Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 21 Jul 1953

Vol. 141 No. 1

Committee on Finance. - Vote on Account, 1953-54—Motion by the Minister for Finance (Resumed).

From the period April, 1951, to April, 1953, there has been an alarming increase in the number of unemployed in the general building industry, including house-building. Those unemployed in that particular category in April, 1951, amounted to 4,832, and in April, 1953, that figure had jumped to 9,159. It seems, therefore, that there has been a substantial increase in the number unemployed in the building industry. The Taoiseach, when speaking some two weeks ago, gave one reason for that, that the housing programme of certain local authorities had been completed or was nearing completion. In reply to a parliamentary question to-day by Deputy MacBride, the Taoiseach gave a list of 45 local authorities who, he said, had satisfied their housing needs or were very near to satisfying their housing needs. But there was a very significant part of his reply and that was that this information was given having regard to the housing needs of 1947.

It seems to me that the survey carried out in 1947 to determine the number of houses required for the country would not stand to-day. I am informed, for instance, that in the case of the Laois County Council, which the Taoiseach says had satisfied its housing needs up to the 31st December, 1952, there are still many houses or cottages required in the Laois County Council area.

What did he say about Laois?

That the housing needs were satisfied by the houses completed up to 31st December, 1952.

No such thing.

I am also told in respect of Edenderry that the housing needs are not satisfied. I do not blame the Taoiseach entirely, nor do I say that he alleges the housingneeds have been fully completed because, as I said, he did qualify that by saying that his reply was based on the figures furnished as a result of the 1947 survey. The number of those unemployed in the house-building industry has increased very much in the last few years. It is very difficult to understand how that position has arisen. The Taoiseach himself said that he could not understand it and, perhaps, it was the fault of the local authorities. I wonder what change has come over the local authorities since 1950, or for that matter since 1951, when we had a fair number of skilled and unskilled men working on house-building in this country. There is no change in the political set-up— let us call it—of the local authorities. In the majority of cases, I think that the Government Party is very strongly represented and surely there would not be a reversal of policy so far as they were concerned. So that I think it behoves a Government to carry out some strict investigation as to the causes of the slowing-up of house-building by local authorities. Whether it is lack of money or labour content or administrative difficulties we have not been told yet, but the fact is, there is a substantial number of skilled and unskilled building-workers in the City of Dublin and elsewhere unemployed.

There is still a big demand for houses both in the city and rural and urban areas. Under the heading of other constructional work such as roads there has been a decrease in the past two years of approximately 5,000 in the number employed. Again, it is difficult to understand that when one listens to the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs telling us that the amount provided by the Government for capital expenditure has not diminished this year. In the rural areas—also in the last two years—there has been a substantial increase in unemployment. Coupled with that is the fact that approximately 14,000 men leave the land every year. I think 14,000 was the figure for those who left Ireland between 1951 and 1952. This is not unusual. It has not been unusual since 1922, since the setting up of theState. Since 1926, 147,000 workers have left the land. Since 1946, 72,000 have left the land. That represents a drop from 1926 to 1951 of 53 per cent. of the working population to 41 per cent. in the year 1951. The problem of employment on the land has always been with us. Unfortunately it will be with us for quite a long time unless this House and the Government can devise ways and means of keeping people on the land. We have all expressed our desire that the flight from the land should stop but none of us seems to have got the proper solution. It is so difficult to keep them on the land. Many people have spoken from time to time about the lack of attractions, the lack of amusements, say, in the from of cinemas, parish halls and different other amusements you might find in the big towns or cities. I do not believe that they in themselves are the causes of the flight from the land. The real cause is the fact that the types of work in rural Ireland at the present time are very limited. As far as I know, in any case, the main types of work available to the rural worker at the present time are farm work, county council work, and in recent years, forestry work. I think we could agree these are the main forms of employment for workers in rural Ireland. With the progress of time, with progress in the agricultural industry, farm work has diminished and that is something we cannot get away from. The introduction of machinery as we have seen over the past few years means that farmers need less men. Whether that is good or bad is a matter of opinion. Many people in the House bemoan the passing of the horse for farm work; many others have bemoaned the fact that up-to-date machinery is being employed at the present time in farm work, but the fact remains whether good or bad that there is less use for the farm worker in rural Ireland.

As far as county council work is concerned, it is limited, and as far as one can see from present trends the amount of work that will be available under local authorities—in this case, county councils—will decline and has declined this year. The signs are that it will decline next year and for manyyears to come. If there is to be anything done immediately to alleviate the unemployment position in rural areas the Government could well consider engaging again in the works under what were known as the local authorities' works schemes. We may have had differences of opinion about the effects or the usefulness of these schemes, but I am convinced that apart from the fact that they gave good employment, they gave useful employment. These works were described by members of the Government Party as works that did nothing but throw money down the drain. These local authorities' works schemes were introduced in 1949. Granted the people who carried out these schemes in the way of local officials were not as experienced as they could be in the initial stages, but by degrees it was found that the money subsequently spent on these schemes gave useful results. I was very pleased recently in a particular area in County Wexford when accompanied by two other Deputies from the county, to be told that land which had been drained as a result of one of these schemes under the Local Authorities (Works) Act was done so very well that it was possible last year and this year to grow a crop of wheat on it.

I may be told that is one particular case, but I do know also that these schemes linked up with the land reclamation schemes carried out under the Department of Agriculture, were considered by the local people and the officers of the Department of Agriculture as being very beneficial to the agricultural industry.

We cannot regard the building of cottages in rural areas as being of a permanent nature. It is true, as the Taoiseach said, that the cottage building schemes in many of the areas— especially in the rural areas—are completed or nearing completion, and those who are now engaged in building cottages in rural areas will come into the unemployment lists if we do not plan now and try to discover ways and means of keeping them in employment in rural Ireland.

We have paid much lip-service to the policy of decentralisation. All of ushave been guilty of that. It reminds me of the agreement we can get among ourselves in regard to the abolition of Partition in this country but we do not seem to be able to shake ourselves into doing anything about it. Successive Governments for decades past have proclaimed a policy of decentralisation, but if any efforts have been made to decentralise industry in this country they have been puny efforts.

Many objections are put up to the decentralisation of Government services. The main objection is that the seat of Government is here in Dublin and that the different officers and officers must be centred around Dublin to provide for smooth administration. There has been one solitary example of attempt at decentralisation so far as Government Departments are concerned, and that is in the setting up of the soil analysis section of the Department of Agriculture at Johnstown Castle, in County Wexford. I would say that that small effort at decentralisation has been successful. In that particular area many men have been provided with useful employment under that Government Department. It may not be a perfect example of decentralisation, but I know if it were suggested ten or 15 years ago that such a section of the Department of Agriculture should be located 90 miles away from Dublin, there would be many objections to the proposal. I know how difficult the problem is. Building cannot be transported and there is difficulty in erecting new buildings or acquiring new premises all over the country, but I think the Government should make a determined effort to try to prevent people from rural Ireland or from provincial or small towns coming to Dublin by farming out, so to speak, as many sections of Government Departments as they can.

If we want to provide work in rural Ireland, or if it is the intention or policy of the Government to promote the creation of industries outside Dublin in rural areas, I humbly suggest that these industries should be of a type different from the type of industry that has been set up in thecountry for the last 25 or 30 years. So far as I can see, many of the industries set up in the country are industries which are competing with countries from which we are purchasing the raw material for our industries. The countries from which we are importing the raw material for our industries will certainly see to it that the advantage will be on their side. Clothing industries, boot-making industries and industries of that type are all very well in their way, but we must remember that we are competing with our nextdoor neighbour, Britain, and that it is from Britain we import the raw materials for these industries. There should be a determined effort on the part of the Government to encourage the setting up of industries that can be regarded as being peculiar to Ireland, industries of a specialised nature which would not require the importation to any great extent of raw materials. The Government should also, through the Department of Education, try to educate young boys and girls, the future workers of this country, in the elements of some specialised industries, industries peculiar to the country. I cannot, offhand, give examples, but we are afforded one good example by the manner in which Switzerland specialised in the watchmaking industry. That is an industry peculiar to Switzerland and the workers there have specialised in that industry. If we are to compete against countries from which we import the raw material for any particular industry, it will either mean that we shall fail or that the Government will be forced by legislative action and for the protection of the products of the Irish industry, to raise the price of these products.

The Government could well—and I am sure their minds are bent in that direction—make stronger efforts to popularise the turf industry. I have heard so many people from different parts of the country speak in this House about the necessity of encouraging the turf industry that I have often been tempted to ask them if they use turf in their own homes. I reckon that if many of them were asked if they used turf in their own homes they would be forced to replyin the negative. So far as the prospects which that industry may hold out for providing employment in the rural areas are concerned, I would say to the Minister that many mistakes were made during the emergency period. Turf became, to put it very mildly, very unpopular in the area in which I live and, I expect, also in the area in which the Minister lives. In any of the areas that were regarded as being non-turf-producing areas, turf was, and still is, very unpopular. The Minister may be bursting to tell me all about the Coalition.

I am not bursting to tell the Deputy anything. The Deputy is making a very interesting speech and I am listening to him very carefully.

I thought I saw a glint in the Minister's eye, and I thought he wanted to jump in. I am considering the present and the future of this industry irrespective of what might be said from any side of the House with regard to the past. I suggest that the products of the turf industry can be popularised, that more efficient and cheaper methods of production, especially in the matter of transport can, and should be, devised. It is one of our biggest natural resources and turf should be produced in such a way that many more people would be willing and glad to use it as fuel.

With so many farmer Deputies in the House, I do not propose to speak at length or in detail, because of my inability to do so, on the most important industry, as we all agree the agricultural industry is, in this country. There are, however, many facts of which we should remind ourselves. In the first place, the industry provides work for about 500,000 of our people.

There is also the fact that 55 per cent. of our exports come from the agricultural industry and that we are absolutely dependent on it. These are facts which have been stated here from day to day and week to week. Farmer Deputies, and even sometimes city Deputies here, deplore the fact that there has been no appreciable increasein the volume of output. Somebody interjected here some little time ago that there had been a 3 per cent. increase from 1951 to 1952, but appeals for greater production are becoming rather monotonous in this House. We have had appeals from both sides. It is not a subject into which I, or may I say other members of the Labour Party, wish to delve or intrude from time to time, but ever since I became a Deputy I have heard appeals for an increase in the volume of output. There does not seem to be any appreciable advance with regard to an increase in that respect. We seem to be content with what we have. We seem to be content with the fact that there is a market abroad for certain of our agricultural produce, especially the meat products and the dairy produce, but we have also got to ask ourselves will this demand remain as high as it is.

It has been a very favourable time since the beginning of the war for this country as far as the export of agricultural produce is concerned. That I take it is due to the fact that England and a big portion of Europe was ravaged by war and set back to a large extent but those countries, especially the ones in Europe that have a good knowledge of agriculture, are up and doing. They are doing what the Irish farmers or the agricultural industry should be doing at the present time. They are finding out day by day, week by week, year by year, more efficient methods to enable them to compete with other countries in the export market.

We will have to do the same, to find more efficient methods and to put the Irish agricultural industry in such a way that it can compete, or should I say that it can beat other countries, when it comes to the export of agricultural produce. Most of our agricultural produce goes to Great Britain, and to some extent Britain is not very particular from whom she is going to get it as long as the price to her is acceptable. If we do not devise more effective methods and increase the volume of output and to an extent, too, have keener prices not alone to compete in the export marketbut to keep the price of those commodities at a reasonable level to our own people at least, the agricultural industry in this country will find itself out on a limb.

I can only suggest what has been suggested by members from various Parties in this House, inadequate capitalisation of agriculture. The restoration of credit has been a matter of controversy, as has been the land reclamation project. These things should be intensified. All of us are agreed that the land should be reclaimed and all of us bemoan the fact when we go through the country that there is so much land that is non-productive. If this Government can make greater strides than have been made in the past then it will have my support and the support of the Labour Party. It is not for me to quote Denmark or Holland or any of those near European countries in the matter of reclamation of land or the putting into production of waste land, but if we in this country can imitate their example in this land reclamation scheme, then I think we will be doing good. But again might I remind the Minister for Agriculture that he would have a much easier task if he linked up the land reclamation scheme to the local authorities—if the county councils in this country were given permission, and of course, the most important thing, given the money, to engage in the type of work that they were engaged in over the last three or four years under the Local Authorities (Works) Schemes. What makes people think in this country when they have regard to the numbers of unemployed here is that there is so much work to be done in the country. There are many schemes that could be undertaken—so many schools to be built, so many hospitals to be built and, as I have said before, so many houses to be built, so many harbours which need attention. We have the money, or at least we have the men and we have so much work to be done but we seem to be held up for some reason or another. The ordinary people's guess is that it is money.

According to the speeches we have heard, the speech we heard here to-dayfrom the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, we can only assume that as far as the Government is concerned it must be money that is holding up these schemes. There has been a suggestion in the last few weeks that the Government, finding that its ordinary policy has not shown any results with regard to the decrease in unemployment, are considering, or at least have plans made, to put into operation many schemes which have been laying in the files or on the stocks of the different local authorities throughout the country. Whether there is any truth in that suggestion or not, I do not know, but whilst we all agree that those schemes which are lying with the local authorities would be only temporary schemes and would only give men employment for a limited period something in the nature of public works schemes must be engaged in at the present time so as to come to the rescue of the 54,000 or 58,000 who now find themselves unemployed.

The Government have a responsibility for the unemployed in this country. There is no doubt in the world about it that the fundamental right of a worker in any democratic country to-day is that he should be provided with work. As I have said, there is so much work to be done in this country that the tens of thousands now unemployed cannot understand why they are not allowed to go ahead with that work.

Apart from the Government's responsibility for the unemployed in this country I also suggest that local authorities, not to the same extent as the Government, have their responsibility as well. It is true to say this, that theirs is not an absoulte responsibility, but as long as a local authority has the responsibility of providing houses, as long as a local authority has the responsibility of providing water and sewerage schemes and roads, as long as it has the responsibility of providing different amenities for the people of a county or for its particular functional area, it in turn, I suggest, has a responsibility to those people who are unemployed in those counties and who are willing and able to go to work on those particular amenity schemes.

I would not dare to jump in between Deputy McGilligan and Deputy MacBride in their detailed discussions on finance and credit restriction, but it does seem peculiar that we boast so much about the rich natural resources that we have in this country in the land, in the water, in the potential of the country for afforestation. We proclaim to the world that we are one of the richest countries in the world with regard to natural resources, but still we find ourselves with 12 per cent. of the working population of this country unemployed. I am not for borrowing for what the Taoiseach described as the day-to-day expenditure, but I would be for borrowing for building the country, for doing capital work, and I would say that no country could have greater security in borrowing than the richness of our natural resources. There is a difference of opinion, and there would be a difference of opinion, I agree, with regard to rates of interest. Five per cent. is exorbitant, and the lead given by the Government in paying 5 per cent. for money borrowed is merely an incentive to other people, to the banks, to increase their rate of interest on loans as well, thus sending, apart from the cost of living, up the price of money, an all-important factor in the building or the general running of this country. If the Government can induce people who have money in this country to invest it here, that is a good thing; but surely it is "a sitting bird" for those who have money lying unused or lying in the bank at 1½ per cent. to put it to work here at 5 per cent.? It is "money from America" to give people who have such unused money 5 per cent. to do the work of building up the country.

The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs spoke of the airy fairy talk that has gone on about the repatriation of external assets. Many speakers on the Government side from time to time have asked how one repatriates external assets, how one brings back so many millions from Britain to put them to work here. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs told us to-day how it was done last year and the year before, but he hung his criticism ofOpposition speakers on the fact that in their speeches during the last two by-elections they did not say how much money should be repatriated. He himself said that the amount would be the amount that was required over and above what the Government could ordinarily get for capital development. Surely that would be the reply of any political Party? It seems peculiar that the people have not got any reasonable explanation of the fact that the Central Bank has £71,000,000 invested now in Britain and that Government Departments have £41,000,000 in the same way. People cannot understand why £110,000,000 of Irish money is working in England at between 1 and 2 per cent. when it could be working here to do work urgently needed since the British Government went out. They regard this with a special sense of frustration when they know there are so many tens of thousands of unemployed—who are unemployed, to all appearances, merely through the lack of money.

Also, we should not discount the effect of Partition on the economy of the country. It has been stated quite often that we in the South are mainly in the agricultural end of the country and that the six partitioned counties in the North comprise the industrial area. It always has been difficult for us to have a balanced economy, because that industrial arm of the country is cut off.

We all agree about Partition, that something should be done about it. There has been general agreement amongst Ministers for External Affairs in the different Governments for many years past that the general policy they have pursued has the approval of the House, but we have not got any place. I am not suggesting that we could get any place in a short time, but we should always, when we have any shortcomings, remember that since the country was partitioned we have been labouring under enormous difficulties. If that can be brought home to the friendly nations of the world and if the other facts involved in Partition can be coupled with the fact that our industrial area is cut off from us, we might have even a little stronger casethan we have at the present time. If we are to show any progress, if we are to get away from relief schemes, if we are to get away from the position that over the past 31 years we have had unemployment reaching 60,000 to-day and 70,000 to-morrow, with no substantial decrease in the number, we must make a determined effort— all Parties in the House, with the Government of the day as the spearhead— to try to see that the question of Partition will be resolved once and for all.

There is only one plea I would like to make to the Government, through the Minister. It is a plea for those at present in receipt of social welfare benefits. Apropos some remarks made to-day, I might say that while the Labour Party has always been in favour of social welfare schemes, the Labour Party has never regarded these schemes as a substitute for employment. We want to see these schemes there to provide for those who, through no fault of their own, cannot provide for themselves.

In present circumstances, old age pensioners, widows and orphans, recipients of national health insurance, unemployment assistance and unemployment insurance, are surely due for some increase. Some other day we will debate the proposed increases to district justices, High Court judges and Circuit Court judges. The House has agreed to increases for civil servants, on the plea that the cost of living has gone up over the last two years. Why we tolerate, as a parliament in a democratic country, the granting of only 21/6 a week to an old age pensioner I cannot imagine. Similarly, we have the widow getting £1 a week as a non-contributory pension, or a person getting 24/- a week from national health insurance, and a person who finds himself unemployed, in receipt of 38/- a week. If the House by a majority agrees that district justices should receive an increase of £8 per week and that other judges should receive somewhat similar amounts, surely in all justice the House could see its way to give an increase on the 21/6 for the old age pensionerand on the 38/- for the unemployed person?

I do not want to bring any discordant note into this discussion, but those people whom I have mentioned and who are in receipt of assistance from the State feel very galled when they see a majority of the House approve of the expenditure of £250,000 on the purchase of a racehorse and when they see substantial increases given to judges and so on, having regard to their own position, with the cost of living as it is at present. Surely it is not unreasonable for them to expect that this House would in turn grant some sort of increase to them to provide for the increases in the cost of living?

The Minister for Finance is asking this House to vote a further sum of money in order that the services of the country may be conducted for a further period. Surely Deputies must agree that Deputy McGilligan struck the nail properly on the head when he said that the reason why the Minister is asking for this sum of money, as a further Vote on Account, is to save the Government the embarrassment of going ahead with the various Estimates that have yet to be discussed? The Government is well aware of the embarrassment that is being caused to its own supporters by the carrying through of the various Estimates on the votes of a number of Independent Deputies supporting the Government.

It is quite evident that the reason behind this move is to avoid the embarrassing position of a defeat on an important division which would very likely take place if the remainder of the Estimates were to be disposed of.

The sole reason is because you have been pursuing a policy of obstruction.

No wonder the Government are ashamed of the slender majority they hold in this House. If one examines Government policy closely over the past two years one must come to the conclusion that if a Government, having presented a policy of complete destruction, got amandate from the people to cause havoc, ruin, disaster and damage to the whole of the country's economy it could not have been carried out more effectively or efficiently than the present Government have done during the past two and a half years. Every step they took caused severe damage to the economy of the country and inflicted severe hardship on some sections of the community. Can any Deputy name one section of the community with which the present Government has not come into conflict during the past two and a half years? They got into handigrips with the doctors, the workers, the dentists, the farmers, the housewives, local government officials and local government pensioners. They did not implement in full the terms of the arbitration award to civil servants. They did not comply with the demand of trade unions. They did not act in complete harmony with the teachers or even with the Bishops of this country. Every section of the community was taxed in some shape or form by the present Government since they took office.

Listening to the speech which the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs made here to-day, one would imagine that this country was flourishing, that our people were living in the lap of luxury and enjoying a very high standard of living. Every Deputy knows that this country is faced with an unemployment problem of a magnitude which we have never before been faced with. Never have so many people been unemployed in this country than there have in recent months. No matter how much the Government may assert that there has been no restriction of credit, every businessman, every industrialist and anybody who is in any way connected with the provision of employment knows quite well that there has been a restriction of credit. The agricultural community have been handicapped as a result of restriction of credit.

Let us consider the deplorable position of the weaker sections of our people to-day. The Government have devoted almost ten or 12 weeks of the precious time of this House to debatingthe Health Bill and a week to debating a camouflaged vote of confidence. Yet not one five minutes was devoted to consideration of the problem of providing work for the unemployed or money for the relief of the unemployed and the difficulty which the housewife of the unemployed person experiences in trying to place a loaf on the unemployed man's table so that the gnawing hunger of his children may be eased. I am sure that there are Deputies on the Government side of the House who will stand up here and say that there is no such thing as hunger in this country to-day. I assert that there are people hungry in this country to-day. Many people in this city are hungry. With the high level that the prices of foodstuffs have attained in the past two years, how could widows, orphans, the blind, the sick, those in receipt of national health benefits those in receipt of 38/- a week unemployment benefit, or even the recipient of home assistance, be otherwise than hungry? They are hungry as a result of the cost of living figures which they are compelled to face as a result of the direct policy of the present Government.

A short time after the Fianna Fáil Government resumed office, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, who is also the Tánaiste, came into this House and charged his predecessors in office, Deputy Morrissey and Deputy Dr. O'Higgins, with neglect. In particular, he said that when he resumed office he found that this office was stacked high with files containing recommendations from the Prices Advisory Body to approve of increases in the prices of foodstuffs. The present Minister for Industry and Commerce said that his two predecessors in office failed in their duty because they left those particular files without their approval. Was it not only proper and right that any Minister for Industry and Commerce, realising his responsibility to the worker, to the housewife and to the poorer sections of the community, would pause and examine very carefully the pros and cons of every recommendation before he approved of it and made an Order increasing the price of essential foodstuffs?

When Fianna Fáil resumed office two years ago, the Minister for Industry and Commerce lost no time in putting his pen to work and giving his signature to recommendations from the Prices Advisory Body to increase the price of foodstuffs—prices which, even at their then level, the poorer sections of the community were hard set to pay. Every Deputy is aware that butter has become a luxury so far as the poor are concerned.

That is quite untrue.

A great many of our people are now forced to eat margarine and to forget butter completely. How many of our people in this city join the queues at the various shops and the various butchers' establishments to purchase lard or dripping because, from the lard or dripping, they make what is commonly known as "dip", and instead of butter it is "dip" twice a day and possibly margarine on the third occasion. The majority of the housewives in this country whose husbands are unemployed or are faced with short time, due to the Government's present policy, cannot afford to purchase butter at its present price and have had to strike it off their shopping list.

Not alone has butter been struck from the shopping list of the labouring man's wife, but it has been struck from the shopping list of the lowly paid civil servant, particularly where there is a large family. We all know well that 1.lb. of butter would disappear very quickly in the case of a family of from five to eight. During the inter-Party Government's term of office, the housewife, at her ease, could purchase 1 lb. of Irish creamery butter for 2/10. To-day, she must pay 4/2, and not alone must she pay that price but she must pay it for 1 lb. of imported butter, of New Zealand butter. For the first time in living memory, we saw an Irish Government in recent months making it an offence, by Order, for an Irishman in his own city to purchase 1 lb. of Irish butter. We saw a regulation made some time ago under which, if the people of Dublin and Bray were not anxious to purchase theimported butter, it was rammed down their throats by ministerial Order.

We have the Minister for Health time and again urging that our people should be well and properly nourished and appealing to the poorer sections of the community to interest themselves actively in procuring milk, eggs and butter in ample supply for their large families. Not so very long ago— I think it was at the official opening of some institution in the city—we had the Minister for Health saying that we cannot expect to have a healthy nation, unless the foundation is laid in the youth. He was making an appeal to mothers and to parents in general to see that their families were properly nourished and that the younger generation were given a good healthy foundation. He appealed for the provision of eggs, of milk and of butter in the homes. How butter can be purchased at 4/2 per lb. in sufficient quantities to meet the needs of a houshold, I cannot understand.

We can remember the price of the loaf when the inter-Party Government was in office and it is no harm to reflect on these three very prosperous years—the most prosperous years this country enjoyed since Brian Boru was slain at Clontarf. Deputy Burke and Deputy Cowan know, and it is well known in the country, that the three most prosperous years in the history of this country were the three years during which the inter-Party Government were in office. It was a Government which represented the organised labour section——

It is the present Government we are discussing, their administration and expenditure. The Deputy should remember that.

It is no harm to reflect on the level of the cost of living during that period and to compare it with the cost of living to-day.

There is really only one year's administration under discussion.

There is no comparison whatever between the prices being charged to-day for such commoditiesas butter, bread, flour, sugar tea, cigarettes, whiskey, stout, porter, and other essential commodities such as beef, mutton, lard, cheese, eggs, fish and sausages and the prices then charged. It is no wonder, in view of the present Government's complete disregard for the cost of living, that they met with very serious defeats in the three recent by-elections. The Government are making very sure, as are those who are hanging on to the tail of the Government, a few Independent Deputies, that there will be no question of a general election because they are afraid to face the people. Everybody knows that the results of the recent by-elections were, in plain and simple language, a notice to quit to the present Government. They signified that the majority of the people desire a change of Government, but here we are asked to-day to vote to the Government a further sum of money so that they may continue a policy which the people have rejected. We know well that the people have rejected the Government's policy mainly because of the very serious position which exists throughout the country to-day, a position in which there is increased taxation, unemployment, a high cost of living and emigration. These are the four burning questions in respect of which the people have displayed confidence in the Fine Gael Party and in the Labour Party.

It is very hard to see how the two can work.

By a united effort. We saw it in Wicklow and we saw it in Cork.

We saw Labour eliminated.

We will see the Deputy eliminated very shortly. It is no wonder that elimination is on the Deputy's mind. It is quite clear that the Government desire to carry on. They may carry on for another six months another 12 months or for two years. They may even go as far as two and a half years but they cannot go any further. When they get so far, they are finished. That is one consolationthe people have—that whenever the next general election comes along, there will be a change of Government.

We have heard the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs and even the Minister for Finance saying that it was this Government who put agriculture into a very sound position. The Minister for Agriculture and the Minister for Finance boast very loudly of the fact that there has been an all-round increase in live stock and they compare the figures to-day with the figures in the period before the inter-Party Government left office. Everybody knows that the prosperity that exists to-day in agriculture was brought about as a result of the policy of the former Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dillon. The farmers know that and they appreciate Deputy Dillon's interest in seeing that some assistance was given to the agricultural community to enable them to increase production.

In 1939 we had in this country 255,000 acres of wheat. In 1950 we had 366,000 acres of wheat sown. In 1939 there were 536,000 acres of oats sown and in 1950, under Deputy Dillon's administration, 614,000 acres were sown.

What about 1941?

In 1939, under Fianna Fáil, we had 73,000 acres of barley sown. Under Deputy Dillon, in 1950, 123,000 acres of barley were sown. There were 1,700 acres of rye sown in 1939 and in 1950, under Deputy Dillon, 3,968 acres were grown. The total acreage of corn crops in 1939 was 867,000. Under Deputy Dillon, in 1950, it was 1,109,000 acres. We can see that from 1939 to 1950 there was a considerably marked improvement which is definitely due to the policy which the then Minister for Agriculture advocated.

Could you give us any of the figures in regard to the years in between?

The present Minister for Agriculture boasts about the increase in the numbers of live stock. In 1939 there were 83,000 heifers in calf in this country. In 1950 there were113,800. There were 170,000 cattle of three years and over in 1939, and in 1950 there were over 350,000. Again, that was due to the policy of the inter-Party Government.

What were you doing for 11 years?

The total number of cattle in this country in 1939 was 4,057,000. In 1950 it was 4,321,000. That is very clear evidence that during the years of the inter-Party Government, agriculture was coming back to its rightful place. It is as a result of the policy which the inter-Party Government pursued at that time that we have the position to-day with regard to the number of live stock.

Deputy Killilea who is querying me on these statistics may be interested in the number of asses in the country in 1939. In 1939 there were 147,000 asses and under Deputy Dillon in 1950 there were only 114,000.

Deputy Killilea was looking for that.

Those statistics are for the information of Deputy Killilea. Let us talk for one moment about taxation. This evening Deputy McGilligan dealt with all the promises made by the present Government. There was a time when the present Government promised to bring back the emigrants and to give work to all. There was a time when the present Government stood for the policy of one man one job. We on this side of the House remember the good old days when they were endeavouring to fool the people about the policy of one man one job. Where is that to-day? There was a time when Fianna Fáil condemned Cumann na nGaedheal very strenuously because in 1932 taxation was £28,000,000. At that time the Fianna Fáil Government said that the country was living in the lap of luxury, that the people were living too high and that the Government were living too high and that they could run the Government for half of what Cumann na nGaedheal ran it.

£1,000 per annum was too much.

Yes, £1,000 per year was too much. In 1932, when the present Government took office, taxation was £28,000,000 and it increased every year steadily. In 1947, they increased it to £60,000,000. Surely to goodness they cannot blame the inter-Party Government for the increases in taxation from 1932 to 1947. There was no inter-Party Government then. Every time there is an increases in the price of a commodity the old song is sung: "Oh, the last crowd put us in debt and we had to bring about increases". They tell us that taxation is being increased because the inter-Party Government had the country sunk in debt. From 1932 to 1947 there was no inter-Party Government and taxation was increased from £28,000,000 to £60,000,000. The taxpayers are very well aware of that.

Tell us about the increase in social services during those years.

It would be better if we were told what was going to happen in 1954 or 1955.

The Fianna Fáil Government have succeeded in bringing our people to the level of paupers. We have free milk, free beef, free boots and half-crown vouchers.

The Deputy is going back. I have already told the Deputy that this Vote deals with administration and expenditure for one year, but he is going back to free milk, etc.

There is free milk at the present time.

Of course, there is and rightly so for mothers.

And we have free boots.

And free votes.

I respectfully submit to this House—I have so stated inmy constituency—that there should be no such thing as free milk, free boots, or free anything else. Instead, there should be more work available for every worker. They should be given a decent wage and the standard of living they are entitled to. The majority of those who emigrated to England in the past year can compete with any English man in the Welsn coal mines, or the steel works of Sheffield, Peter-borough, Hull, Bristol, Newcastle-on-Tyne and Burton-on-Trent.

The Irishman is always the best worker. No matter how hard the work is the better he likes it. He wants work and plenty of it. It is very strange that under the present Government an Irishman can get work the world over but he cannot get it in his own country. Deputy Beegan knows this to be true——

The Parliamentary Secretary.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance knows that there has never been such a flow of emigration from the County Galway as there has been for the past six or eight months.

From Clonfert, Esker, Killimor, Ballinasloe and Portumna.

And when they went from Clonfert to your county you were one of the first to object to them.

Those people went in search of work. A thing which never happened before in the history of this country is that we have parades of the unemployed. Some years ago we read about them carrying black coffins to Downing Street and tying themselves to the railings. Here in our own city we have thousands of unemployed who have to resort to protest meetings to demand publicly what they are rightly and justly entitled to—work and wages in order that they might live and bring up their families in accordance with the full terms of Christian decency.

It is the responsibility of the Government and the other members of the Fianna Fáil Party and a responsibility which those Independents who support the present Government cannot shake off their shoulders. They also are responsible for the unemployment position. That position has been brought about in the building industry by the Government's policy as far as the financing of housing is concerned, the rate of interest haveing been increased under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act, which makes it impossible for people to borrow for the erection of their new homes because they know they will not be in a position to pay back at the new high rate of interest. To-day we see that in the building industry alone there are 9,000 people unemployed.

Where? In Ireland or Dublin?

A Deputy

There are more than that.

There are 9,000 in the country out of work in the building industry; there are over 8,000 out of work in the agricultural industry; there are 1,800 out of work in transport due to the dismissals by C.I.E. and other transport concerns. You have a number of C.I.E. workers on half-time, on short time and on two days a week. You have over 1,800 workers unemployed because of the taxes on beer and spirits. Every Deputy knows that in the food and drink industry there are publicans in the city who had eight or ten assistants and who are now running their business with three or four. In most provincial towns throughout the country—and most country Deputies are aware of this— publichouses are doing business perhaps for a few hours on a Friday night and a few hours on a Saturday night and for the remainder of the week publicans are standing idle. There is no question whatever of employment in the bars or in the food and drink industry which is the heading under which it goes.

We find that there are almost 1,000 people unemployed in the mining andquarrying industry and over 700 in the engineering industry. There is no question but that the work is available in the country. The present Government's policy is not by any means directed towards assisting in providing work for these people. Here we have Dublin Corporation, with the co-operation of the Government, planning out a programme of relief schemes.

No, not relief schemes.

We are told they are relief schemes.

Productive works, public works.

Call them what you like, public works, productive works, relief schemes; it does not matter what you call them. What use are relief schemes to the vast number of tradesmen we have idle? Relief schemes will not solve the unemployment problem. They will probably create three, four, six or eight months' work. After that, the men are back on the unemployment exchange again.

We have no intention of having relief works of that type.

Will the Deputy, in the course of his speech, tell us what work they have in mind?

I hope I am not foolish in presuming that the Deputy speaks for the Government.

I speak for the Dublin Corporation, of which I am a member.

Relief schemes, as everybody knows, are not the solution for unemployment.

Public works solved unemployment in France and they can do it here.

And in the United States.

How many years are Fianna Fáil promising this typeof public works or schemes, whatever Deputy Cowan likes to call them? A promise of work will not put food into an empty cupboard. It is no use to the unemployed parading the streets of Dublin to-day. A promise of relief schemes is certainly no encouragement for any worker, be he married or single, to remain at home in Ireland if he can get work elsewhere.

We had the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs telling us that workers are coming back from England at the present time; the country is on a sound footing and there is nothing wrong. Everybody knows quite well that at the time the inter-Party Government left office you had the lowest number of unemployed registered since statistics were first kept here. Last April you had over 85,000 registered unemployed; you surely had 10,000 that were not registered. The unemployment position in my constituency—in the towns of Birr, Tullamore, Rathdowney, Mountrath and Mountmellick—was never as serious. We blame the Government for that state of affairs and we charge the Government with the resposibility of providing work for these people.

I do not know what arguments the Government may have for the following figures but I can safely say that in my constituency of Leix in 1950 we had £47,000 under the Local Authorities (Works) Act; in 1951, £70,000 was provided; and in 1952-53, £20,000. For the County of Offaly in 1949-50 the provision was £12,000; in 1950-51, £13,000; and this year £4,000. The good work that was carried out, as Deputy Corish properly referred to it, under the Local Authorities (Works) Act is being drastically cut down by the Government. Every county council and every local authority is, as the result of the cutting down of moneys by the Government under the Local Authorities (Works) Act faced with the position that the unemployment figures are at a very high rate and that these figures are continually increasing.

Deputy Corish, in the course of his speech, suggested a number of schemes and a number of ways and means by which work could be provided. Is it not true to say that thousands morecould be employed on schemes of afforestation? Is it not true to say that we have thousands of acres of old, coarse, marshy land that would be suitable for afforestation? There has been a reduction in the number of men employed in various State forests. Less men have been employed in the State forests in my constituency. I venture to say that if the Government desired to embark on a very extensive scheme of afforestation very vast and increased numbers could be employed on forestry schemes.

Turf production is exactly the same. One would not be exaggerating in saying that thousands could be employed on turf production.

Why is Bord na Móna going around trying to recruit labour? That is a question I would like the Deputy to answer.

Bord na Móna would get the workers if the wages were attractive and if the conditions of employment were improved.

Why have we to have migratory labour from Mayo then to cut peat?

There would be no trouble in getting workers for Bord na Móna if conditions of employment and rates of wages were such as would amply compensate the worker for the work he must put into the production of turf.

Is the Deputy serious?

I am quite serious.

Deputy Flanagan should be allowed to make his statement without interruption. Deputies, who wish to do so, may speak after him.

The workers in Bord na Móna are dissatisfied with their present wages. The rates are by no means attractive. Apart from that, some encouragement should be given to private producers to produce turf.Everybody knows that in parts of this country it is impossible to find a market for hand-won turf at the present time. There are ample supplies of turf in Offaly and the producers cannot find a market for it. There has been a good deal of talk about protecting Irish industries. Turf production is an outstanding industry and it deserves the sympathetic ear of the Government in so far as protection is concerned. The Minister for Industry and Commerce advises people to cut and save turf; he asks private tuff producers to increase their output, but he will not guarantee them a market for their produce.

Thousands more could be employed on the land rehabilitation project. The present Government says they altered that scheme in the hope of making it more effective and thereby getting better results for the farmer. I do not agree that that has been the result of the alteration in the scheme. The scheme has been butchered. Endless harm and untold damage have been done to the scheme. As the scheme operated under the inter-Party Government, untold benefits were accruing to the agricultural community. The inter-Party Government were right and wise in securing the necessary machinery for the carrying out of large-scale land reclamation.

Every Deputy here can see the excellent work that has been done. To-day, in any part of the country, Deputies can see wheat and oats and barley growing successfully on land that was hitherto covered with rushes, with furze, and with water for part of the year. To-day, that land is growing bountiful crops for man and beast because of the work done under the scheme inaugurated by the inter-Party Government. That scheme brought wonderful benefits to the agricultural community. Within the past 12 months an announcement was made that some of the machinery secured by the inter-Party Government was to be sold, and some of it is now awaiting the thud of the auctioneer's hammer.

By a decision of this House.

The machinery is up for sale. Thousands of men could be employed in the morning repairing roads, by-roads and culs-de-sac. How many men could be provided with employment on road-making? How many men could be put into employment on drainage? Many requests have been made to the Minister for Agriculture in Kilkenny and Laois and in other affected counties for the carrying out of a comprehensive scheme of arterial drainage on the Nore, on the Corrib, and on the Suck, in the constituency that the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance represents. These schemes would be of lasting benefit to the community. It should be possible to carry out drainage schemes similar to those carried out on the Brosna, in Kerry, and in other parts of the country. The machinery is there. Why cannot a comprehensive scheme be carried out on the Moy, on the Suck, on the Corrib, on the Nore? These rivers are causing severe hardship to local ratepayers and landowners because of flooding.

Deputies talk about the unemployment position. At one time the policy of the present Government was: "One man, one job". If to-day we had a policy of one man one job in this country——

If that principle were applied, it would badly suit some of your colleagues.

I am talking about the rank and file in whom the Parliamentary Secretary displays so little interest. At the present time there are men with four, five and six jobs. I do not approve of that, no matter what Government is in office. I do not approve of a husband working and a wife working. In how many cases to-day do we find the husband in receipt of a good salary, one which would enable him to live decently, and his wife out also earning nearly as big a salary. In the next house to that man one may find the head of a family with 38/-unemployment benefit, an old age pensioner with 21/6, perhaps someone with 10/- a week home assistance, vainly endeavouring to eke out an existence and meet the ever-increasingcost of living, rates and taxes so ruthlessly and recklessly imposed upon him by the present Government.

Is that Fine Gael policy?

The present Government has given every encouragement to the policy of three, four and five jobs to one man. If they were sincere in their efforts to solve unemployment, they would put their own house in order first. They would see that the one-time policy so ably advocated by the Taoiseach when he referred to the good old days of one man one job would be implemented. I will not go into the question of the man in receipt of £1,000 a year. There was a time when Fianna Fáil tried to capture the public imagination with the propaganda that no man was worth more than £1,000 a year.

The Deputy was, of course, a Fianna Fáil propagandist at that time himself.

Deputy Flanagan must be allowed to speak without interruption.

I heard him myself.

You must have long ears.

If the present Government are serious in their efforts to solve unemployment why would they not consider the introduction of a scheme of retiring allowances so that a worker could retire voluntarily at 60 or 65, leaving his job for someone else, instead of hanging on when he is no longer able to work?

If that requires legislation, the Deputy knows he may not advocate it.

I was only making it as a suggestion which the Government might consider worthy of consideration.

The Deputy may not advocate legislation on the Vote on Account.

I accept your ruling. As regards rural electrification, I think it could be carried out on an even more extensive scale and with greater speed than it is at present. If it were, more men could be employed on these schemes.

Deputy Corish referred to the thousands of people who were leaving the land. These people felt that there was no future for them by remaining in rural Ireland. It is no wonder, therefore, that the people are leaving the land in such vast numbers. One of the reasons for that is due to the fact that small farmers cannot get the capital they require to work the land. Therefore, they are not in position to keep their sons or workers employed on the land. If an Irish farmer were to go into any of our Irish Banks to-day to look for a loan to increase his production or to buy live stock, everybody knows that a gangster, with a six shooter in his hand, would be more welcome in the bank than the farmer looking for a loan.

Everyone in close touch with the agricultural community knows that the banks are advancing no money to farmers to enable them to purchase live stock, to purchase implements, to increase production or to pay labour. We will be told by the Minister that the funds of the Agricultural Credit Corporation are available to the agricultural community. The fact that our small farmers cannot pay labour, cannot put more land under tillage or buy additional live stock is having a serious effect on the economy of the country. If our small farmers particularly had more capital made available to them at reasonable rates of interest, they would be in a position to increase production and employ additional labour.

The forms which farmers who apply for loans to the Agricultural Credit Corporation are asked to fill in have always been a source of amusement to me. On these forms they are asked to give their names and address, to state their nearest railway station and "How much money have you in the bank"? That does not sound common sense. If they had money in the bank it is probable they would use it andwould not look for a loan from the Agricultural Credit Corporation. I think that body is not fulfilling a useful service to the agricultural community, first of all, because of the rates of interest it charges, and, secondly, because of the very difficult regulations which have to be compiled with before one can obtain a loan from it. These regulations prevent the really deserving farmer and smallholder who require capital from getting it. Serious consideration should be given to the establishment of a credit system for farmers similar to that in operation in Holland at the present time. I believe that, if credit were made more freely available to the agricultural community, production would be increased and Deputy Corish would not have to complain that thousands were fleeing from rural Ireland.

The present Government know very well that their life is very short, that as far as the people are concerned their time is up. I have often wondered at the speeches which the Taoiseach has made time and again of always believing in facing the country if the people find fault with his policy. At one stage, he certainly felt that the people were entitled to a change of Government any time that they so desired a change, but in no uncertain manner the Irish people have now asked for a change of Government. The present Government are in office to-day against the wishes of the people of this country. They are working a policy which the people have no confidence whatever in. They are remaining in office in defiance of the wishes of the people. The people, business people, the farming community and every section of the people, are clamouring to-day for a change of Government, because they know that a change of Government will not only bring about a remedy for the unfortunate state of affairs that exists to-day, but that they will get some relief from the unnecessary burdens of taxation which the present Government have placed on their shoulders. That has been proven in no uncertain manner as a result of the victories of the Fine Gael Party in the last two by-elections. There is outstanding proof, as far as Fianna Fáilare concerned, that they are a Party of the past.

I sat in this House for a number of years as an Independent Deputy. I expressed my views as an Independent Deputy on matters of Government policy and of Opposition policy. I voted as an Independent Deputy in accordance with the dictates of my conscience, but I was so impressed by the co-operation that existed between all Parties during the three years of the inter-Party Government, and so impressed in the country with the results of it, that I came to the conclusion that, as far as I was concerned, whatever contribution I could give as a Deputy in this House I would give it to the largest Party that formed the inter-Party Government, to the biggest Party, to the bitterest Party to Fianna Fáil and to the Party that was most likely to replace Fianna Fáil. That is why I have the honour to-day of being associated with the good work that is being carried on in the ranks of Fine Gael. I believe that, to-day, the majority of the people are clamouring behind the Fine Gael Party in the hope that, through the strength and co-operation of our colleagues and friends in the Farmers' Party and the Labour Party, we may be able to give the people an alternative Government to the set-up that they have been suffering under during the past two years, and particularly the past 12 months. With all respect, the workings of the present Government may be looked upon with disgust and disgrace during the, past 12 months. The people feel now, and are convinced, that that is why the present Government are not anxious to face the Irish people, because they know that there is an alternative to Fianna Fáil.

There is an alternative now. There is no such thing as racing. away to dissolve Parliament. There is no such thing as declaring a general election and saying: "The people have not confidence in us". That was very fine tactics when there was not a Party big enough to beat Fianna Fáil or to form an alternative Government. To-day,thank God, a spirit of co-operation prevails between Fine Gael and the other Parties that comprised the inter-Party Government. The Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, the Minister for Finance and others, time and again, have asked why the Labour Party and the Fine Gael Party were so anxious to co-operate to oust Fianna Fáil.

It does not seem to be relevant on the Vote on Account, Deputy.

I was only dealing with the question of Government policy and the question of an alternative Government. The Fine Gael Party are now satisfied that we have the backing of the people. The leaders of that Party have time and again challenged the Government to go to the country, to face the people at a general election. We are satisfied that if they do, we will have a change of Government which will bring about relief in taxation, which will create work for the unemployed, reduce the cost of living and provide a decent and a better standard of living for the working-class people.

When the Irish people are anxious to have such a Government, I fail to understand why the present Government should stand in the way of the people's demands. We can only hope and trust that the people may continue in their attempts to rout the present Government from office, particularly, to rout Fianna Fáil with all its roots, branches and brambles. Remember, the next time they go, they go for ever. There will be no such thing as replacement after the general election.

Let us hope and trust that there will be some relief of the present economic condition. Let us hope and trust that work may be found for our people, that business may be restored where business has been deliberately damaged by the present Government's policy. We can only hope and trust that in the months ahead we will have a new Government that will endeavour to repair some of the enormous damage that has been done in the past one and a half years.

The Minister, in introducing this Vote, pointed out thatit was due to the fact that several Estimates had not been reached. He was followed by Deputy McGilligan who gave as a reason that the Government did not desire to have debates on Estimates during the summer. Deputy Flanagan followed on the same lines. One does not need to have an overflow of intelligence to realise the real reason for the introduction of this Vote on Account. The real reason is the despicable tactics of the Fine Gael Deputies on the Health Bill. They fought it, line by line, and delayed the House a great deal. That is one of the main reasons for this Vote. People outside realise that and all the gestures of Deputy O. Flanagan and Deputy McGilligan will not get away from that fact. Perhaps one of the reasons why they adopted the tactics they did adopt on the Health Bill was so that they could come along now and try to convince the people that Fianna Fáil did not want to debate their Estimates.

Deputy Flanagan was quite definite that we did not want to debate our Estimates. I do not think that we will follow the style of the Coalition Government. They just skipped out. They got out before anyone got a chance of even debating their Budget or their Estimates. Deputy Flanagan wanted to know when are we getting out, why do we not get out now? He had a say in the last Government and they did not wait to be put out. They left. They never told us the reasons for it.

We gained ten Deputies.

You were not here any more than I was. You do not know.

They gained ten Deputies at the expense of their allies.

Deputy Gallagher should be allowed to make his speech without interruption.

One of the main reasons why this Vote is necessary is the tactics of the Fine Gael Party on the Health Bill. For hours theydebated points and then would not go into the Division Lobby to vote.

I hope the Deputy has a better trump than that in the little pack.

There is no three-card-trick man on this side of the House, I can assure the Deputy. I have not experience of any pack at all. We in Fianna Fáil are a united Party and do not believe in any sort of packing.

The Taoiseach played a trick and he was found out.

Deputy Gallagher should be allowed to make his speech without interruption.

Deputy McGilligan and Deputy Flanagan were quite definite as to how far private house-building had been set back by the increased rate of interest. In Dublin, as any member of the Dublin Corporation here will bear out, we have never received so many applications for loans under the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act as we have received in the last year. I discussed the matter with Deputy McCann, who is a very active member of our housing committee, as I am, but he has greater experience than I have. I found from him and from the corporation that of the recent £5,000,000 loan floated by the corporation, £350,000 has been allocated for small dwellings alone.

During the last week our housing director told us that we would need a-further £3,000,000 to meet our obligations under small dwellings acquisitions. That does not confirm the tale of woe that we heard from Deputy McGilligan and Deputy Flanagan. These are the facts in Dublin and they cannot be denied. How can it be said that the increased rate of interest is slowing up applications under the Small Dwellings Acquisition Act?

Surely it must have some effect?

I agree, it would have some effect. I also admit that that £3,000,000 is required by Dublin Corporation to meet the added areataken over from Dublin County Council. I want to approach this in an honest manner. £1,000,000 of that £3,000,000 is required for our normal needs but £2,000,000 is to meet the obligations taken over from the Dublin County Council. Even at that, it is Dublin alone—city and county. We have never got as many applications as we are getting at the present time.

Deputy Hickey said: "Surely it had some effect". It had and we in Dublin Corporation are doing our best to meet that. The increased rate of interest did increase the repayments of loans but the £275 grant from the Government and the £137 10s. additional grant from the Dublin Corporation will offset the increased charges.

They are paying the new rate of interest now.

The £137 10s. and the £275 brings the total State and local authority grant to £412. That is a considerable amount off the price of any house. If you buy a house for £1,800 the net price is £1,400. Certainly that is meeting the increase in the rate of interest.

As Deputy Cowan mentioned, the works committee set up by the Dublin Corporation have certain plans which I do not propose to go into now. We in the Dublin Corporation are doing our level best to provide work with the number of houses we are building and the amount of other work we have in hands.

I can say that there is delay in the Department of Local Government in dealing with plans or recommendations. The Minister for Finance and his colleagues should keep a closer eye on the Department of Local Government to see that plans or recommendations from local authorities will be handled more expenditiously. There is certainly reason for complaint about that both on the part of builders and local authorities. Builders will tell you that it is almost impossible to get a grant from the Local Government Department. No matter what the Minister may tell us, every Deputy can produce concrete cases where there has been delay.

I am not advocating that there should not be control by the Local Government Department with regard to the proper construction of houses or proper planning because that is necessary, but you can go too far with that, especially with a body like the Dublin Corporation who have a record of house building second to none. We have first-class architects, and our planning officer is a first-class man. People from foreign countries who are interested in housing and who have come here have paid compliments to the Dublin Corporation for their work in connection with housing. When a scheme goes to the Local Government Department from the Dublin Corporation it should get much speedier attention than it is getting at present. There is a fault there, and the Local Government Department should try to remedy it.

As far as the Dublin Corporation are concerned, we are not so foolish as to go in for relief schemes which will only provide work of a temporary nature. As some Deputies have said, the provision of public works is the solution for this problem and that is what we should aim at in the city of Dublin. I cannot speak with any authority about the position in the country. Some Deputies mentioned about the work of Bord na Móna in Deputy Flanagan's constituency. As a Dublin Deputy, I fail to see why Bord na Móna should have to publish big advertisements in the newspapers for workers while there are people in Deputy Flanagan's constituency saying they cannot get work. These people have more experience than Dublin men in the cutting of turf. If a Dublin man is sent down there, he knows very little about the work and it is not possible for him to earn a decent wage in any form of piece work because the work is new to him.

As to the question of employment of provincial and Dublin workers, I will repeat what I said in the Dublin Corporation, that there should be a residence qualification for any such works commenced in the future. If a person wants to get a Dublin Corporation house he must have been living in Dublin for five years in order to beeligible. That is only right. I think in connection with works carried out by the Dublin Corporation there should be a stipulation that Dublin men should get priority.

What will the Cork people do?

If we could get the Dublin people out of Cork we would be satisfied.

I will not be drawn into that. I will not be referee between Dublin and Cork. I have done it before and it was a tough job. There should be that stipulation in connection with Dublin Corporation work. It is only reasonable that Dublin workers, especially building workers, should get priority, and, when they are absorbed, other workers can get a chance. If there is a school being built in any part of the country there is a stipulation in the contract that local labour should be employed. I do not see why the same thing should not apply to Dublin. If a hospital is being built in Galway or a school in Navan, there is a stipulation that local labour must be employed. That is a very wise stipulation and I should like to see it applied in Dublin.

Deputy McGilligan to-day stated that there were 60,000 unemployed nearly every year since the return of the Fianna Fáil Government. A reply which I got to a parliamentary question to-day shows that even during the period of the Coalition Government there were 60,000 unemployed. In 1947, when the Fianna Fáil Government left office, the number was 55,623; in 1948, it was 61,203; in 1949, 60,606. It is only fair to state that in 1950, when the Coalition were on the way out, the number came down to 53,415. That was not a great achievement and I do not think they should boast about these figures. When Deputies attack the Government they should mention what happened during their own term of office as well. That was the position and the people should know that it was not as rosy as Deputy Flanagan would have us believe, as there were 60,000 unemployed.Several reasons have been given for the increase in the number of unemployed, including the change made by the Social Welfare Act. It is a pity that we have so many unemployed and every effort should be made to alleviate the position. We in Dublin are doing our best in that connection.

Deputy Flanagan gave a list of unemployed people in various sections of industry and mentioned the number unemployed in the transport industry. I remember Deputy Flanagan going into the Division Lobby to vote against the provision of money needed to pay the C.I.E. losses. If that money had not been made available there would be far more unemployed in C.I.E. Perhaps that is what Deputy Flanagan wants so that he can make a speech here which will impress himself and himself only. The Opposition may consider it a grand thing to be able to shout about the number of unemployed, but Deputy Flanagan and other Opposition Deputies voted against the provision of money for meeting the C.I.E. losses. If the Fianna Fáil Government had not made that money available there would be far more people unemployed in C.I.E. I do not think it is fair that Deputies should approach things in that way. Deputy Flanagan has been here longer than I have been and he should have a proper outlook on things like that. When Deputies quote figures, they certainly should mention what happened previously. I have given the figures for unemployment during the Coalition period of office. Deputy McGilligan made a great harangue about food subsidies and the increase in the price of food. He did not tell us that Fine Gael will restore the subsidies. If they do restore them, the question is where are they to get the money? I think we should hear these things. When a man of Deputy McGilligan's standing says that we should not have reduced the food subsidies he should tell us whether he will put them back and put a tax on beer and cigarettes and so on to get the money.

Why did you not retain them?

There is quite a considerable sum of money still being provided for food subsidies. We reduced them because we thought it was necessary. This includes temporary measures.

What about the 17-point programme—point No. 15?

I can assure the Deputy that the scripts he gets from Hume Street are not very reliable. I would refer him to the one about the dance that he got which told about the man down the country who had lost a couple of thousands and the blessed tax had not been put on at all. That was a bad one. After that, how can we listen to what you say about any plan?

Either you were wrong or the Taoiseach was wrong.

I would back the Taoiseach against you or anybody on that side of the House. That is not just Fianna Fáil loyalty. His record is as good as anyone's over there.

I am taking his word against yours.

We had Deputy Flanagan talking a good deal about our Budget and about the three and a half glorious years of the Coalition term of office. Why the devil did they not stay there? Who put them out? If the three and a half years were as glorious as he tells us, I take it everybody was happy and every member of the Government. If that was so, why did they not stay there?

Deputy Cowan put us out.

When they broke up we found they were not happy at all. They were pulling against each other like tug-o'-war teams and I think the best Taoiseach in the world could not keep them together. We had talk about co-operation. God forbid, if Fine Gael were to get back. How could there be co-operation there when you regard the Labour Party's and the Fine Gael Party's attitude on the Health Bill? You cannot have co-operation there. Ido not see how that kind of co-operation could last. I would say there are more Labour-minded Deputies on this side of the House than on the Fine Gael side. I always had Labour associations in the City of Dublin and I am not ashamed of it. I found the Dublin workers as good as you get anywhere. I know the Dublin workers want this Health Bill. Fine Gael do not. Labour do, and rightly so. We hear all this talk about co-operation and what is going to happen, but I do not see how with their conduct it would be possible to have co-operation. These three and a half glorious years were anything but glorious or happy. They may have been happy in the sense that they had the Marshall Aid money. I did not hear Deputy McGilligan speak of this. I do not think he referred to it at all unless he did so when I was out of the House— or Deputy Flanagan either.

He did refer to the £24,500,000 which he left your Government.

There is no truth in that.

Did he refer to the amount of bills we had to pay with that money?

No, he did not.

Deputy Flanagan when he mentioned the Prices Advisory Body said the Minister found files on the floor from the Prices Advisory Body recommending increases in prices and the two Ministers for Industry and Commerce at that time, Deputies Morrissey and O'Higgins simply put them there and left them there. They remind me of Margaret Mitchell's book, Gone with the Wind.In that book there was a character named Scarlett O'Hara who when she had any problem to decide said: “I will think about that to-morrow.” He told us himself they were on the floor and he painted a vivid picture such as Deputy Flanagan can paint. It was like his asses. I do not think he mentioned jackasses.

If he was here now, he would.

As I said these files were on the floor and since Deputy Mulcahy mentioned about the £24,000,000 I am sure there were bills there to meet it, which I suppose were placed on the floor as well. I think if the Coalition were any longer in power the country would be on the floor.

What were the bills?

We were never told what bills.

Oh, yes, you were a dozen times.

I think you were. If you look up the records of the House you will find the bills were there. I am speaking for myself. I do not think one in public life should get up and give a lot of figures that one cannot back up. I do not think that is right. It has been said that if you cannot get honesty in public life, democracy is a farce. As a new Deputy, not long in public life, it shakes your confidence when you hear lots of people talking about figures that you know in your heart and soul are not true and about three and a half glorious years which proved anything but glorious.

When Fianna Fáil were returned to power in 1951 they came at a time when the economic and financial position of this country was gravely threatened. There is no doubt about that and all the talk by Deputies McGilligan and Flanagan will not get away from that. They got out because their current Budget was unbalanced and they had an enormous adverse trade balance and it was caused by excessive imports of consumer goods and insufficient exports. Those were the facts at the time and nobody can deny that. They cannot say that Budget was balanced. What did we do? We tried to put the country back on a sound financial basis. It may not have been popular, but we had to do it for the good of the country as a whole. We had not this Marshall Aid money to squander. I claim that the Coalition Government scandalously misused that. People on the opposite side may smile about that, but the facts are there. With what was left to us we had tomeet the bills of the Coalition and to pay them, and try and get out of the gloomy position in which we found ourselves.

I do not think the three and a half years were glorious. I do not think it was honest effort at all for this country, and I think that the people in the long run were glad it was ended. Since we came back in 1951 we made a very good effort to balance our Budget. We made a big effort to get rid of the gap in the balance of payments and certainly a brave effort to get more money used for capital development. We tried to increase exports and reduce imports. The facts are there. They have been told several times in this House that that is the position. Since we have been in office more goods have been exported and less imported. I do not claim to be an expert on the Department of Agriculture, as I said on the Estimate, but I have been told that agricultural production has certainly improved a good deal. I have also been told that the farmers have got increased prices. Deputy Flanagan, on that score, did not mention the farmers getting increased prices. He simply went on the lines of increased prices for milk and butter. You cannot have it both ways. Would he go down to the farmers of Laois-Offaly and say: you are not going to get increased prices for your products—you should not get them? But it is a grand thing to come up here or to a meeting in Bray and talk about increased prices for butter and milk. Fianna Fáil tried to be fair to every section of the community, and while I do not agree it is right that Dublin should pay such prices for butter and milk—well, I think a case could be made for the farmers. As I said, speaking on the Estimate, it is about time that something was done to satisfy the farmers.

I want, if possible, however, to get cheaper milk and butter for the people of Dublin, and I think any effort that can be made from any side of the House, especially by farmer Deputies, with that end in view will be appreciated. I think that Fianna Fáil have faced the problems left them by the Coalition in a courageous manner. It was an unenviable task in many ways.We had to balance the Budget, meet the debts that were due and try to put the finances of the country on a proper foundation. It was a tough job and I feel we handled it pretty well, although we came in for a lot of abuse from the opposite side. If they were in power there is no doubt that they would have to face the self-same job. They would have to pay these bills; they would have to give increases in salaries to the Civil Service, to the teachers, Civic Guards and Army, and find the money for all that. They would have, as I said, to meet the self-same problems as those with which we have had to deal and they never told us how they would handle them. Somebody mentioned borrowing but I think their efforts in that direction previously could never have been said to have been successful.

There was criticism of the fact that we floated a £20,000,000 loan, and that we offered a fairly attractive rate of interest, but let us look at that from the point of view of the provision of housing. There is no use in talking about housing if money is not available to finance it. Most of that loan, more than 50 per cent. of it, I would say, went back into housing. Somebody mentioned a figure of £12,000,000, but I would say that 50 per cent. of it, at least, went into housing.

I would further suggest that the reason for increasing the rate of interest on the £20,000,000 loan was the fact that loans which had previously been floated by the Coalition Government were not by any means a great success. I take it that Deputy McGilligan at the time he was Minister had the self-same experts and the self-same staff to advise him, as the present Minister for Finance has. I have heard many tributes paid here from time to time to the officials of the Department of Finance and they must have convinced the Minister that there was no point in going to the market looking for money at the old rates of interest, having regard to their experience in the three and a half years during which the Coalition Government were in power.

I should like to know who these experts were.

You had the self-same people advising the present Minister as were there to advise his predecessor, and they knew, of course, that the loans floated by the previous Government had not been an overwhelming success.

They had been, of course.

This question has been argued by more able Deputies than I and I am sure that if Deputy Rooney were to look up the facts he would find that I am fairly accurate in what I say. There would be no sense in going to the market for money at the old rate of interest because it would not be available. If we want to get more money for housing and for other development schemes, an attractive rate of interest simply had to be offered and there would be no point in looking for it at a lower rate of interest. Of the £20,000,000 we in the corporation got close on £5,000,000 and we made very good use of it. There is no use, as I say, in talking about housing or capital development if you have not the £.s.d. and we certainly used that £20,000,000 to good purpose.

I have given figures in regard to housing in Dublin and in regard to the operation of the Small Dwellings (Acquisition) Act. We are certainly doing very well there. By giving a supplementary grant, we have made every effort to meet the higher rate of repayments. The Dublin people are not yet fully aware of the existence of that £137 10s. by way of supplementary grant, but the more people who know about it the better it will be for everyone concerned. As I see it, all the experts on the far side of the House will tell you all about food subsidies and the great time the people had when they were in office, but they are prepared to make very few positive suggestions to meet the present situation. We are plagued in the Dublin Corporation with members of that type who will come in and talk a lot of hot air, but when you ask them to go on a committee, on which theycan do some practical work, they are not so ready to give their co-operation.

That is scarcely relevant to the Vote on Account.

I agree, but there is no point in Deputies coming in here to tell us what is wrong without offering some concrete suggestions as to the manner in which things might be improved. The Fianna Fáil Deputies, who are dealing with the works committee in the corporation, know what is needed and we are not behind hand in telling the Government what we think should be done. There is no use coming in here to make the poor mouth if Deputies are not prepared to tell us how they would deal with the grievances of which they complain. Deputy Flanagan had a lot to say about rural electrification. Surely he does not think that the Government are open to any criticism on that score?

We began it.

They know well the progress made by the Government in rural electrification and industrial development generally. I do not know whether I would be in order in referring to industrial development in the past, but Deputy McGilligan went back to the days of the Cumann na nGaedheal Government when he first held office as Minister. He referred to some schemes which he said they initiated, but he simply glossed over them because he knew he was on very shaky ground. He mentioned sugar beet factories, the Shannon scheme and the Dairy Disposals Board. He did not tell us that they did nothing whatever, or practically nothing, to deal with the legacy of bad housing in Dublin which they had inherited. They made a very small effort, a very poor effort, to deal with that. Deputy Mulcahy, I think, was Minister for Local Government at that time.

I was there for part of the time, and I cannot give the Deputy a certificate for honesty.

They dispensed with his services for a period.

I had an idea that Deputy Mulcahy was there as Minister for some time, but there were so many changes of Ministers even at that time that it was hard to keep track of them. Later we know that they had Deputy Morrissey and Deputy Dr. O'Higgins. in turn, as Ministers for Industry and Commerce.

There was a reason, a very human reason, for that.

Deputy Liam Cosgrave was the only person who did any work there and he was not a Minister at all. As I say, they did nothing to deal with the legacy of bad housing which they inherited from the British. We, in turn, inherited that legacy from Cumann na nGaedheal. The Deputy made some reference to the unemployment that prevailed since Fianna Fáil came into power, but he did not mention the state of unemployment that prevailed when he was in power. He did not tell you of the thousands of young people—and I was one of them—who were unemployed at that time. My father and my brothers were also unemployed, but there are very few Deputies on the other side who were ever unemployed. I know what it is to be unemployed. I was 19 years of age at that time and I found it very difficult to get a job. I think it a pity that Deputies over there were not unemployed for even an hour. If they were, they would learn a very good lesson. I know, as I say, what it is to be unemployed. I know, too, the hardship that was caused to old age pensioners at that time when they cut their pensions by 1/- a week. I hope that if Fine Gael ever get into power in the future they will never do such a thing again.

Your Party refused to give them an increase of 2/6 when it was proposed.

I know what it was like to be unemployed at that time and, although I was a mere boy, it was a pitiable experience.

I say that they had nothing to boast about whatsoever. Deputy McGilligar. to-day simply glossed over that in a very short manner. It did not takehim two minutes to go into what they achieved in that time. I think it would take him less to go into it over his three and a half years as Minister for Finance in the Coalition time. It makes me sick at times to hear people talking like that. If they were such great people as Deputy McGilligan thinks why then does he himself have always to fight for the last seat in Dublin North Central?

Surely that does not arise on the Vote on Account.

I respectfully suggest —well you should hear the speech of Deputy Flanagan. It is amazing what he gets away with, but nobody over here can make any particular point at all.

That is a reflection on the Chair which should not be made.

I do not mean it, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, in any such sense. If I have made a reflection I gladly withdraw it. If you think I am making a reflection on the Chair I withdraw it without question. But there you have those people telling us of the glorious Government they were and will be when they get back into power again. You have only to look at the records from the time the State was formed to 1932 and from 1948 to 1951. They were anything but bright periods in the history of this State. I knew it at the time. I was a young man and I saw what was happening in Dublin City and I remember it very well. I also know that during their three and a half years there you still had that 60,000 unemployed no matter what they say.

The figures were there and you just cannot get away from it. As I see it, and as I said before, we had to face big problems when we returned to power and I think the present Minister and his Government as well tackled them in a courageous manner. There is no question about that. They realised that the two Budgets they brought in were, from a political point of view, dynamite. There is no other way to call it than that. They realisedthat, from a political point of view, it would be anything but popular, and they certainly had to do it. It has to be said, time and again: do you think men like the Taoiseach and the present Minister would enjoy hurting the people of this country when you look at their record in the fight for freedom, every one of them? Do you think that they were deliberately hurting the Irish people? That is what Deputy Flanagan would have you believe. As I say, look at the record of our men here. Now, honestly, there is nobody on the far side of the House or in this country who would believe that men like the Taoiseach, Deputy MacEntee, Deputy Aiken and Deputy Jerry Boland would deliberately hurt the Irish people. They just got this country back at the right time before it was knocked out completely. It was groggy and they just got it in time. They had to take the courageous steps they have taken because they are courageous men. I think that they have handled the situation very well.

We here now in Dublin would like to see butter and things like that at reduced prices, and we would like to see a little bit more work for the men who are walking around. I interviewed those men, I interviewed the deputation from the Unemployed Association, and the first thing they told me was this: "We do not want any political Party to make capital out of our situation." I think that a few of them, if they listened to the speeches —I exclude Deputy Corish from that —would certainly think they were trying to make capital out of that. They gloried in the fact that there were men walking the streets of Dublin.

That is a despicable remark for any Deputy to say that any Deputy in this House who spoke to-night gloried in the fact that there were unemployed in this city.

Did you not see Deputy Flanagan's gestures? He was aping Deputy Dillon. I thought he was shadow boxing.

Is this on the Vote?

This is not relevant.

This is some of the stockpile of honesty the Deputy claims he had made a corner in.

I make no claims whatsoever. I said I was a short time in public life. If you want to know anything about my family or myself I say my record for honesty, and my family's, is as good as yours, or that of any Deputy in this House.

We are not disputing that.

I believe that Deputy MacEoin can tell you.

I suggest that Deputy Gallagher ought not to speak of his family or himself in a personal way like that.

We never insulted Deputy Gallagher.

I am in the habit of defending myself and I thought I had to defend myself. I accept Deputy Mulcahy's statement that you were not casting any reflection on me or my family.

I would imagine that the Deputy would have experience of more manly ways of defence.

I certainly have.

Stick to them.

I took it that you attacked me. I took it to-night that he was glorying in the fact that there were so many unemployed.

That is just repeating the despicable remark.

That is the impression I got and I am sure that everybody in the public gallery got it and would agree that that was what was intended.

Leave it to them to judge.

I do not think it is right that anyone should be proud of the fact that there are 60,000 or 70,000 unemployed. One of the complaints made was that they were coming back at the rate of hundreds a week. I say it is only right that they should come back to their own country. It is better to see them here. It would be a grand thing if we could provide work for every one of them. It is the duty of the Government to make every effort to provide employment. It was said time and again that Deputy McGilligan—I do not know whether it is true—made the statement that it was not the duty of the Government to provide work for everybody. That has been denied.

The Dáil Debates on that were quoted time and again.

The other portion of Deputy McGilligan's speech was quoted. I am including that, that it was not the duty of the Government to provide work for anybody. I think it is the duty of a Government to try to get people in good employment, if possible. We are trying to do that in this Budget in ways that were unpopular, trying to get the country back on a solid financial basis first of all, and then get people to work in a happier frame of mind. If you know that you have the financial state of the country in a safe position you can then work in a better frame of mind. That is what, as I say, Deputy MacEntee, the Minister, had in mind in getting this country back first of all, in trying to repair the damage done by the Coalition and then getting down to work. That is the position, and it is a grand time for the Opposition to try to have this urge for power, this desire for power, because they know that within the next year or so the fruits of this policy will come to a head and things will be looking brighter. Now it is a grand time for Fine Gael, after we had cleaned up the mess, to try to get in. It is the right way to do it. I take it is a political game, and when you see Fine Gael saying what they woulddo if they only got a chance of getting into power it is only, I suppose, fair tactics and you cannot blame the Opposition for doing that. It is part of the game, only I hope they would be able to clean things up instead of worsening our present position.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 22nd July, 1953.
Top
Share