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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 6 Mar 1958

Vol. 165 No. 8

Committee on Finance. - Tea (Purchase and Importation) Bill, 1957—Committee Stage (Resumed).

Question proposed: "That Section 5 stand part of the Bill."

It is quite clear that where a person has ceased to carry on the business, the appropriate parts of the section must operate, but there must be some method—I suppose it will be done administratively— by virtue of which the Minister would not cancel a registration without sending a specific notice to the tea trader concerned and giving him an opportunity of making his case.

As I read sub-section (1), the Minister could deal with it on representations made to him by someone else and the notice provided for in sub-section (3) might not necessarily reach. There should be in sub-section (3) the provision that it would be sent by registered post. There is a provision in clause (a) that he must give notice in writing to the person concerned but people are somewhat inclined sometimes to put aside letters without stamps coming from Government offices. It would be only right, when such a cancellation is on the mat, that the importance of it would be stressed and that could be met by registered post.

I am not sure of the legal effect of the phraseology here. It is not sufficient for the Minister to post the letter. He must give notice by post. It seems to me that that would place upon the Minister the obligation of ensuring that the notice was in fact given to the person concerned. I am not sure about the legal interpretation of the phraseology and I shall have it examined.

If that is his interpretation, I should hate to be the Minister. Let us have it examined.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 6.
Question proposed: "That Section 6 stand part of the Bill."

The interpretation of notice applies in the same way, does it not? It is the same sort of thing?

Quite so. I shall have it examined.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 7.

Amendments Nos. 2 and 3 in the name of Deputy Cosgrave have been ruled out of order.

May I make a submission to you, Sir? I understand from your letter that you consider that the deletion of the two sub-sections concerned in respect of amendments Nos. 2 and 3, sub-section (2) and sub-section (4), is a direct negative. I submit that the purpose I seek to achieve by these amendments is not to negative the section but to allow individuals or tea traders other than the company to import tea. The section, as drafted, confers the right to import tea on the company alone. In those circumstances, Sir, I submit that the ruling which you made in itself differs from the purpose which I seek to achieve by deleting the two sub-sections.

Would you allow me, Sir, to support that submission? Amendment No. 2 deals with the provision in the section prohibiting anyone other than the company to import tea. Amendment No. 3 deals with the provision in the section by virtue whereof such tea can only be imported if it is purchased in the country of origin. I suggest to you, Sir, with respect, that the Dáil should be given an opportunity of deciding separately, if it so desires, two separate questions that arise, one separate questions being whether only the company shall buy tea or not or whether any tea trader may buy tea, and the other question being whether tea, no matter by whom it is bought, by the company alone or by everyone, can be bought in the country of origin or anywhere else.

These are two separate questions and the Dáil should be given the opportunity of considering these two separate questions separately and deciding on them separately. The only way in which the House can be given that opportunity is by the separate matters being referred to in separate amendments, as has been done by Deputy Cosgrave.

That is the main principle of the Bill. Having given it a Second Reading, the Dáil would be stultifying itself if it proceeded to amend it in this way. As I understand it, the Bill would become completely unnecessary and futile.

There are two different questions.

I have to consider the cumulative effect of the two amendments. If the two amendments are moved, the cumulative effect would be to negative the section. Sub-section (2) states:—

"No person except the company shall import tea."

Sub-section (4) states:—

"No person shall purchase tea for importation unless——"

and so on. If these provisions disappear from the section, clearly the opposite position becomes law.

The company will still be allowed to import tea but would not have the exclusive right.

I can assure the Deputy that I gave more consideration to this than I liked.

Might I make a slightly different submission? When introducing this Bill the Minister said two principles were involved. One was that the company would be set up for the purchase of tea. The second was that tea would be bought only in the country of origin. I do not see how separate decisions can be taken on either of those principles, except by the method which is included in this amendment, unless you, Sir, would be prepared to rule on another basis and be prepared to accept an amendment to delete sub-section (b) of sub-section (4). Then there could be one decision on that, and another decision on the other.

Instead of having amendment No. 3 in its existing form, which deletes clauses (a) and (b) of sub-section (4), could we not have an amendment which deletes clause (b) (i) of sub-section (4)? My submission is that there should be some method available by which the House could take separate decisions on the two points available—one, should the purchase of tea be only in the country of origin and, secondly, should the purchase only be by the new company? It seemed to me that the amendments submitted by Deputy Cosgrave would give that opportunity to the House. Would the Chair be prepared to accept such an amendment on Report Stage?

I would be prepared to consider the amendment without committing myself in the matter of order.

With regard to sub-section (3) (b), "... imports it under and in accordance with an authorisation given by the Minister" does that mean an authorisation to import from a country other than the country of production?

On a point of information, the answer is "yes". It is contemplated that circumstances might conceivably arise where, because of disturbances in the countries in which tea is grown, or on account of international difficulties, it might not be possible to procure tea in a country of origin.

In actual fact, the wording in sub-section (4) (b) (ii), at the top of page 5, "The Minister has authorised"——

I do not want to interrupt the Deputy, but——

Am I out of order?

Not exactly. I am trying to get the debate somewhat regular.

Might I ask for the Chair's guidance on one point? On Report Stage, would we be in order in putting down an amendment to delete Section 7?

Sections do not come up on Report.

Can we put down an amendment to delete the lines from line 52 on page 4 to line 12 on page 5?

Yes; that would be its form.

It is a global one.

That would be the form of the amendment.

I want to be sure if I cannot persuade the Chair between this and the end——

I shall facilitate the Deputy as far as possible.

I have no doubt about that.

I am not deciding on the particular amendment, however.

You are indicating the way your mind is working, Sir.

I move amendment No. 4:—

In sub-section (5), to delete paragraphs (b) and (c) and substitute the following paragraph:—

(b) tea—

(i) which is shown to the satisfaction of the Revenue Commissioners to be imported for the personal use of the importer or his household, and

(ii) which, if it exceeds 5 lb. in weight, is imported under and in accordance with a licence granted by the Minister.

This is a drafting amendment to clarify the point in regard to tea imported for personal use.

Exactly where was the previous draft deficient? Could the Minister indicate how this improves the situation?

The belief was that paragraph (c) did not remove all doubts that the tea that might be imported in accordance with it would be imported for the personal use of the consignee.

Paragraph (c) has now become paragraph (b) (ii)?

But it is read in relation to (b) (i) which brings in the import for personal use and makes it common to the two sub-sections.

What are the circumstances in which it is anticipated that there would be a licence granted for a tea import for personal use, exceeding 5 lb. in weight? I understand that in paragraph (c), as it was originally, it was intended to be tea for which a licence was given for import not for personal use. Now it is classed as personal use.

The principle of the Bill is that tea imported for commercial reasons will be imported by the company, but exception is made in respect of tea imported for personal use. It is possible for the Minister to grant a licence for the importation of tea exceeding 5 lb. in weight for the personal use of the consignee.

In what circumstances would such a licence be granted?

I am told that occasionally parcels exceeding 5 lb. in weight are consigned to people in this country.

Is it meant to cover the possibility of gift parcels?

Amendment agreed to.

I am not quite clear as to what is happening in regard to these amendments. Are amendments Nos. 2 and 3 going by the board?

I have ruled out amendments Nos. 2 and 3, and amendment No. 4 has been agreed to.

Question proposed: "That Section 7, as amended, stand part of the Bill."

I understand that the purpose of this Bill, when the Minister introduced it, was to embrace two main principles—one that tea could be imported only from the country of origin and, secondly, that it could be imported only by a company complying with certain conditions, which, in effect, means an Irish company. I do not think there is any great objection to the second.

I wonder if it is wise to compel people to import from the country of origin only? As we argued on an earlier stage of this measure, if that principle is adopted in regard to tea, why is it not adopted in regard to other commodities, particularly at a time when there appears to be a general movement—at least lip-service is paid to it—in favour of freer trade? Remember, under another measure which is being considered here, we are attempting to take steps to liberalise the right to trade and manufacture here under the amending Bill to the Control of Manufactures Acts. In this measure, we appear to be going in the opposite direction; we want to compel people to import tea through a company—admittedly, a company of tea traders, but regulated by statutory authority.

I suppose the people to whom we look most for external capital for industrial development are the people of the United States and no people abhor more than they do State control and direction. Surely we cannot contend, on the one hand, that we are liberalising the means of manufacture here, freeing conditions under which people are allowed to manufacture or trade and, on the other hand, sustain a case that tea should be treated in an entirely different way. If we do decide in favour of restricting tea imports, then the same justification can be pleaded in relation to other commodities, even oil and petrol. If it is decided in principle, if the Dáil considers it is wise, to limit imports of tea to the countries of origin, then that could be achieved by a Bill compelling tea traders, whether primary or secondary wholesalers, or even individual traders who felt like it, to import directly.

The Bill could also contain, if it were considered necessary, provision whereby the company would have to comply with certain conditions regarding financial backing, direction and control— that control being in the hands of Irish people or people normally resident within the State. If that is the objective, it could be achieved in a much simpler fashion by compelling traders to import direct from the country of origin and by enforcing compliance with requirements in regard to the management, control and financial backing of the business.

If that is not our objective, why do we in this measure single out tea for regulated control, a control which does not apply to other commodities which could be treated in a similar fashion, especially at a time when there is a general movement towards freeing trade? Some efforts have been made to encourage the investment of external capital here, but this measure restricts any possibility, if there is any, of development from outside along the lines we are proceeding in the case of other measures. There has been a good deal of encouragement, not alone by this Government but also by the previous Government in that direction.

I think I can show that there is a very good case for proceeding on the lines proposed in this Bill. One of the factors which weighed with me in deciding on the method of changing from the present arrangement regarding the importation of tea was that the present arrangement provides for an economy in shipping freights. At the moment, there is one buyer of tea who buys all our requirements and arranges for their shipment from India as complete cargoes on vessels chartered for that trade. It could be contended that it is undesirable to change from the existing arrangement because of the economy which that system offers and because of the facilities it gives in insuring these cargoes with Irish insurance companies and in the warehousing of the cargoes when they arrive here.

If we had not provided for the continuation of that system of importation, it could possibly be contended that the effect of the change would be to increase the cost of tea landed here, because of higher shipping costs when individual traders had consignments sent forward to them as part-cargoes on ships which might be calling to other ports before landing their cargoes here. The net effect of that arrangement might be to raise the average cost of tea to Irish consumers.

There are obvious advantages in having the tea purchased in the countries of origin by the individual merchants channelled through one agency into this country. When I say "obvious advantages," I mean advantages in respect of the landed cost of tea here. That is one consideration. There is, however, another and, from some points of view, a more important one. It is that we have the aim of putting all traders on an equal footing as regards shipping freights, the small wholesaler coming into the business for the first time, or in business only on a limited scale, as well as the great multiple stores with unlimited finance behind them and contacts in India of which they can avail as required.

The purpose of this arrangement is to ensure that the small trader importing small lots will not be at a disadvantage in respect of freight costs as compared with the large trader who will be able to bring in a shipload or who, because of the business he is offering the shipping firms, is able to get an advantage in freight charges. One of the effects of that arrangement is to ensure that every trader will have exactly the same freight costs in relation to his tea, irrespective of the scale of his operations.

We must recognise, however, that just at the present time there may be some difficulty in getting this thing going. I pointed out already that for almost 20 years no tea wholesaler here has been able to purchase tea except by going to Tea Importers Limited and buying the tea they had to offer. The restoration of freedom to purchase on their own account abroad will create problems for many of these companies and these problems are such that at the present time we are discussing and negotiating on the transitional arrangements that will operate this year and next year in order to avoid any possible difficulty in regard to future tea supplies. It may be that in the course of time another situation may develop in the tea trade which may justify reconsideration of this provision, but at the moment it seems clear to us that the advantage is in having tea channelled through one agent so that the fullest economy in respect of freight charges can be secured and that no additional freight charges will rest upon the smaller trader because of the smaller size of his purchases.

I also have in mind, in the uncertain state of the world, the possibility that we may, judging the future, decide at some stage to accumulate certain reserve stocks over and above those which the trade itself might reasonably be expected to carry and it would certainly facilitate an operation of that kind to have this organisation there with these powers and facilities.

Deputies will appreciate that one of the matters that have to be negotiated by the company now is the availability of bank credit to support its transactions. The present organisation, Tea Importers Limited has, of course, the support of a Government guarantee for its borrowings. It is not contemplated that this new company will have that support and the tea merchants themselves, with whom this matter has been very fully discussed, believe that an arrangement such as is contemplated here will facilitate them in obtaining from the banking organisation of the country the credit facilities they require.

There is a long term objective which I mentioned here on Second Reading of building up a tea market in this country. On that I have insufficient information to express any authoritative opinion. The practice of sending tea forward to be auctioned at local markets operates in some parts of the world but not in others. When I examined this matter some years ago I was brought to the conclusion that it would be to our advantage to have such a market developed in this country. The conflicting evidence as to the policy of the Indian Government in that matter may create some doubts but it is, I think, an objective which we should keep in mind. The tea trade tell me that it will take many years before there is any hope that it can be developed but, nevertheless, it would appear to me to be on the whole a desirable situation to work towards and, again, that would, of course, involve the necessity to create some channel by which tea sent forward for auction would be brought to this country and this Tea Importers, 1958, Limited would be the obvious channel.

The main reasons, therefore, why I think it desirable that we should keep this system of bulk shipment of teas purchased independently by tea merchants are, first, because of the economy it will achieve in regard to shipping freights; secondly, because of the fact that it will make it possible to guarantee to every merchant, big or small, that his freight charges will be equal and, thirdly, because of the fact that it keeps in existence an organisation which we may require at some stage for the purpose of accumulating and holding reserve stocks of tea.

I must confess that I believe the Minister has disclosed his hand on this Bill largely only in the last few minutes. It is for the third reason that he has given that he hankers after reverting to the general bulk buying by a unified concern, that he wants to keep an organisation there that he can switch it to. That is the real purpose behind the institution of this company.

There is no power under this Bill to switch it to them.

I know that but I think that is what is at the back of the Minister's mind. I must confess that I disagree with him totally and entirely that this Bill will produce the results that he has outlined. I think it will produce exactly opposite results, that it will have the effect, not of stimulating competition, but of stimulating restriction.

I hope it will not happen under this Bill but it has been universally accepted by people in India that the effect of bulk buying there has been to raise prices, not to diminish them. There has been pretty consistent evidence through the years that immediately a bulk buyer appeared on the scene in India the price was promptly jacked up for him. It is one of the results of bulk buying, perhaps, all over the world, not applicable only to tea. I have discussed this question, not just now but over a period of years, with people whom I have known, who have been tea planters themselves or who had this Indian association in the past. They were all pretty well unanimous in the view that bulk buying had tended to increase prices rather than to diminish them. I appreciate, of course, that the Minister has said that this Bill does not propose bulk buying in the same way as existed.

It does away with bulk buying.

I appreciate that or, shall I put it this way—I appreciate that the Minister has said that it will do away with bulk buying but I do not think it will. The reason why I think it will not do away with bulk buying is that it will tend, not towards competition, but towards restriction and that we will have the same thing again.

We all want to get for the consumer here the best tea we can at the cheapest possible price. Whatever arguments there may be, there will not be any argument about that. I do not think this is the right way to do it. We must also remember that this Bill not merely sets up a company to deal with the matter in a way that, in my view, will not stimulate competition, but it also provides in this section the matters to which Deputy Cosgrave had hoped to advert to in amendment No. 3, and to which we will hope to advert in a slightly different type of amendment on Report Stage.

The Minister got very cross with me when I told him last week when discussing this Bill that there was at the back of his provision that the company could purchase only in the country of production. I still think that is the sole reason why he stipulates that. Let us examine for the moment what are the disadvantages. We all know, for example, that, on the general economic front, one of the difficulties from which we suffer here is a difficulty in regard to shortage of capital. The Minister himself has said that on many occasions and it is part of the reason why we have relaxation of the provisions of the Control of Manufactures Acts as set out in the 1932 and 1934 statutes. His colleague, the Minister for Finance, has taken the same view. I took the same view before. We all know that we are suffering from a shortage of capital and that we want additional capital more fully to develop our potential resources at home. One of the effects of this Bill would be to throw back on our own capital demands that might be met otherwise if this Bill were not in operation.

I will have the pleasure of explaining it to the Minister. One of the functions of Mincing Lane is to finance tea from the gardens to that point. That means that capital is being provided for that process, not out of our own resources, but out of other resources. We are deliberately cutting ourselves away from that source of capital.

It is not true to say, as the Minister said in the earlier stages of this debate, that we are doing this for the purpose of ensuring that the warehousing, packaging, and so forth, can be done here. We all know there is a package duty and that if there is a way round the existing package duty that way round can be closed. So long as the package duty remains operative, there is no possibility of tea being mixed and coming in here in packages in the manner the Minister indicated on the earlier stages of this Bill. Package duty obviously must prevent that from being done.

The duty is 2d. per package and it cannot be changed.

The Minister is not so devoid of ingenuity that he will assert there is not a method of dealing with the package duty which would cover that aspect of it without any difficulty whatever.

It is consolidated. It cannot be changed.

It can be changed but only in certain ways. There is not a complete embargo on change. There is an embargo on change, except after certain steps. The Minister then went on to talk about our tea market here. I cannot visualise our consumption of tea here in Ireland being such as to make it in any way practicable to set up a tea market here unless the position in relation to tea varies substantially from that which obtains. The overheads on a market for our relatively small consumption would, I am afraid, be such as to make that not really a practical proposition. Any market of that sort must depend on the quantity of the commodity that will pass through it. I do not see how our home consumption for a population such as we have can justify it.

Admittedly, we do consume per head more tea than many other countries. Incidentally, we consume or we are anxious as a people to consume a higher quality tea than is the average in other countries. I think, also, it is true to say that the quality of the tea consumed in Ireland varies inversely with the wealth of the household. There may be obvious reasons for that. However, in a small country such as ours, the possibility of our being able to set up a tea market, except at such overwhelming overhead expense as to create a burden on the consumer, puts it completely outside the realm of a practical proposition at the moment. Really, I do not think it is an argument that should come into the discussion of this Bill at all. There will be a great many amending statutes of all sorts on the Statute Book of this House before any such suggestion becomes a practical proposition. If circumstances did change so much as to make it a practical proposition, it would be quite easy to amend the law. Certainly, however, it is not one for the foreseeable future and, accordingly, it is not an argument for this Bill.

Section 7 will do certain things, but it will not promote the competition the Minister advocates for the section. In my view it will, instead, promote restriction. It will promote a greater grip than pre-war by the larger tea firms, but it will not provide as much grip, I admit, as Tea Importers; that was an emergency organisation set up to deal with an emergency situation and we all hope we are moving out of emergencies. It will not provide, by ensuring that we buy in the country of origin, cheaper tea. It will not provide better quality tea at equivalent prices. It will provide that we shall utilise somewhat needlessly in these circumstances capital which we could otherwise use for the development of our native resources.

I still think that the sole reason for that part of this Bill is that the Minister, because of something that happened about 16 years ago, wants to have a swipe at Mincing Lane. It is a bad policy to cut off your nose to spite your face. It may be pleasing to the Minister to do it, but if that is the reason—and I believe it is—it is bad national policy.

I do not think the possibility of establishing a tea market here in any way makes an argument for supporting this Bill. I think the idea of a tea market here is very largely a pipe dream. Any advantages we will have in that respect are paralleled by advantages which other countries have because other countries have larger populations and are closer to the large centres of population. Most European countries will have advantages in the matter of establishing a tea market that would be greater than anything we could possibly have. Therefore, I think the idea of establishing a tea market here is a dream and does not, in fact, make weight for a Bill of this kind.

I support this Bill for a number of reasons. Frankly, I would prefer if this Bill provided for bulk purchase in which a single organisation could buy all our teas in the country of origin or elsewhere and sell those teas on a non-profit-making basis to everybody engaged in the tea trade in this country.

Notwithstanding what Deputy Sweetman says, I believe the man who goes into a market—whether it is a fair, a shop or whether he is seeking a service—and says: "I have £5,000,000 in my pocket; I want the best possible price I can get" has obviously a much better bargaining power than a fellow who says: "I have £1,000 in my pocket. I want £2,000 worth of tea. If you give me £2,000 worth of tea I will pay you £1,000 now and, one of these days, I will give you the other £1,000." Obviously, the man with the money in his pocket, in the commercial world in which we live, has the bigger bargaining power. That is our everyday experience.

If we have a bulk-buying organisation which would send a buyer to India who could say: "Our requirements are 24,000,000 lb. of tea and we have all the money in our pockets to buy it", surely he must be able to get a better price than a whole flock of relatively impoverished people, small in their own line of business, striving to buy tea at whatever price they can manage to get it on their completely insignificant power so far as the strength of the tea market in India is concerned.

Therefore, frankly, I would prefer if this Bill were to establish a bulk-buying organisation on a non-profit-making basis to get us good quality teas as cheaply as possible and to sell them to the tea merchants here at the lowest possible price consistent with not losing money. This Bill does not do that. If I have any complaint about it, it is the imperfection that it does not provide for the establishment of a bulk-buying organisation of that kind.

At all events, let those who criticise the idea of confining our purchases to the country of origin remember that for 20 years now we have been buying tea in the country of origin. That has been the normal pattern of our buying over the past 20 years; we have been buying only in the country of origin. This Bill is merely continuing what has been there for 20 years. To allow people to go to any market in the world they like or to places where tea is not grown but merely auctioned for the benefit of the auctioneers is going back to a situation which we have not experienced for the past 20 years. I think Tea Importers did a very good job in extremely difficult circumstances during the war years and during, perhaps, the worst post-war years from the point of view of buying tea.

From the point of view of buying tea, I think the bulk buying has shown up to advantage, not merely in war time but in peacetime as well. Frankly, I would prefer personally if this Bill were to enshrine an organisation for buying tea in bulk, but there can be no argument I know of— and certainly those who have the arguments have managed to keep them pretty secretive up to now—against requiring people to buy tea in the country of origin. At present there is only one organisation which can import sugar and in that connection there has been a gain to this country. Now we are paralleling that by establishing an organisation which is to be the only one that can purchase tea. If we were right in regard to the sugar company I cannot understand what argument there is against tea. I think the system makes for order and planning.

The only outstanding question is why registered tea dealers should be confined to buying their tea in the country of origin. The alternative is to let them go to Mincing Lane. One might say they could go to Amsterdam or anywhere else, but the only practical alternative, in our circumstances, to buying in the country of origin is to buy in Mincing Lane. In this country we have large tea selling organisations which have more than a nodding acquaintance with Mincing Lane and, of course, if you allow people to go back to Mincing Lane, these people will be completely unconcerned with the idea of buying in the country of origin. Their parent company does that and regards it as good business to buy in the country of origin, but the offspring established in this country will be required by the parent—who himself already has bought in the country of origin—to buy from the parent where the parent has a depot, and that depot is not far from Mincing Lane. Now, all the big tea importers in England buy in the gardens and in the auctions in India. They would not think of going to Amsterdam to do it; they would not think of coming here to buy it if we had a tea market. They buy in the country of origin and out of the accumulated stocks so bought they will require the commercial offspring here to buy tea.

Deputy Sweetman appears to think it would be possible to keep these advocates of Mincing Lane purchasers from sending packaged tea in here, if we permitted purchases in the Mincing Lane market. I do not think it would. The present package tax is a pretty well fixed package tax and, as the Minister says, it cannot be changed except, if at all, by going through an elaborate process and possibly then you could not even change the tax because of our contractual obligations under the tariff régime. I do not think the present package tax would be a serious obstacle to branches of their companies here buying package tea in London.

The package tax on a packet of tea is about 2d. What is to prevent people packaging 1 lb. of tea in London and sending it to Dublin, even if they have to pay the 2d.? Between the time tea lands in Dublin and gets into the hands of the retailer, there is possibly 1/-, if not more, added to the lb. of tea. What is to prevent a person packaging in London and saying: "All right, we will pay the tax, less the weight of the packet in which the tea is packed, and we will send that across and sell it in Ireland." That can be done; there is no difficulty in doing it, if you can buy in Mincing Lane.

What follows from that? It means that the packaging instead of being done here, is done there; it means that the storage of tea, instead of taking place here, will take place in the London docks; it means that the warehousing of the tea would also take place in London and there will be a regular drip of tea into this country as this country requires it. The breaking of the bond, the blending of the tea, the storage of the tea, the insurance of the cargo of tea, the packaging of the tea and all the other ancillary operations will be done in London, to the detriment of everybody who now gets a living at any one of those operations in this country. For those reasons, it must obviously be more advantageous to us —at least until we are shown there are opposite advantages—to buy our tea in the country of origin and do all these operations in this country.

Deputy Sweetman makes the point that, if we allow people to go back and buy in Mincing Lane, the kindly merchants of that commercial centre will buy all the tea for us in India and they will package it for us, they will insure the cargo coming in and do all these things. Of course they will. Why would they not do so? But they will charge the tea consumer in this country for all those operations. Is it not better, if we have to pay for those operations, that we should pay our own people by arranging that they will engage in those operations in this country?

On the question of Mincing Lane providing the capital, it is true that Mincing Lane provides the capital, but only because we are so intellectually Victorian in the way we handle our own money. The Central Bank lends £70,000,000 to the British Government, which now owes it £70,000,000 in guarantee for this loan. If the Central Bank took even £5,000,000 of what it lends the British Government, it could finance the whole tea trade. It could do that by discounting the tea organisation's bills or by a regular advance from year to year to the tea traders, which would earn more money for the Central Bank than they get on their present lendings to the British Government. It would ensure that there could be no default, because every year our people consume approximately 24,000,000 lb. of tea at a money cost of £5,000,000. The capital problem presents no difficulty, if we have only the sense to adjust our financial methods to enable us to meet any difficulty which arises because of our own folly in the way in which we invest our money elsewhere.

I have heard no argument, no solid argument whatever, against buying in the country of origin. There are many arguments which have been repeated many times in the course of this discussion showing why we should buy in the country of origin. It is because I think there are advantages in buying in that way that we support this section and the Bill in its entirety.

We have had repeated statements that this Bill will do a certain number of things and that if we buy in the country or origin tea is bound to be cheaper. I am not wedded by any means to the idea that we purchase only in Mincing Lane but nobody —neither the Minister nor Deputy Norton—has proved that we got tea at a cheaper rate than anybody else or that we got better tea at a cheaper rate than other buyers during the last 20 years. It is quite true, as Deputy Norton said, that Tea Importers did a good job during a difficult period and that bulk buying was obviously the only method that could be adopted but nobody has shown in the course of this debate either that the tea we got was cheaper compared with comparable varieties of tea purchased by other large purchasers or that it was of a better quality.

In the past, we did generally buy and use a higher quality of tea than was used in Britain—at least, that was the reputation we had as tea consumers but in the past 20 years we have had to take whatever tea we got, and while the quality sold in recent times is better than it was during the war years, or the acute post-war years, nobody could suggest that the quality sold at the present time is anything like as good as it was formerly. In fact, Deputies generally and the public get complaints from time to time about the quality of tea that is available, and, because of the changed circumstances, the ranges of tea which are sold are not anything like as great as was the case formerly.

On the question of employment, we would all support any proposal which would maintain existing employment or create circumstances or conditions in which it could be expanded, but again no figures have been produced to show that there is greater employment given here than was formerly given except in respect of whatever warehousing is done at Dublin and I think that is comparatively limited employment that may have replaced people who formerly had employment in blending, and so on, in stores in cities or towns throughout the country. Certainly as regards the suggestion that there is a lot of employment given in packaging tea, that was true long ago, but nowadays a good deal of packaging is done by machinery and there is not anything like the same handling of tea by individual persons which existed in the past. Admittedly there is probably some business given in respect of Irish insurance.

In effect what this Bill will mean— and Deputy Norton, I think, is in favour of this and there may be something to be said for it—is bulk purchase or, if not bulk purchase, bulk importation which in effect will mean a few large primary wholesalers purchasing consignments or consignments being shipped by this new company, and the amount of competition will be negligible. It will be merely a transition from the present bulk purchase by tea importers to purchase by a group of tea traders who will subscribe to this new company and who are the largest people in the trade.

I cannot see how, as the Minister has suggested, this will mean cheaper shipping rates because if it is known that the only importer of tea to Ireland is Tea Importers (1958) Limited, then unless we get preferential treatment, say, from Irish Shipping or some company of that sort, it is obvious that shippers will be in a position to jack-up their freight rates because the only company with the right to import will be the company established under this Bill.

Again if this is true in respect of tea, why is it not also true in respect of petrol or oil? They are two commodities that we purchase here in large quantities. The oil is the same except that there might be slight changes, whether it is light or heavy, and so on, but subject to those different types of oil, if there is a strong argument for purchasing tea in the country of origin, the same argument ought to operate in respect of other commodities.

I have no strong views as to whether we should resume, and I do not think we can resume, the same conditions that existed when purchases were made through Mincing Lane. Conditions have changed a good deal since 1938 or 1939, but if there is an argument for bulk purchase then there is a great deal to be said for what Deputy Norton has stated. If there is not, we ought to free the whole thing and not leave a finger in the pie.

It would not be unfair to say that the proposed arrangement is a compromise between what Deputy Norton had in mind and what I would call private enterprise which operated pre-war. It is only fair, as Deputy Cosgrave has suggested, that if we go back 18 or 20 years during which Tea Importers operated and certainly operated efficiently, particularly during the war, it is just as relevant to go back 21 or 22 years when the tea was imported through the normal channels of the trade. At that time certainly there was no dissatisfaction either with the quality of the tea which was distributed throughout the country or the price or with the whole arrangement of tea distribution.

I do not think you can make a compromise between some form of State control and private enterprise, and there is merit in the views of Deputy Norton. It would be far better to continue with the arrangement that has existed for the past 20 years or so and allow private enterprise to operate. Personally I am in favour of private enterprise doing the job.

The Minister has mentioned as one of the advantages in the proposed new arrangement that there will be an economy in shipping. I do not know how valid that is because I do not know what effect economy in shipping had on the arrangements 21 or 22 years ago. Apparently in the mid-30's we did get tea at a reasonable figure. Again the Minister suggested the new arrangement would put all traders on an equal footing. I do not regard that as a desirable thing to do. If you want to preserve the element of initiative and progress you must make it at least attractive for the smaller man to get on, to develop his business and give him a target to aim at. If you put everyone on the same footing you will leave the position exactly as it is and take away the impetus which is one of the arguments in favour of private enterprise.

One of the ideas which the Minister suggested he had in mind in this arrangement was that if the State would ever wish to accumulate a reserve of tea, this new company could be a convenient way of doing it. It is hardly necessary to set up a new company to do that. An arrangement somewhat similar to what, say, Grain Importers had in connection with grain would suffice. The Minister could arrange with the bigger tea importers to reserve tea under the auspices of the State and that could be held there for as long as the Minister and the Government required it.

Deputy Norton compared the importation of sugar, which is done, as we know, only by the Irish Sugar Company, with the possible importation of tea through a sole agency. That is not a valid comparison because, as everybody in the House knows, the Irish Sugar Company are the only manufacturers of sugar in the country. They are manufacturers and importers and it would cause a great deal of disruption in the sugar trade if sugar was imported except through the company which has a monopoly for the manufacture of sugar.

This Bill will not, I feel, achieve the good intentions for which I give the Minister credit. It would be far better to continue the arrangement of the past 18 or 20 years which I do not think is the best arrangement. The only grounds for setting up a monopoly is because private enterprise has failed to do the job. With the exception of the past 16 to 18 years, I think it can be shown that private enterprise, in the form of the normal tea trade, has done a pretty good job over the 100 odd years we have been importing tea. I quite agree that we should seek to preserve and develop the biggest possible amount of employment in the tea industry, but ways and means of doing that, other than this Bill, could be found. My personal views are strongly for reverting to private enterprise which should be allowed to do the job it has done cheaply and effectively over a long number of years.

I was very glad to hear Deputy Cosgrave draw an analogy between the importing of tea and the importing of oil and petrol. That is a very appropriate analogy to draw. The oil companies at present are exclusively controlled by non-nationals. They can strangle the whole life of the country at any moment and yet they are allowed complete control over the importing of oil and petrol. When it comes to tea, its importation is now to be confined very strictly to Irish nationals. I still hope that the Minister can convince me that it is both necessary and desirable.

The Minister has stated there will be a reduction in freight costs with one importing agency. Here again I would like information on the point in greater detail than we have had. My information is that the minimum freight costs are achieved by a shipment of six chests of tea, which in itself is a very small shipment. I cannot verify that. The information has been given to me and doubtless the Minister will be able either to confirm or deny it. Furthermore, I remain unconvinced on the question of the economy of buying in the country of origin. I am told that over 1957 the average price in London on the market there of the quality of tea normally consumed in Ireland was 6d. per lb. cheaper than the same quality purchased in Calcutta and landed here.

I understand that the reason for that was that there was heavy bulk buying on the Calcutta market by the Russian Government, which would tend to confirm what Deputy Sweetman said, that heavy bulk buying puts up the price rather than reduces it. I have got all this information only at secondhand and the Minister has sources of information which are not open to me. I should like some verification of the information which has been given to me, but it would appear that if we confined our buying during 1957 to the country of origin, and I believe we have not—I believe some tea at least was purchased by Tea Importers on the London market during 1957—we were buying at an unnecessarily dear price. I am not in favour at all of bulk buying as being necessary to our economy. Very often, a man who is bulk buying is not the man who is going to do the retail selling.

My experience in business is that a bulk buyer is not as selective as the man who is buying in small quantities for resale by himself. The Minister has stated, and, I think, probably correctly, that it would be very difficult to go back instantaneously to individual tea importers buying on the Indian market, by reason of the fact that they have been excluded from that market themselves for nearly 20 years. That is probably correct and the net result of that will be that, on the passing of this Bill, individual tea wholesalers will not buy at all, but will rely on Tea Importers (1958) Limited, to do the buying for them.

If that happens, and I think it will happen, we will find that Tea Importers (1958) Limited, will not only be the sole importers but virtually the sole purchasers. I am uncertain, too, in regard to the paragraph which refers to the authorisation given by the Minister, which is presumably an authorisation to purchase otherwise than in the country of origin. I should like to hear from the Minister under what circumstances he foresees such an authorisation would be given. Would it be only where supplies were not available at all in the country of origin, or would it be where the Minister has satisfied himself that the price on the Indian market, for instance, was higher than on the London market? At the moment, it gives the Minister a discretion and I would like some indication as to how the Minister could be influenced in using that discretion.

All in all, I still feel that further information should be given to justify the creation of an import monopoly, which, in my view, will almost certainly develop into a purchasing monopoly. If, as Deputy Norton would prefer, it was purely a State company, I think in many ways it might be less objectionable, but when the company exercising the monopoly is a company formed from a proportion, and only a proportion, of the tea traders of this country, I feel there is a danger that this company may get into the wrong hands and may not act in the public interest. I hope the Minister will be able to give us further information on these points and that he will be able to convince me, as he states he hopes to be able to do. I am afraid at the moment I remain in some doubt.

We are still in the same position with regard to this Bill. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Norton and the Department of Industry and Commerce appear to be the sole supporters of this Bill. Otherwise, it does not seem to be arousing any enthusiasm on the part of any section of the House.

I would like to deal with a few things that Deputy Norton said. He said it was common sense that if anybody could go to a country of origin with £5,000,000 in his pocket he would get a better deal than anybody else. I wonder where they are going to get the £5,000,000. True, Deputy Norton qualified that and said they would get it out of the Central Bank, but if Deputy Norton, or anybody else, can get £5,000,000 out of this Central Bank to buy tea, he will be doing a good job.

Where do they get it at the moment?

They get it by getting a credit from the Government.

No, they borrow it from the banks. That is not a credit from the Government.

Exactly, but if Tea Importers, Limited, as the Deputy says, borrow it from the banks now, you will have Tea Importers (1958) borrowing it from the banks as well.

Tea Importers, Limited, are being wound up.

Money for what?

I presume if we are to have a company to buy tea——

This company will not buy tea. I have been trying to impress that point for two days.

They will only take the profit; they will take their commission.

They are going to arrange for its shipment. They do not buy it.

Who is going to get the money for the tea?

Anybody who wants to do it can buy tea in India or other countries of origin.

But they cannot get it, except through the company.

They must be on the register first.

Anybody can register.

Even the Deputy can register.

If they put up enough money. Is that not controlling the import of tea?

They do not even have to belong to the company to buy tea in the country of origin.

I think I will have to read the Bill.

I think that is a good idea.

It states "no person except the company shall import tea". Is that not right?

Why does one have to belong to the company to import tea?

The Deputy said "to buy tea".

No. I referred to the importation of tea after Deputy Norton's interjection.

The Deputy is now seeing the advantages of having read the Bill.

This Bill is a complete fiasco. It is a waste of the time of this House. It is establishing control, definite control, for a definite section of the people. I admit that Tea Importers Limited did a good job under difficult circumstances, when things were abnormal, but now we are coming back to normality but things are not allowed to be free because some people in this House are State-minded. I am happy to note that there are only two parliamentary representatives supporting that State-minded idea.

It gives a right to anybody to import tea from India.

They cannot buy tea in Mincing Lane at all.

We object to this Bill because we object to the Minister, with the assistance of Deputy Norton, setting up this trading company to import tea. We object to that because it is not free trading. We are told we are not allowed to buy tea in Mincing Lane. We want people to be free to buy and import their tea from where-ever they like. Any other trade as big as the tea trade with a volume of business worth £5,000,000 or £6,000,000 a year can do what they want. They do not want a Bill from the Minister for Industry and Commerce at any time. They are free and why should the tea people not be free as well? I can see no argument in favour of this Bill, except that the Minister goes back to the old story of buying it from the countries of origin.

What will the company do? Will they have an agent in the country of origin? Is the tea to be shipped in Irish ships? Is it Irish labour that will do that? Is there any guarantee that it will be Irish assurance? No matter what the company want to do, they are not free, because in every section there is an overriding clause by which the Minister can come into it. If there is one Minister in this House who should know that restrictive practice is not a suitable thing to bring in at the present moment, considering the discussions that are going on in Europe, it is the Minister for Industry and Commerce. People should be freed from this control in this country. That is what has us the way we are. We are regimented from morning to night.

I would like to ask the Minister the same question as Deputy Booth has asked. Section 7, sub-section (3), states: "The company shall not import tea unless the company either— (a) imports it direct from the country in which it was produced"—and we know that is the whole basis of the argument by the Minister—but we have in the other section, "(b) imports it under and in accordance with an authorisation given by the Minister." What does that mean? I have listened for days to this discussion and we have been told they will import only from the country of origin. Paragraph (a) of sub-section (3) of Section 7 says that, but, under paragraph (b) of the same sub-section, why have they to get authorisation from the Minister? Why is the Minister in that? Is the Minister a little suspicious that the company may do the things we say it will do, that they will establish monolithic control? Does he want this saver to stop that? Does he intend this to ease the hand of the Department of Industry and Commerce, of civil servants and of bureaucracy, to stop their stranglehold on the tea trade?

Supposing there was a strike in the country of origin, the Minister could give authorisation to get it elsewhere.

Even at this late stage, I think the Minister should take this Bill out of the House because I have heard nobody speak in favour of it, except Deputy Norton and the Minister himself. I read in the papers to-day, and heard on the radio yesterday, that the Minister initiated a great export drive to increase our exports. I suppose we are to increase our exports to England, but we will have to have the goodwill of the English merchants. It looks as if we will not have the goodwill of the people in Mincing Lane. An attempt has been made recently by New Zealand to drive us out of certain markets in England. I am sure the New Zealanders will be able to recruit the interests of Mincing Lane behind them against a Government which is bringing in restrictive practices in the tea trade.

The only reason I spoke on this was to repeat what Deputy Esmonde said, that people can go to India to buy tea, but they cannot import it. There was talk of buying a shipload of tea. That is only nonsense; it is going back to the days of the clipper ships. There is nobody going to buy 10,000 or 25,000 tons of tea. Nearly all the tea coming from India and other countries is coming in part cargoes and in small parcels, some only as much as six chests a time.

The Minister is the champion against restrictive practices in this country, but in bringing this Bill before the House he is guilty of restrictive practices himself. It is turning over the whole of the Irish tea trade to a monopoly set up by himself. I consider that if people in the tea trade want to buy tea, or want to buy any commodity, it would be a good thing if they could go and buy it wherever they wished, import it in their own fashion, and not be subject to a hidden commission. What I do not like about this is that if other people go to India to buy tea, these gentlemen can sit in their offices and take commission which they never earned on that tea.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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