor.

We are now considering a proposal to invest a substantial sum of money in what will become a new Government building. It is in an area in which no other Government, building exists, an area which, in my view, is completely unsuitable for Government offices, as it is in the centre of some of the main traffic arteries of the city. The building, in fact, is going to be on an island site, with traffic moving with considerable density and speed all round it. I could not imagine a more unsuitable site for a Government office. I am not going to comment on its suitability as a bus depot, but from the point of view of an office to accommodate 1,000 or more clerical officers and other Government workers, it will be most unsuitably located. If there is to be a substantial investment in new Government buildings, surely it should be in the general area where other Government buildings exist, even if we cannot get it done in accordance with some general and agreed plan to which successive Governments will adhere.

The Minister is representing the Store Street plan as originally being in the form of a project to erect a single storey building as a bus garage and then that other floors were added by a series of succeeding decisions. That is completely without foundation. Not merely is it unfair to former directors and officers of Córas Iompair Éireann, but it is very unfair to the architect. The building as constructed is the building as originally planned. It was planned in its present form. There was no alteration to the plan from the day upon which construction work began till it ceased. It is completely inaccurate to represent Córas Iompair Éireann as in the position of being anxious to sell the building. Córas Iompair Éireann is not anxious to sell the building. Córas Iompair Éireann, it is true, could not proceed with the completion of the building unless the Government were prepared to authorise the raising of funds. But it would cost Córas Iompair Éireann far less money to complete that building as a central bus station than to build a new central bus station in Smithfield. It could get money to complete that building in the same way and in no other way that it can get money for the erection of the proposed Smithfield station. If the argument in favour of the disposal of this building by Córas Iompair Éireann is that they are short of money, then we must assume that it represents a decision that there will not be a bus station in Dublin at all.

When Córas Iompair Éireann was founded by legislation in 1944, I told the board that one of the most urgent duties was to arrange for the construction in Dublin of a suitably equipped central bus station. I think it is a shame that the capital city has not got a suitable bus terminus. I feel humiliated on every occasion I have to travel down the quay and see the crowds of people waiting there without shelter, without any facilities or amenities, for the long-distance bus services. If there is to be a bus station in Dublin, surely the most obvious place to put it is where it has been built. Whether Córas Iompair Éireann was wise or not in deciding to go on with that, they went on with it. There is a bus station there now and it is far more suitable for use as a bus station than it will ever be for use as Government offices.

It has been argued here that the Minister, as Minister for Social Welfare, considering the utilisation of the funds entrusted to him under the national health, unemployment and widows' and orphans' pensions scheme, should not be concerned with these matters, that he should solely be concerned with the proper utilisation of these funds. Will he tell the Dáil that he could not get more suitable offices constructed for his Department for less money than he would have to pay to acquire the Córas Iompair Éireann bus station? He could not tell the Dáil that. He knows quite well that he can get suitable offices constructed, and constructed in less time, for less money than he is proposing to spend on the acquisition of Store Street. He cannot, therefore, defend the acquisition of Store Street on any ground related to the administration of his Department.

If he is trying to justify it on the ground that Córas Iompair Éireann wants to get rid of the site, I say that is not true. I say it is not true even if one has regard to the present board of Córas Iompair Éireann. I say that the present chairman appointed by the present Government is in this position, that he would willingly take the bus terminus at Store Street and use it as a bus terminus if he could get the sanction of the Government. I say it is not the position that Córas Iompair Éireann are hawking that building around looking for someone to buy it. I say that, if it is the position, Córas Iompair Éireann should be at least allowed the opportunity of putting it up for tender and I am quite certain that, if it were put up for tender, they would have little difficulty in disposing of it. I know they prefer to keep it and it is utterly unfair to them to represent them in this position of having a building that they do not want and coming to the Tánaiste to do them the favour of taking the building off their hands.

In any case, what is the position concerning the building? Who is going to convert it? Who is going to adapt that building into offices for the Department of Social Welfare? Is it going to be bought from Córas Iompair Éireann in its present condition? The Minister, when I questioned him in the Dáil on that matter before, said it was. Who is going to pay for plans for converting it into offices for the Department of Social Welfare? Has the preparation of the plans for that conversion been put in hand? Who is employing the architects? Who is paying the architects? Does not everybody in the House know that the picture which the Minister has just given is completely false? Córas Iompair Éireann has been told that the building is to be handed over to this Department, that they are to undertake the cost of planning the conversion in consultation with the Department, that they are to carry out the conversion and that when the building is ready, or as ready as it can be made for occupation by this Department, they are to hand it over and they will then be told how much they are going to get for it. That is the true picture, the picture as confirmed to me by the very evasive replies given by the Minister for Social Welfare to a series of Dáil questions which I addressed to him on the subject. If that is the true picture, why represent it otherwise? Córas Iompair Éireann has been ordered to hand over this building, ordered to hand it over because it was part of the pre-election propaganda of the Coalition Parties that the building should not have been built. It is an unsuitable building for the Department of Social Welfare. They could get a far more suitable one for less money. They are deliberately wasting the funds of the National Health Insurance Society and the unemployment and the widows' and orphans' pensions funds by purchasing that building, at a cost far in excess of the cost of providing more suitable accommodation, solely to justify their own political propaganda.

Now if they come here to the Dáil and say that is the position, we will at least recognise the sincerity of their motives, but these attempts to misrepresent facts, leading the Dáil into the belief that they are doing something that represents good business for the National Health Insurance Society and good business for Córas Iompair Éireann, is just childish. On any ground, from the point of view of the intelligent planning and construction of Government buildings, the provision in Dublin of an urgently needed omnibus station, the provision of a proper headquarters for the Department of Social Welfare, the economic utilisation of the funds entrusted to the Minister, the decision which he has made cannot be justified and he should, I think, recognise that fact in all honesty and accept the amendment.

Do you say that Córas Iompair Éireann were ordered to hand over the bus station?

They were told they would get no money to complete it.

Let me deal with the last point. I do not know whether the Deputy is now talking for the sake of talking or whether he will offer the name of anybody in Córas Iompair Éireann, as an authority for the statement he has just made.

I offer the authority of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. That is what he told us.

The position was that Córas Iompair Éireann, under the administration of the Fianna Fáil Government, had reached a point at which it was virtually bankrupt.

That is not true.

Of course, it is true.

We will discuss the position of Córas Iompair Éireann if you like, but, remember that up to the end of 1947 they were showing a profit in their profit and loss account and, so far as capital investment was concerned, there was an unexpended balance of £6,000,000.

Everything lying in the whole system had been grossly neglected.

We can discuss the administration of Córas Iompair Éireann, if you like.

Córas Iompair Éireann in 1948 could have continued with the Store Street building. It was then a private undertaking owned by private shareholders.

There was a State overriding authority of certain money. There was a State investment of certain funds.

They could not raise money without the consent of the Minister for Finance.

Córas Iompair Éireann, so far as they were concerned, could have tried to get the money.

They could not.

I tell you they could, but who would give them a "bob"?

They could not do so without the consent of the Minister for Finance and they would not get it.

Did they not try to hawk a loan through London?

They did not.

Of course they did: They tried to hawk a loan here and they could not get it. They could not get a loan in London.

They raised a substantial loan at 2½ per cent.

The fact of the matter is they had reached a position when they could not get any more money to finance this imprudent undertaking at Store Street. They were not forced by the Government to abandon it. I did not covet it in the slightest; neither did the Government. It was when they failed that we decided we would make an offer for it. The offer we made was that we would pay them whatever they had spent on the premises and we would take over the remainder of the work.

Who would?

The Department of Social Welfare.

When will you take it over?

As soon as some folk here stop talking. We propose to ask the existing architect and the consultants to continue whatever work is necessary to complete the building in order to satisfy the requirements of a public department. I am perfectly satisfied that the lower portion can be adapted for that purpose. The upper storeys have been built as administrative offices. There is no adaptation necessary there and they can be used as such offices. The only adaptation necessary is on the ground floor. From the information that has reached us and from the discussions that have taken place, we are of opinion that that floor can be converted into a very satisfactory public office adequately fulfilling the needs of the Department of Social Welfare. I want to close with saying that Córas Iompair Éireann could have kept Store Street had they wanted to and had they had the money. When they shed it, they shed it of their own volition for two reasons; they had not the money and, when they had not the money, they discovered they did not want the building.

If what the Minister has just said is correct, why did he give me a different answer when I put down a Parliamentary Question on this matter? I asked him who would undertake the conversion of the building into offices and he told me, in reply, that if Córas Iompair Éireann converted it and he was satisfied with the conversion, he would take it from them. I understand that he will, having got the Bill through, take over the building in its present condition and the cost of conversion will be met by him and the plan made by him.

We have undertaken to pay Córas Iompair Éireann, whatever they spend on the building up to the day when it is taken over. If there are contracts still running, we will ask Córas Iompair Éireann to follow the contracts through and we will pay the cost. But Córas Iompair Éireann will bear in mind the adaptation we consider necessary and they will make arrangements, I take it, to see that our requirements are met. We will pay on foot of the contracts entered into and, in so far as we make new contracts, we will pay for them ourselves.

I do not know why I could not be given that answer when I sought information by way of Parliamentary Question. I have now been given a different answer. Presumably, if I ask again, I shall get a different answer again. I shall deal with the Tánaiste's misrepresentation of the position of Córas Iompair Éireann in 1947. That concern did not lose money until 1948. The present Government was then in office. If Córas Iompair Éireann cannot complete the building as a bus terminus because it has not got the money necessary, does that mean that we shall not have a bus terminus at all?

Has the Deputy finished?

Will the Minister answer "yes" or "no."

I will answer in a context.

If they cannot complete Store Street as a bus terminus because of lack of funds, where will they get the money to provide a bus terminus? They have no profits. They must get it in one of two ways. They will get it from the Government either by way of grant from the Exchequer or through a Government guaranteed loan. I submit from the point of view of Córas Iompair Éireann, it will cost them much less to complete the Store Street building as a bus terminus than to build a new terminus somewhere else. It is clearly, therefore, in their interest even on a narrow financial basis that they should be allowed to continue with the completion of Store Street. I also put it to the House that the Minister for Social Welfare can build more suitable offices for his staff at less cost than he will have to pay for the acquisition of these premises. Therefore, on a narrow financial basis, it is not a good decision to acquire Store Street as a headquarters for the Department of Social Welfare. It will cost Córas Iompair Éireann and the Department of Social Welfare less if Store Street is completed as a bus terminus. Why should these financial considerations be ignored? The only reason they are ignored is that the Minister has a political fish to fry and he will fry it in the funds of the National Health Insurance Society.

As Minister for Social Welfare, I am not concerned with the provision of a central bus depot. That is a matter for Córas Iompair Éireann. In so far as there is ministerial responsibility, it is a matter for the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Córas Iompair Éireann is not an inarticulate body.

They are almost that now. Wait until your pal, J.T., joins them.

In so far as Córas Iompair Éireann is concerned, the ex-Minister put on the board of the company a person responsible to him all the time That person ceased to hold office sometime after we took office and there is no person now with any more power than his predecessor had.

Or no less.

Or no less, but with perhaps a little more sagacity in the administration of it. I shall leave that aside. Deputy Lemass said that Córas Iompair Éireann was making money until 1948. Córas Iompair Éireann lost a packet in 1947. In 1948, they came to the Government and said: "Our only hope of getting out of the difficulty is if you agree to let us do certain things."

A Deputy

Increase the fares.

Step up the fares, close the branch lines, stop the maintenance on the permanent way and pay off 2,000 people. We would not let them do it and they have not done it since.

They have done it since.

Not a single person has been stopped, not a single branch line has been closed.

None has been opened.

There has been no closing down of maintenance work. That was the plight in which we found Córas Iompair Éireann in February, 1948, after Fianna Fáil had operated on it for 16 years. We were told in 1944 that we were to get cheap transport. Lazarus was a rich man compared with the state in which we found Córas Iompair Éireann in 1948, thanks to the policy of Fianna Fáil during the previous 16 years.

They have been well scuttled since.

We had to pay them £4,000,000 to set them right.

In 1949?

They were losing money in 1947.

Not a penny.

We had to pay them £4,000,000 after all the money they had expended on the purchase of engines and white elephants of all kinds. That is the best way to describe it. As to the provision of a central bus station, if Córas Iompair Éireann wants this bus depot, why cannot they say so? Why cannot they say publicly if they want this depot?

It would be their last word; they would be dead soon afterwards.

Can they not murmur something before they pass away, even in regard to the Store Street project? This building in Store Street was in no sense coveted by the Department of Social Welfare. It was bought because it was on the market and because it was impossible to get a substantial building in the centre of the city which could be completed in a relatively short time for a Department which was about to embark on the administration of a comprehensive scheme. It was a building in which a variety of staffs could be integrated while other buildings here and there throughout the city, not suitable for a co-ordinated administration of this kind could be vacated and put to other uses. If Córas Iompair Éireann wants this building why do they not say so? Nobody is entitled to make the statement that they want this building while they themselves remain silent on the subject. I do not want to impose silence on them. If they have any views that it would be better to leave them to complete and occupy this building they can say so themselves.

I think the Tánaiste has very clearly demonstrated this evening that he has not only a very vivid imagination but also has a very fanciful one. He criticised a Deputy on this side of the House for painting what he described as an exaggerated word picture. I think any Deputy who listened to the Tánaiste for the past couple of hours, will admit that some of the word pictures he has painted in this debate have been grossly exaggerated. In the course of the discussion on this question he has several times referred to "the bankrupt concern of Córas Iompair Éireann." I want to ask the Minister was Córas Iompair Éireann ever declared bankrupt or is that merely a figment of the Minister's imagination? Is it another section of the exaggerated word picture which he complained Deputies on this side were painting?

So far as I can see, the word picture which the Tánaiste painted of the situation that we are discussing was a picture which he was not viewing at all. He may have had a certain scene in his mind but the scene at which he was looking was not that which he painted. He referred in the course of the discussion on the previous amendment to the fact that the Córas Iompair Éireann building in Store Street was specially designed for a particular purpose, that the basement was suitably designed for a bus station, that the storeys above it were designed for administrative offices and that, therefore, there was practically no alteration required in respect to that portion of the building to make it suitable for the occupation of his staff. That is a useful admission. I wonder if the management of Córas Iompair Éireann are allowed to express their views in respect to the basement portion of the building and say that it is suitable for the purpose for which it was designed, would the Minister be prepared to hand over that section of the building to the company? I should like to have an answer to that question because there can be no doubt as to the suitability of the site as a bus station. There can be no question of additions to the already heavy traffic which passes through the city because traffic from the bus station would, in the main, move through the north side of the city and up the western portion, via the North Circular Road, so that one of the arguments put forward here originally, that it would add to the terrible congestion of traffic that already existed, can be written off.

I was rather surprised at the Minister, in making reference to Deputy Cowan's amendment, suggesting that the Deputy was merely fighting a good rearguard action. Surely the Tánaiste will give credit to a Deputy for bringing forward an amendment in which he believes? I have no doubt in my mind that, apart from the fact that Deputy Cowan is a representative of the constituency in which this building is situated, he is expressing, quite apart from his interest in his constituents, an honest view in regard to the suitability of the site as against other sites.

I did not say he was not.

You suggested that he was fighting a good rearguard action because he represented that constituency.

I used the term "fighting a rearguard action" because I know that Deputy Cowan took the same line on the Transport Bill. One might imagine, therefore, that the matter had been disposed of in the Transport Bill. Now another opportunity is presented to Deputy Cowan, possibly the last he will have. I used the term "rearguard action" in the sense that this is the last chance he will have of referring to it and not with any intention of casting any reflection on the Deputy. I am quite sure he knows that.

The suggestion that he was discussing this because it happened to be situated in his constituency was, to my mind, suggestive of a material personal interest in the subject in regard to which he put down the amendment. The Tánaiste's memory cannot be so short that he cannot recall to his own mind many of the gallant and valiant rearguard actions which he himself fought in respect to many of the subjects that came before this House.

I do not see that there is anything wrong in that.

Neither do I. Every Deputy who brings forward an amendment of this kind deserves to be encouraged, and the suggestion should not be made that he has some other object in mind other than that which appears on the face of the amendment. I do not know whether we are merely wasting our time in discussing this subject, or whether we can induce the Minister to reconsider the whole situation in regard to this depot or not. I wonder would the Minister be prepared to listen to and adopt the suggestion which I have made, namely, that, as the basement portion of this building is eminently suitable for the purpose for which it was designed, he would allow the management of Córas Iompair Éireann to say whether they desire to occupy it or not. If they are, will the Minister be prepared to say that they can occupy it?

I believe that if the Minister were to do that, a vast amount of money would be saved to the State, because I am convinced that the cost of alterations necessary to convert that basement into administrative offices will be fairly heavy. The capital cost of doing so would, I believe, be almost as much as the cost of building the proposed bus station at Smithfield, which is an entirely unsuitable site. As I say, I do not know whether we are merely wasting our time in endeavouring to induce the Minister to accept that viewpoint or not. The only arguments that I can see against this amendment are the 60 or 65 arguments which will walk into the lobby on their two feet when it is put to a division.

The Minister, when questioned a short time ago by Deputy Lemass as to whether we were going to have any central bus station in Dublin or not, said the question was one for the Minister for Industry and Commerce. A few minutes later, he began to rattle off a string of arguments against Córas Iompair Éireann. We have become accustomed to that from the Government Benches, but when a question is asked as to whether the Minister has considered the plight of the travelling public, and whether anything is going to be done for them, instead of giving a straight answer to the question, he tries to put it off on the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

That, surely, is a matter for Córas Iompair Éireann.

It is, surely the duty of any Minister when taking over a building such as this to have regard to the effect of such action on the travelling public. Progress on that building has been held up for the last two years. No steps have been taken to provide an alternative to it. We had a good deal of lip sympathy at one time from the Minister for Industry and Commerce about the plight of the travelling public, but, two years afterwards, another Minister of this Government is still holding that position tight, so that apparently there is to be no remedy for the public.

The site for the bus station at Store Street was chosen after careful consideration by all the people best qualified to give a judgment on it and without any regard to political feeing. I said here on a previous occasion that Córas Iompair Éireann were lucky to get such a site in Dublin, lucky in the sense that the site did not present any difficulties in the way of the demolition of houses or the disturbance of people from their homes. There can be no doubt but that it is the best site in Dublin for a bus station. It is not at all suitable for Government offices. It is in close proximity to the railways, to the docks and to city bus termini. Buses leaving it would not have to cross through the current of heavy traffic. In fact it is so situated that it would help to relieve the traffic problem in Dublin. On the other hand, the alternative site suggested is going to add to the city's traffic difficulties. So far as I, as a member of this House, or any member of the public, knows the plans, we always envisaged a building such as has been erected. There was no such thing as a plan for a one-storey building such as we heard someone refer to here to-night. The plan made provision for a building in which the Córas Iompair Éireann clerical staffs as well as the buses and staffs could be centralised.

There has been a lot of talk about Córas Iompair Éireann being bankrupt. If Córas Iompair Éireann were in such a bad financial position as the Tánaiste makes out, I think they would at least have been able to get sufficient credit to enable them to complete the building and so let it in offices if they were not prepared to do anything else with it. I am certain they would have got sufficient in the way of rents to more than pay for the building. That, I think, would have been a far better provision than to hand it over as they are doing.

Is it not a fact that it was stated publicly, after the conference with the Dublin Corporation, that Córas Iompair Éireann asked that the lower portion of the building be left to them and that the request was refused? The Tánaiste is taking power now to deal with the funds under this Bill without any reference to the Minister for Finance or to any other Minister, and so we are being asked to allow him to take over this building which was designed and built for a purpose entirely different from that to which it is about to be put. There will be the additional cost, which will have to be met out of the funds under the Minister's control, of converting it into offices. That will not be an easy thing to do. The structure itself does not lend itself to that. We all know that thousands of tons of reinforced concrete went into the building of that structure. I know that myself because I pass there three or four times a day, and so I believe the conversion of the building into offices is going to prove to be a very costly job indeed. We are asked to sanction as a good investment out of the funds of this society an expenditure, of we do not know how much, to cover all these things. How could anyone regard that as a good investment? It would be a good investment to complete the building as a bus station, whatever you use the top portion for, whether for offices for the Social Welfare Department or for Córas Iompair Éireann. Personally, I do not think it is a suitable place for the Social Welfare Department. It cannot be regarded by any sensible man as a good investment for funds which will have to cover the sheer waste of converting the under portion into offices. It will be neither one thing nor the other when it is finished; it will be neither suitable for offices nor for a bus station.

No reasoned argument has ever been made from the opposite benches with regard to Store Street. Purely as a matter of political prejudice, we are asked not alone to keep the travelling public suffering, as they are suffering, for some years more apparently, but we are also asked to waste thousands of pounds in the conversion of that portion of the building into offices. As Deputy Briscoe pointed out, in addition to the cost of converting the building, if the provisions of the Bill are carried out, we will be paying 3 per cent. on the money expended out of the funds —I am sure they are producing that much interest at present—which will amount to about £20,000 a year in interest. I think I know conditions in Dublin pretty well and I believe that a site for a building that would house the Social Welfare Department staffs could be obtained and built on much cheaper than that. I cannot describe this as anything but wasteful expenditure. Apart from these considerations, I believe that the upper portion of the building would be quite ample for the Social Welfare Department staffs. Even if it were not, Arus Brugha could be retained. It is not so very far away and certainly would be more than ample to accommodate the rest of the staff, unless the Minister proposes to centralise all the labour exchanges in Store Street, which would be most inconvenient for people living on the south side of the city.

There is no question of that.

Is it really proposed to transfer all the labour exchanges to the Store Street building?

No; we could not accommodate them there.

On the figures given as to the number of the staffs of the different sections that come under the Social Welfare Department, I think there should be ample space for them without the under portion of the building. In any event, it is extremely bad business to take over the under portion of the building and convert it into offices, as it has been specially designed and built for a bus station. It will be a difficult job for any architect to try to convert it into decent offices. Accordingly, I suggest to the Minister —and I put it to him as Deputy Briscoe put it to him earlier this evening—that before it becomes something that cannot be altered he should seriously consider the compromise solution put up by Deputy Cowan.

Amendment put.
The Committee divided:—Tá: 57; Níl: 63.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Blaney, Neal T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Bourke, Dan.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breathnach, Cormac.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Brennan, Thomas.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Buckley, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Carter, Thomas.
  • Childers, Erskine H.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Cowan, Peadar.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • De Valera, Vivion.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Friel, John.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kennedy, Michael J.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kilroy, James.
  • Kissane, Eamon.
  • Lahiffe, Robert.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lydon, Michael F.
  • Lynch, John.
  • McCann, John.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Thomas

Níl

  • Beirne, John.
  • Belton, John.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Commons, Bernard.
  • Connolly, Roderick J.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, John A.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Davin, William.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Donnellan, Michael.
  • MacBride, Seán.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McFadden, Michael Og.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • McQuillan, John.
  • Madden, David J.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, William J.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Donnell, Patrick.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • Doyle, Peadar S.
  • Dunne, Seán.
  • Everett, James.
  • Finucane, Patrick.
  • Fitzpatrick, Michael.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Halliden, Patrick J.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Keyes, Michael
  • Kinane, Patrick.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Larkin, James.
  • Lehane, Con.
  • Lehane, Patrick D.
  • McAuliffe, Patrick.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F. (Jun.).
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Sullivan, Martin.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Redmond, Bridget M.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Roddy, Joseph.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Spring, Daniel.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Timoney, John J.
  • Tully, John.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Cowan and Colley; Níl: Deputies Doyle and Kyne.
Question declared lost.
Amendment No. 22 not moved.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 17th May, 1950.
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