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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 11 Mar 1953

Vol. 137 No. 1

Committee on Finance. - National Stud Bill, 1953—Money Resolution (Resumed).

I said before the debate was adjourned that the members of the Labour Party would not have intervened a second time in this debate were it not for the necessity to refute the allegations made against the Party by members from the opposite side of the House. Deputy Cowan suggested that our Party, in opposing the grant of an additional £250,000 to the National Stud, were motivated by anti-national spirit. He suggested that we did not wish the Irish Stud to secure the best. Nobody realises more than Deputy Cowan that the Labour Party have never taken second place to any Party in Ireland when matters of national importance or national interest were at stake. We intend to continue that record. On this Bill or on any other Bill we will never take a line that in our opinion is contrary to the national interest.

I suggest that if Tulyar were owned outside this country, in the United States of America, in France or in Britain, he would do as much for the prestige of this country, because of his birth here, as he will do if he is kept in this country. From that point of view alone, Deputy Cowan's suggestions are absurd.

The question of what Tulyar will gain for this country is a matter on which any Party can differ in opinion from the Government or from theNational Stud Board without laying itself open to the charge of being anti-national in outlook.

Deputy Cowan suggested that in proposing to vote against the Money Resolution we were not good socialists. In view of the fact that the National Stud is a State controlled body, which does not cater for private interests, Deputy Cowan suggested that the Labour Party, as such, are bound to vote for it. That is just as absurd as his other suggestion that we are anti-national. Deputy Cowan would appear to be thinking along the line that the Labour Party should vote for a proposal to give television sets or wireless sets to all people because the Post Office is State controlled.

The Labour Party's objection to this Money Resolution is not based on any "ism." We say that the time when the country is taxed to the hilt, when there is unemployment, when subsidies have been removed from essential commodities, is not the time when the Government should agree to increase the capital of the National Stud so that they may purchase a racehorse, even one as famous as Tulyar is. When there are people unemployed, when people are pouring out of the country seeking work, the country cannot indulge in the luxury of buying a Tulyar. Therefore, the Labour Party are opposing this proposal with all the resources at their command. We feel it our duty to oppose any suggestion to spend money other than in a way that will give a direct and speedy solution to the unemployment problem and that will help to reduce the heavy cost of essential foodstuffs due to the removal of the subsidies.

Austerity and the buying of a luxury horse do not go hand in hand. We are determined owing to the opportunity given us by this proposal that we will in the name of the people express the resentment that has been conveyed to us by those whom we represent. I can say, interpreting the views and the wishes of the people who elected me in the Waterford constituency, that they are to a man and a woman opposed to this proposal and that they feel it is a slighton this nation that it should be considered at this time.

I understand that the Minister for Justice, speaking at Roscommon some few days ago, stated that this money was not being used to purchase Tulyar, that it was being used to increase the capital of the National Stud. To my mind, that is saying the same thing that we have been saying in different words. It has been suggested that this is a capital charge and that there is a prospect—I hope there is—of not losing any money put into it entirely, or even of showing a profit over a long term of years, and, therefore, it is not a case of using money that could otherwise be used for the immediate relief of unemployment. I suggest that the people know what is being done and resent what is being done while the country is in such a state.

The Labour Party believe that the money spent on the purchase of such a stallion by the National Stud will not improve the breeding of animals owned by the ordinary small farmer and we feel that we are justified in our opposition to it. If we were satisfied that this money was being used in the interests of the farming community as a whole, who are working people like the people we represent, we would agree even in the exceptional circumstances. We are satisfied, however, that the purchase of this horse will, in the main, be in the interests of a very small section of the people. I suggest that the people who represent the ascendancy party in this country will get the main advantage from it. Because of these things, because of the chronic state of unemployment, because of the heavy taxation and, above all, because we wish to show where the Labour Party stand, the Labour Party have decided to vote against this proposal and, as far as we can, we will expose all attempts to push this over as something which is being done in the national interest.

I understand that some Deputies, with a malevolent interest in my welfare, were anxious to know what my views were on this motion. Unfortunately, I was present at ameeting when the Second Stage of the Bill was taken and, as the debate concluded rather abruptly, I was not therefore permitted to participate in the debate. I am, however, leaving no doubt as to what are my views on the matter. They are precisely the same views as were expressed by the Labour Party and I propose to give the reasons why I hold these views which are in complete accord with the views expressed by the Labour Party.

We cannot consider the purchase of this racehorse apart from the background surrounding the purchase and the circumstances of the nation at the time of the purchase and apart from other vital problems which cry out to-day for a speedy solution. We have in this small country of ours an unemployment problem proportionately worse than is to be found in any country in Western Europe to-day. We have here an unemployment problem represented by having 13 per cent of our insured workers idle.

The Deputy understands that he may not discuss Government policy on this motion. The Deputy might as well suggest that the Army should be supplied with a certain type of gun or a science laboratory provided for every national school and a thousand and one other things.

This is a question of increasing the capital of the National Stud. Do you object to increasing the capital of the National Stud? That is the purpose of the Bill.

The Minister will appreciate that that is nearly as low a trick as asking a man has he stopped beating his wife.

Mr. Walsh

It is a realistic statement. The Deputy is not realistic.

I submit I am entitled on this motion to give the reasons why we should not spend £250,000 on the purchase of this racehorse and to show that there are many urgent problems demanding a solution before we spend £250,000 in this recklessly extravagant way.

It has been decided repeatedly in this House that on a Money Resolution only matters relevant to the Resolution can be discussed. If the Deputy wants to proceed to discuss the unemployment problem, the cost of living, agricultural policy, defence policy, educational policy and so on could just as well be discussed on this motion as the unemployment problem. The Deputy must not proceed on the line of discussing the unemployment problem.

I have no intention of doing that, nor have I the time available to discuss the question of unemployment or the question of high prices, but I submit that I am entitled to make a passing reference to them at a time when we have 90,000 people unemployed, when prices are higher than at any time in living memory, and when Irish people are going to Great Britain at a faster rate than was ever known before, and to say that this is not a time for this House to be asked to spend £250,000 in the purchase of this racehorse. That is all I propose to do. I propose to come to the merits of the purchase, but these are the cold, cruel facts which the Minister, travelling the main roads of the country, may not know are causing concern to men and women up and down the country, in the cities, in the towns, and in the rural areas.

I put this to the Minister. If he has been at any meetings recently and has not been shielded from the indignation of the people, he must know that there are widespread complaints against the burning economic evils of unemployment, high prices and mass emigration. It is in circumstances like that, and against that background, that this House is being asked to vote £250,000 for the purchase of a racehorse.

Mr. Walsh

For the purpose of increasing the capital of the National Stud.

The money is required in order to buy this horse. What is the use in our closing our eyes to facts? What is the use of wearing blinkers in a matter of this kind?

Mr. Walsh

If the horse was never there, we would still have to increase the capital.

The Government appears in my view to be acting with as much prudence as would a man who decides to buy a new piano while his house is on fire. That is the role in which the Government is cast in relation to its purchase of this animal.

Mr. Walsh

The Government is not purchasing the animal.

A few months ago we were told that this country is living beyond its means, that it is eating too much, consuming too much and wearing too much clothes. We were told that we could not afford that standard of living. We were told that the necessary correctives for that situation were an austerity Budget and a hair-shirt economic policy. At the same time as we are being told that, the Minister for Agriculture is sent in here with a green Bill to deceive green people and the House is asked to vote £250,000 to buy a racehorse. I do not know how the Minister can reconcile talk about our financial position, described by the Minister for Finance as serious to the point of desperation, and the homilies from Ministers every week warning the country of the grave economic crisis with which it is confronted with this proposed purchase. It is in a welter of despair and bleakness that the Minister for Agriculture comes in here and asks us for £250,000 to buy a racehorse.

The question as to whether this is a good investment has been posed in the course of this debate. I do not know that anybody here is qualified to express an opinion, not even the Minister, as to whether this is a good investment. Nobody knows what this horse, untried at the stud, will do in the years to come. I think Deputy Briscoe was quite right and very candid when he said: "This is in the nature of a gamble." We do not know what this sire's progeny will be like. Nobody can say with any certainty whether his progeny will or will not be a success. Its progeny will certainly be remarkable if they fetch prices comparable to the animal itself.

We are being asked to pay £250,000 for this horse. Let us ponder well upon the fact that this horse is, after all, the progeny of a mare and a stallion the total cost of which was about £4,000. The parents of this animal cost between them £4,000. It is their progeny that is being offered to us at £250,000. In a paper the other day I saw a statement by somebody with a flair for horseflesh. He ascertained the weight of this animal and, having ascertained the weight, he converted the animal into gold and he discovered that this small country with the grim future indicated by the Government has literally bought this racehorse for its weight in gold. We have, in other words, asked the owner of the horse to weigh it and told him that we will give him its weight in gold. That is what we are doing and we are doing that at a time when our people cannot pay their way, when our people are flying to Britain faster than they ever did in the past and when every employment exchange is a living picture of misery. This is the time when we decide to buy a racehorse for its weight in gold.

Imagine the way the welkin would ring had the inter-Party Government done this. The Fianna Fáil propagandists would have turned out at every chapel gate on Sunday morning and the people would have been told the crime the Government proposed to commit against the nation in buying a racehorse for its weight in gold. That is exactly what the Fianna Fáil Government is doing now and it has selected the worst possible time, according to its own members, in the economic position of our country to engage in this recklessly extravagant experiment.

Simple minded Deputies have affirmed here that this is a bargain. I hope we do not fall for any more bargains of that kind—£250,000 for a racehorse—because if we do there will be more and heavier blisters on the backs of our people in a very short time. We have a situation here in which other countries interested in horseflesh and in the bloodstock industry could probably have bought this animal and would have infinitelygreater resources for paying for it than we have.

The United States of America has lent thousands of millions of pounds and given free grants of thousands of millions of pounds to various countries in Europe but the United States stopped short at buying this animal at the price we are proposing to pay for it. If it be alleged that somebody in America offered a price higher than we are paying I would like to have the identity of that person established. I would like to know why that transaction did not go through. Some interesting stories might be told at that level if people probed the matter a little further. The truth of the matter is that there was obviously nobody in the market willing to pay this price. We developed a fetish in connection with the purchase of this animal at £250,000 and our people are being asked to pay for it at a time when they are being told they are eating too much, wearing clothes of too good quality and a hair-shirt austerity Budget is necessary to bring them back to the realities of a situation in which the Government proposes to purchase a racehorse for its weight in gold.

I wonder have we lost all sense of human values when we go into the market and pay £250,000 for a racehorse. If we want to sell ourselves to the world as the most simple people in it, we seem to be making pretty substantial progress in that direction because paying £250,000 for an animal in the circumstances in which the Government says the country is to-day is in my view taking leave of our senses. If the Government or the Directors of the National Stud want to invest some money in humanity they can begin to do that with their own employees down at Tully in the County Kildare. They might take a look at the wage rates paid by the National Stud—the National Stud that proposes to buy this racehorse for its weight in gold— and they might see whether there is not a distorted sense of human values in paying £250,000 for a racehorse while maintaining the standard of wages in force at present in the National Stud. If there is to be any extravagance let us be sure first of all that we are beingfair, humane and prudent with the staff employed in the National Stud.

I wonder what the House or the people would think of an individual who, while not able to provide for his children, not able to ensure that they got work, not able to ensure that they had a decent standard of living, not able or unwilling to pay his bills, nevertheless decided that he would buy the fastest motor car in the world. I think a very low valuation would be placed on that individual if he presented himself for public examination. But that is precisely the position of this Government to-day. It cannot provide for its 90,000 unemployed. It cannot ensure that people will get the bare necessaries of life. It will not pay its debts to lowly-paid civil servants who have secured an award from an arbitration board. The Minister for Education will not admit to the teachers their entitlement to an increase in wages to compensate them for increased prices. Although the Government defaults on all these fronts the Minister for Agriculture comes in and says: "Give me £250,000 to buy one racehorse." That caps a previous decision to spend £500,000 of the same people's money in running an air service between this country and America. An air service is of no interest whatever to 99.9 per cent. of the people who will never be able to afford the luxury of paying high rates for travelling on a transatlantic service.

It is not possible to consider the purchase of this animal strictly on its mathematical merits, if there be any mathematical merits in the purchase. You have to consider this whole question with the background against which we are being asked to pay the money. The Government tells us the country is in a most unhealthy state economically. This Government is responsible for creating an all-time record in respect of high prices and an economic disorganisation which shows itself in 90,000 unemployed people. We have now reached the stage under this Government at which the Celt is leaving the country faster than he ever went before. This Government tells us it has no money for this, that or the other worth-while scheme. In themidst of that welter of despair, the Minister for Agriculture says: "Forget about that, why not let us have a little gamble on this horse with £250,000" without evidence that it is worth £250,000, without any recommendation to this House that it is worth anything like that figure. That unpredictable step is taken at a time when the Government is preaching to everybody in the country the necessity for cutting down on the present standard of living.

Whatever view we might take of this matter in other circumstances in which the country was enjoying a higher standard of living and a larger measure of prosperity than that which exists to-day, in present circumstances, we in this Party, at all events, are opposed to the nation's money being used in this way because we think it is a lop-sided and distorted conception of economic and human values. The purchase of this racehorse has been recommended by some Deputies on the Government Benches with a boastful and bragging reference to purchasing horseflesh. I would be much more interested if we were boasting our achievements in elevating human beings to a higher standard of dignity than they have to-day and in doing something to rescue the 90,000 unemployed people from the plight which they are enduring to-day and from the grimmer plight which awaits them if even half of what the Government Ministers say is likely to happen takes place.

There are much more urgent problems to be undertaken than running a transatlantic service and buying one horse for £250,000. There are human problems encompassing human misery, involving human sacrifice, and involving an invasion of the standard of living of our people. These call out for urgent solution and instead of concentrating their endeavours on relieving the problems which encompass so much misery this Government engages in the reckless task of buying a racehorse, doing something which, as Deputy Briscoe said, is just a gamble, and a gamble which may turn out to be a very considerable loss for the nation as a whole.

The Government would have beenwell advised to tell the directors of the National Stud, if they initiated the move to buy the horse, the present was not considered to be an opportune time to engage in this reckless expenditure. At the same time as the Government was pleading it could not pay its debts in other directions and had no money to put the 90,000 unemployed people into employment, this purchase was proposed. It is because I think it represents a completely distorted sense of values and a complete abandonment of all prudence in governmental and economic matters that I am opposed to the expenditure of £250,000 on this animal, so long as there are many human problems to be dealt with in the country.

Mr. Walsh

We have been discussing this money Resolution now for about five hours and with the exception of one or two references to the purpose for which the Bill was introduced, the discussion has centred around the purchase of Tulyar. There has been a lot of confused talk. The purpose for which this money is being sought by the directors is not merely to buy a sire for the stud but also to buy mares, carry out necessary repairs there and a number of other things. It is a question whether the House is prepared to extend the capital of the company or not. It is not a question whether they should buy more mares or not. All the talk that has been going on here for the past two or three days centred around the one purchase.

Let us see what is the purpose of setting up this stud. Away back in 1946 the Government of the day decided that it was in the interests of the country to take over this stud to carry it on as a National Stud, to develop and foster the bloodstock industry. For that purpose a sum of £250,000 was voted as capital. Having regard to the devaluation of the £ even since then, the higher prices for bloodstock—because it was necessary for the directors of the National Stud if they were to make a success of the venture to acquire at least reasonably good mares and reasonably good sires —they succeeded in getting a numberof mares but not a sufficient number for the size of the stud. They set out to get some sire horses and succeeded in getting reasonably good horses, and one exceptionally good horse, Royal Charger. He was a short distance horse and for the past two or three years they have been on the look-out for a long distance horse. As a matter of fact the directors have already gone to Britain, to France and to Italy for that purpose. They have been looking for this horse since 1951 and at any time that it was possible for them to get the horse it would have been necessary for me to come into this House to ask for additional capital for the stud.

Some months ago a rumour was circulated not merely here but also in Britain that the Aga Khan was prepared to sell Tulyar. He had won the Derby and many other races. Three other winners of the Derby were sold to America. The directors of the National Stud considered that this was the ideal type of horse for them. He was what they were looking for, a long distance horse with staying power, blood, and so forth. We have a number of horses in the country that could be regarded as being high-priced. The Phoenix, for instance, is syndicated here and a number of other horses, at prices ranging from £150,000 to £180,000. It is the belief of the directors and many other people in the country that there is no comparison between Tulyar and the horses that are already at the stud in this country.

His performances on racecourses indicate that he has been one of the outstanding horses produced in the present century. We do not know how successful he may be at the stud but we can only hope for the best. That is all that can be done in any event with any horse purchased for the Stud, but we do know that he has all the qualifications to command a high price. He has broken all records in winning stakes. He was the best three-year-old in 1952. It is my belief that this is a good investment from the point of view that I regard the progeny of Tulyar as being worth at least 2,000 guineas per head more than the progeny of any horse at stud in Ireland to-day.Whether, as yearlings, they are sent to the sales at Ballsbridge, Doncaster or Newmarket, I believe that they will be capable of bringing in, on the average, 2,000 guineas more than the progeny of any other horse. If we take it that the allocation of nominations will be on the same basis as in the case of Royal Charger—in his case 25 per cent. of the mares were selected and the other 75 were balloted for—it would give us 30 yearlings a year in this country.

How many nominations will the Aga Khan have?

Mr. Walsh

There are no free nominations.

How many will he get?

Mr. Walsh

He has asked for four nominations for which he is prepared to pay. Taking it that 30 of the progeny remain in this country, at 2,000 guineas for a yearling, that gives us £60,000 a year.

Who gets that money?

Mr. Walsh

The money comes into the country and it is spent in the country. Whether it is invested in buildings, in the production of gas, in agriculture, or wherever it is invested it is giving employment.

Supposing it is lying in the bank——

Mr. Walsh

Why always look at the dark side of things? Why always have that morbid outlook that has been so much in evidence on the Labour Benches since this debate started?

This investment will not be much use to the small farmers. They will not be able to afford nominations.

Mr. Walsh

It is not for the small breeder, the big breeder or any particular class that this investment is being made. This is a national investment in a nationally owned concern, the National Stud.

And with national money.

Mr. Walsh

With national money. It is run in the interests of the nation and in no other interest. Possibly itmight be one of the smallest breeders in the country who would win the Derby.

He might win the Sweep too.

Mr. Walsh

Exactly.

And he would have a better chance.

Mr. Walsh

No better chance. It depends on the nominations in that case. This Bill as I have said provides for an extension of the capital of the National Stud. Even if Tulyar were out of the question, it is necessary I think for the directors to get a staying sire. They have been trying unsuccessfully for a number of years to get a sire of this type. If the Government in the morning went into the market for a French horse, the possibilities are that they would have to pay about £200,000 for one.

Supposing you were in opposition and Deputy Dillon as Minister brought in a proposal of this kind what would you think of it?

Suppose Deputy O'Leary allowed the Minister to make his speech?

Mr. Walsh

The value of the bloodstock industry to this country is very considerable. Our export trade in horses alone is value for over £3,000,000. We can enhance that value and at the same time enhance national prestige which has been, and which continues to be, high. Our reputation did not start in the last few years. It has been there I might say for the past half century. We started off with troopers, cavalry horses, in every army in Europe. Similarly this country was noted for producing high-class hunters which we sent across to Britain. The small farmer who bred a hunter, worked it for a couple of years and hunted it perhaps for a year and then sold it, regarded it as an asset to his farm. Our chasers have won world renown because of the number of successes of Irish-bred horses in the chief 'chasing event of the world, the Grand National. In the past 50 years more than 50 per cent. of the winners of that race were Irish-bred horses.

And they did not cost £250,000 either.

Mr. Walsh

These horses have brought prestige to the country. They were sold at Ballsbridge every year and went all over the world, to the continent, to America, to India and to Britain. They have been the greatest ambassadors this country had.

Any old horse could win the National.

Mr. Walsh

For years the British have been trying to claim that every really good horse was British bred, but most winners of the big races were Irish bred and as a result our prestige has gone up. Our Army jumping team has contributed to that prestige in every European country and in America. This country was noted for the horses it produced. The reason why we have been so lucky in that respect is that we have all the elements necessary for producing good horses in that we have the climate, we have the soil and our people have the skill. We had all these things to help us and what we need now at the moment is the breed.

And the money.

Mr. Walsh

We believe we have the breed in the sire that the directors have purchased for the National Stud. I believe that the debate on this Bill should not have occupied the House for such a long time at all. There was no necessity for all this confused talk and this attempt to try to introduce other matters into this question of increasing the capital for the National Stud. There was no necessity for it. It was just a political manoeuvre.

Over a very trifling amount.

Mr. Walsh

All this confusion was created in an effort to try to gain some little political capital for certain Parties, but I can assure Deputies that there is very little political capital to be gained out of this Bill, either by Labour or anybody else. I am terribly surprised at the attitude of someDeputies. I do not believe that the people are so totally opposed, as some Deputies suggest, to the purchase of this horse. Deputy Norton should have proof of that in his own constituency.

Would you like to test it?

Mr. Walsh

Now the Deputy is not so happy in his constituency——

Will you test it?

Mr. Walsh

We are very much opposed to a gamble and that would be a huge gamble.

A damn bad one.

Mr. Walsh

You would go in with a lot of dread in your heart.

Are the people in your constituency not in favour of it?

Mr. Walsh

Quite so—and in many other constituencies also. What is the difference between this capital investment and other capital investments? This is an investment which is of value to the country and to its prestige. It is of value also because of the employment it may give and which I hope it will give in the future. There will be increased demands for Irish bloodstock because we have this horse in our National Stud. What is the objection to this investment—and no objection, for instance, to putting money into Bord na Móna?

They are two different things.

Mr. Walsh

The only difference is that here you have to wait a little longer for your money. We have heard about the 90,000 unemployed. This sum of £250,000 would not give them £3 per head. I believe that the investment of this money will do a great deal to create employment. The world is capable of buying many more horses than are bought at the present time, and few countries in the world are capable of producing better horses than this country. It is that short-sighted policy of the people who are alleged to represent labour in this country——

So long as the prestige is good in this country you can go hunting: is that not right?

Go down and visit Gardiner Street and then let us hear what you have to say about prestige.

Mr. Walsh

This is a worth-while project.

Go down and visit the labour exchange at Gardiner Street.

Deputy Norton should control himself.

Mr. Walsh

We have had experience in many other directions——

You are not sincere at all.

Mr. Walsh

I am sincere—and I was sincere on this question long before I ever stood on these benches. One of the ways in which we can build up the prestige of our country is to build up the prestige of our bloodstock by having suitable mares and sires.

By giving £250,000 to the Aga Khan.

Mr. Walsh

It does not matter who was the owner of the horse. It does not matter whether he was a man without an acre or whether he was a millionaire. It is the horse that we are buying—not the man. The only thing that matters is the value of the horse —and I believe he is value for the money. It does not matter who the recipient of the money will be.

Some people think that you are buying the Aga Khan as well as the horse, in view of the price you are paying.

Mr. Walsh

A fair example of what good breeding can do is what the Aga Khan has achieved in his lifetime. He has had the best mares and the best sires and they have paid good dividends. He has won five Derbys.

And because he was one of the wealthiest men in the world.

Mr. Walsh

It was good breeding in his horses that won it for him.

Good jockeys.

Some of the Labour Party are good jockeys.

Mr. Walsh

A jockey must have a horse to carry him. We have now, I hope, a horse that will help to build a great future for the Irish bloodstock industry. That is the reason why I have been anxious to extend this capital and why I have come to the House in the matter. I have made my case. I see no reason why there should be any objection to extending the capital of this very valuable stud which is doing, and which will, in the future, do so much for the Irish bloodstock industry. We can have better mares there than we have at present. We want more mares. By having higher-priced yearlings, more money will come into the stud and, generally, it will mean more money invested in that establishment, which will enhance its value. No case has been made in this House——

For purchasing——

Mr. Walsh

——for a refusal to give this money to the directors.

You are making a bad case for the purchase of this horse at a price of £250,000. We have made our case.

Mr. Walsh

I am surprised that when Deputy Norton was a Minister he did not get rid of the directors of the stud——

They could not do everything in a few years.

Mr. Walsh

They were there when I came into office and they were there during his term of office.

They put up no such proposal to us.

Mr. Walsh

They did not have to. If you thought they were not worthy or capable of running the National Stud then you had a duty to the people of this country to get rid of them.

They did not ask for £250,000 for the purchase of a horse.

Mr. Walsh

I have the utmost confidence in the directors of the NationalStud even though I did not appoint them. I believe that they know their job and will do it. I ask this House to give me this Money Resolution inorder to enable them to carry out the functions for which they were appointed.

Question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 65; Níl, 23.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Butler, Bernard.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Childers, Erskine.
  • Cogan, Patrick.
  • Colley, Harry.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Collins, Seán.
  • Cowan, Peadar.
  • Crowley, Honor Mary.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Davern, Michael J.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • De Valera, Eamon.
  • De Valera, Vivion.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice E.
  • Duignan, Peadar.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Gallagher, Colm.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hillery, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Little, Patrick J.
  • Lynch, Jack (Cork Borough).
  • McCann, John.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • McGrath, Patrick.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • McQuillan, John.
  • Maguire, Patrick J.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Moylan, Seán.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Rice, Bridget M.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheldon, William A. W.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Laurence J.
  • Walsh, Thomas.

Níl

  • Beirne, John.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Cafferky, Dominick.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Crowe, Patrick.
  • Dunne, Seán.
  • Everett, James.
  • Finan, John.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hession, James M.
  • Hickey, James.
  • Hughes, Joseph.
  • Keyes, Michael.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Donnell, Patrick.
  • O'Leary, Johnny.
  • O'Sullivan, Denis.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Roddy, Joseph.
  • Tully, John.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Ó Briain and Hilliard; Níl: Deputies Kyne and O'Leary.
Question declared carried.
Resolution reported and agreed to.
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