I move amendment No. 29:—
In page 46, between lines 10 and 11, to insert a new section as follows:—
The Third Schedule to the Finance Act, 1946 (No. 15 of 1946) is hereby amended by the deletion of "the period of six months" and the substitution therefor of "such period as a court of competent jurisdiction may prescribe".
I do not know what the Minister's attitude to this amendment is but here I seek to vindicate a principle which I believe is acceptable to every member of the House. I am not in the least solititous that the vindication of this principle should be in the form of my amendment. I am no longer fortified by the fact which I was entitled to adduce to the House a week ago. Then there was a man in jail because he had not the wherewithal to pay his income-tax. That man is no longer in jail. He has been released but I want to ensure that hereafter nobody else will go to jail for debt in Ireland.
We have abolished, in this country, imprisonment for debt, but I want to recall to Deputies what imprisonment for debt means. It was for a long time the law in this country and in Great Britain that if a person secured a judgment against you for debt and if he could not recover that debt from your property he could remove you to the debtors prison and detain you there until the debt was paid. One hundred years ago that was a common enough practice and the novels of Charles Dickens described the horror of men who spent the greater part of their lives in jail because they had not the money to pay their debts.
This was what gave rise in this country to what were known as Sunday men. I think there are Deputies who will have heard from their fathers and grandfathers who had personal acquaintance of the Sunday men. They were men against whom warrants for debt were in the hands of the sheriff but these warrants were not executable on the Sabbath and neither were they executable in the man's house. They had to be executed outside the house and if the man kept to the house except on the Sabbath day he was not liable to imprisonment. These men were not able to come into the light of day except on Sunday.
I cannot believe that there is any desire to see that system revived to-day but the great danger is that some of the Deputies of this House are so far removed from reality that they believe it could not happen again. It is dreadful to think that a man may be decreed for income-tax and may be incarcerated without having any opportunity of going to an independent court and explaining his circumstances to the judge. That man may be sitting in his wife's house and be dependent upon her or upon his children for accommodation. He may be sitting in his son's room. The superintendent of the Guards can walk in and arrest him, remove him from his home and bring him to jail and there incarcerate him for six months for no offence other than that he has not money to pay his debt. I conceive that situation arising for quite a number of perfectly respectable and decent citizens.
I cannot imagine that any of us desire that the payment of a debt to the State should be enforced by that procedure. I am bound to press this to its true conclusion. When we read in the Scripture of the man delivering his debtor to the torturers to secure payment of his debt and then seeking mercy for himself, it seems to me the utmost end of obvious retribution that he should be denied the mercy he refused to his debtor. I want to say quite deliberately that, in our modern society, to take a respectable citizen in the presence of his neighbours and to lodge him in a hard labour prison is to torture him for debt. I ask Deputies to consider the position of a man in that circumstance whose children are at school. Suddenly they wake up one morning to read in the paper that their father, on the previous evening, was taken to jail. Young children and adolescents do not clearly distinguish between the stigma of being lodged in a hard labour prison for debt and lodged there for an offence against the law.
In our society, the committal of a person involved the stigma of being a jail bird and normally reasonable citizens do not upbraid one another with that term of derision. However, we have to think of the respectable citizen who sees that his children are thereafter open to that challenge by their playmates or contemporaries as a result of his failure to pay his debt. I think that is torture beyond yea or nay.
I cannot see that anyone would wish to leave in the hands of the Revenue Commissioners or the Executive that right to torture a citizen for the payment of a debt. On the other hand, we have to face the fact that, unless the Revenue Commissioners have power to collect the revenue, the taxpayers being human creatures will not pay. None of us likes to pay taxes. There must be no sentimental folly of going to the length of saying that the Revenue Commissioners must be stripped of the power to collect the taxes. If we did that, the State would collapse and the end result must be anarchy which is worse than any form of tyranny. Therefore, to be practical and sensible, we must envisage what then are the Revenue Commissioners to do if, a taxpayer's liability having been established, he will not pay.
I suggest to the Minister that a perfectly adequate procedure exists, to which many of us demurred when it was first implemented in this country, for the protection of ordinary creditors. I am not sure it did not go too far in the protection of ordinary creditors but it has now been part of our established law for 30 years. With this system there, I suggest to the Minister it is quite adequate for the purpose of the Revenue Commissioners. It is this. After they bring the taxpayer to court, which they now must do to establish his liability—say a sum of £200 is involved—the taxpayer then has the opportunity to pay the £200 and let the matter be closed. If he does not pay the Revenue Commissioners, a writ can be handed to the sheriff who can make a seizure of his goods to that value, if such goods exist, and thus the Revenue Commissioners' debt is satisfied. If that recourse fails, and the writ is returned nulla bona, under the existing law, which I seek to amend, the Revenue Commissioners have the right to get the county registrar to endorse the writ whereupon, without further formality, that endorsed writ can be handed to the superintendent of the Guards who can arrest the debtor and deliver his person with that writ to the governor of a hard labour prison and that endorsed writ is, under our law, a good warrant whereunder to hold that man for six months or until such time as the Revenue Commissioners claim is satisfied.
All I ask under this amendment is that, when the writ is returned nulla bona, the Revenue Commissioners will proceed with the same measures as are available to the ordinary creditor, that is, that they will apply to the District Court for an instalment order against the defaulting taxpayer. The taxpayer can then come before the appropriate judicial authority and open his affairs to that independent authority and say: “I have not the money to pay.” If the Revenue Commissioners have information that he has money but is concealing it they can produce the evidence. If the district justice is satisfied that he has the money but will not pay he can make an order of the court that he shall pay at the rate of £10 or 10/- or 10d. a week, whatever the district justice thinks fair and equitable in view of the defaulting taxpayer's means and the family responsibilities that devolve upon him.
That then becomes an order of the court but it is an order of an independent judicial person who has heard the case made by the Revenue Commissioners and the case made by the debtor and has made an order which, in the light of all the information available to him, he knows to be fair and equitable. Now, if the defaulting taxpayer will not conform to the order of the court, which has been made in the light of his ascertained resources, that man is simply and manifestly defying the law and refusing to conform to a reasonable enforcement of his duty as a citizen. Let the Revenue Commissioners bring him back before the justice and say: "We have established that the man owes the debt and we have established to your satisfaction that he has the means to pay it. We stand ready to receive it on the terms laid down by you. This man simply refuses to comply and says he will not pay his share of the common burden that everybody else pays through taxes to the State."
Let the district justice then have the man brought before him and let the man make his case, as is done at present in the case of an ordinary creditor. Maybe his circumstances have changed. Maybe some family catastrophe has come upon him that has eaten up whatever resources he had when he was last before the court. If he has no case to make other than that he will not pay then let the law operate against him as it would against an ordinary debtor, not on the ground that he is in debt but on the ground almost of contempt of court because, having been directed by the court to do that which was equitable and fair, he simply stuck his heels in the ground and said he would not comply. Under the existing law, any person who sets a court of competent jurisdiction at defiance is susceptible to imprisonment.
There is no way of maintaining order and vindicating the law other than by providing that, where a citizen sets the judiciary at open defiance, the judiciary shall have the right to incarcerate him until he has purged his contempt and declared himself ready to conform with the law. Surely that remedy is adequate to ensure that the Revenue Commissioners will be able to collect the tax.
The fact is I do not believe the Revenue Commissioners use that power of imprisonment for defaulting taxpayers in very many cases. They may argue that it is necessary to have this power in terrorem and it is the fact that they have this power that makes it unnecessary for them to use it. I want to say again that it is the principle of the matter with which I am concerned. No man, no authority, no Government in this country, should have the power to imprison a citizen of this Republic for debt. I readily conceive that the Government, or such bodies to which it properly delegates its functions, must have the ultimate sanctioning of imprisoning a citizen who will not comply with the law.
I would ask the Minister, if he has any difficulties or doubts about my proposal, that he should at least give it a period of trial, and if in that time it transpires that the Revenue Commissioners are unable to collect the revenue for want of this power, then we can consider restoring the power to them. I do not believe that situation will ever arise.
Lastly I want to make this point. It would be inappropriate for anyone here to express expert opinions—other than the Attorney-General and we have none in the House at the moment —on matters of constitutional law but every citizen of this State, no matter how humble, is entitled to express a view as to what his constitutional rights are and I am convinced that under the Constitution this power is ultra vires and that if it were tested in the Supreme Court the Supreme Court would declare that it was ultra vires. It never has been tested in the Supreme Court and one of the reasons why it has not is that whenever anybody proposed to contest it a compromise settlement was effected.
Ordinarily it might be argued that if it were suitable for an adjudication by the Supreme Court, anyone who felt their rights were being abridged could seek that remedy. But in this particular context the people who are likely to suffer under this proviso are, by the very nature of their circumstances, effectively debarred from going to the Supreme Court, because they have no goods and they cannot embark on litigation, vis-a-vis the Revenue Commission, if they have no solicitor and no counsel to represent them. In the mundane conditions in which we live it will not be easy to find a solicitor or competent counsel to accept a brief in protracted legislation, which would be virtually certain to go from the High Court to the Supreme Court, on the understanding that the client had no goods and would be unable to pay their fees.
In these circumstances there is a peculiarly solemn responsibility on the Oireachtas to protect the rights of such people. Therefore, I ask the Minister to do either of two things. I ask him to accept my amendment, or in the alternative, that in the light of representations made to him, he will ask the President to have the matter referred to the Supreme Court for adjudication on whether the existing law, which we must remember we have inherited from the British legislation prior to the establishment of this State, is or is not in conformity with our Constitution. I am sure it is not, but either means of meeting the matter raised by me will be acceptable if the Minister will adopt one of them.