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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 29 Oct 1959

Vol. 177 No. 4

Electoral (Amendment) Bill, 1959—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Before moving the adjournment of the debate last night I commented on the fact that the time was ripe for a completely fresh examination of the duties of Deputies, both in this House and outside it. An opportunity for such a discussion occurs once every 12 years and surely the time available should be used for a reasoned discussion, so that, in the period ahead, the maximum amount of useful legislation will be enacted and, at the same time, the electorate generally will not suffer from lack of representation.

Other Deputies have already spoken on the question of the size of the membership of the House. There are various views on this matter and it would appear that complaints at the moment are due to a conflict in the minds of various people as to what the real duties of public representatives, or members of this House, should be. Listening to the Taoiseach yesterday evening, I felt that his idea of public representation was that a Deputy was elected mainly for the purpose of listening to grievances throughout the length and breadth of rural constituencies, or in the limited confines of a Dublin constituency, depending on which part of the country he is elected to represent. That was his main function. Consequently, if the people were to get proper attention in this matter of having their grievances listened to, it would be necessary to have very large representation.

That was one part of the case which was made. If it is accepted as one of the ideals of public representation, then there is no doubt it is essential that we should have at least 150 Deputies, if not more, to deal with those grievances. As a matter of fact, judging by the number of letters and grievances I receive—and I feel I am overworked in the amount of correspondence I have to deal with—if that is the experience of other Deputies, we should be asking for another 50 members to ease our work.

I feel that approach is wrong. I believe the more time spent by a Deputy in examining grievances, 50 per cent. of which are not real grievances, the less time he can devote to the consideration of legislation and the study of Bills. Consequently, the work of this House is neglected through a lack of attention on the part of the majority of Deputies or— should I put it this way?—the consideration of Bills and legislation is left in the hands of a limited few. If, as I say, that is the outlook so far as a Deputy is concerned, if his duties are considered to be mainly those of a grievance officer, why do we not do as they do in Sweden and appoint a grievance officer in every constituency, if necessary, or take from the Civil Service a liaison officer who will be quite independent, who will listen to the grievances of people in connection with old age pensions and other such matters, and iron out the difficulties between those people and the various Departments. That is the work Deputies are doing at the moment.

In the various constituencies where there are three, four or five Deputies, we have, in many cases, the same constituent trying out the three, four or five Deputies. That may keep these Deputies on their feet but my experience is that, of the 3, 4 or 5, the brunt of the work will in the long run lie on the shoulders of one or two. Some Deputies may say: "There is a strong case for a single-seat constituency." The pinning of responsibility on each Deputy may be a strong case for a single-seat constituency or for the transferable vote but we are not discussing the transferable vote or single-seat constituency.

My line of approach is this. I shall take County Galway as an example. I believe that in a county like Galway six or seven Deputies will do as much work, and do it as efficiently as the present number of nine allotted to that county. The basis on which we are getting nine in that county is that, according to the Taoiseach, we want to give a rural bias on the one hand, and, on the other hand, that parts of Galway, for instance, are so poor and the topographical position is such that it is a great hardship on Deputies to travel to the extreme ends of the county. Will the same situation not arise if you have ten or twelve Deputies in it? Would it not be more logical to give representation on the population basis and, where the constituencies are large, perhaps to give an allowance to the Deputies in those large constituencies to travel to various centres, if necessary, to meet their constituents? That would be a far more practical way of dealing with it.

The sad comment on all this is that in various areas in the West over the past 30 to 35 years the population has been going down year by year. It is a poor comment that now, while the population is going down and emigration is at a high rate, the one thing Fianna Fáil can promise is that they will not reduce the number of Deputies: "Whatever about the people going out of the depressed areas, we shall make sure there will be enough Fianna Fáil Deputies to look after the few who are left."

Again, I want to show how unrealistic this measure is as far as the western areas are concerned. The constituency I have the honour to represent, that is, Roscommon, is about to lose a seat under this Bill. I am satisfied with that arrangement. Let nobody be under the illusion that I am arguing on a personal basis in this matter. The Taoiseach and the Minister have said they are anxious for representation in rural Ireland and particularly in the West. I want to show how hollow these statements are and how they are trying to cod the public.

Roscommon is a rural area and a western constituency. It ranks for treatment under the Undeveloped Areas Act just the same as Galway and elsewhere. In addition, the topographical features are such that it is 75-80 miles long. It is a long, narrow county and it is a difficult one to travel, in many ways, as far as the area is concerned. It has many of the characteristics of the counties which have received special consideration from the Government. I admit that it did receive special consideration but not of the type that Galway and Donegal got. If the same yardstick, as far as population is concerned, were applied in Galway as has been applied in Roscommon then Galway would now be receiving a representation of seven Deputies instead of nine.

Roscommon has lost one seat and, on the basis of the statistics and figures of population, Galway should have seven Deputies. Why is it suggested that Galway should, under the circumstances, be looked upon as a rural area? According to the Taoiseach, he is looking for a rural bias. Is there anything less rural about Roscommon than there is about Galway? The figures I have given for Roscommon apply to Cavan and the situation I have outlined in Galway applies also in Donegal. Now can we see what has happened? The anxiety displayed by the Taoiseach for rural Ireland comes about because he feels that, in the areas mentioned, Donegal and Galway, if the reduction which should take place were made, Fianna Fáil would be sufferers to the extent of at least three seats. They cannot afford that—big and all as their majority may be now.

In order to put it across to the public that this is a measure designed to give a rural bias and to show how keen the present Taoiseach is on reviving rural Ireland and expanding it, he had the temerity to come into this House and suggest that the measure is for the protection of rural Ireland when, in fact, it was really for the protection of a number of Fianna Fáil Deputies. It is also a significant fact in relation to the area mentioned, that is, particularly West Galway and Donegal—places on the West coast— that the more depressed the area, the stronger the Fianna Fáil representation has been in the past ten or 12 years.

I weakened it.

I want to put it to the Minister that the people in these areas and in the West generally are more anxious for help in so far as agricultural expansion, fishing, and the setting-up of industries based on agriculture are concerned. They are far more anxious that practical steps be taken in these respects to absorb those who are emigrating and those who are unemployed rather than to have themselves over-represented, as far as rural Deputies are concerned. I do not think that if another 5,6,8,9 or 10 Deputies were offered in the West of Ireland it would be the solution for the problems that exist there. It would appear that, so far, at any rate, it is the only solution that is being offered. I am afraid the offer is being made for the purpose of protecting political Parties and their back-benchers rather than for the benefit of the community.

I am not one of those who believe under any circumstances that a Deputy's duty is the same as that of a county councillor. I do not want to go into that aspect in any detail. However, it would appear that that is the mentality that is being displayed at the moment. That is the parish pump mentality, as far as a Deputy's functions are concerned—that he should go around practically from townland to townland with his hand behind his ear listening to every kind of grievance that can be put to him. That is the view that is expressed from the Fianna Fáil benches. Of course, it may be suitable for the clique that control the Party to have their back-benchers' time absorbed by this kind of work. It certainly gives more scope to those who run the Party to carry out their plans. They will not be troubled by Deputies kicking up rows about the adoption of certain lines of policy, because those Deputies are up to their eyes in constituency work which should not be put on their shoulders at all.

I shall not delay the House on this any longer. I do not suppose at this stage we can do much to have a general review of the position as far as representation is concerned and to have a clear discussion on non-Party lines as to what the real functions of Deputies are and what their duties should be as regards this House and as regards the general public. The Bill as it is will not get my blessing but I am sure that will not cause the Government any concern wathever.

The Constitution requires us to have some Electoral Amendment Bill at this time and accordingly this Bill, in some form, must pass. There are, however, certain considerations in relation to it to which I think it may be well to refer, especially in the light of the Taoiseach's observations last night.

I want to deprecate here in Parliament, as I have deprecated down the country, what I believe to be the widely held view that the number of Deputies is grossly excessive. That is an entirely illusory belief. Parliament is a very precious institution to our people. On its effective functioning ultimately depends the individual liberty of the humblest as well as the most powerful citizen of this State. On its effective functioning depends what I think is most precious in a free democracy, the certainty that there is no individual, however obscure, on whose person injustice can be wrought without, in the last analysis, his representative having the right to raise his case here in an assembly truly representative of the Irish people and without his having the fair certainty that if gross injustice is threatened the weight of feeling in this House will effectively put matters to right.

This is not a Dáil of professional politicians. A strong argument can be made for establishing a Dáil on that basis and it is no harm to remind ourselves and to remind our neighbours that that is the practice in the United States of America where every member of Congress receives an annual allowance of $22,500 and very extensive amenities by way of clerical assistance and otherwise in order to facilitate the performance of his duty as a representative of the people. That is their system.

In Great Britain, Parliament is moving more and more to the view that Members of Parliament should receive salaries which render them independent of any other occupation while they continue to be Members of the House. I can remember when Members of Parliament in the British House of Commons got nothing, no allowance at all and no travelling expenses. I can remember when distinguished Irishmen represented this country in the British House of Commons without compensation of any kind and, because they were poor, lived in single tenement rooms in London while they discharged their duty as representatives of our people in that deliberative assembly. Now I believe Members of the British House of Commons receive something like £1,750 a year and travelling allowances.

Every Deputy in this House who is not a member of the Government has to earn his living as best he may while he is attending this House and doing work for his constituency. Most Deputies by bitter experience know that if they come from rural Ireland they have to meet lodging expenses and expenses of meals while they are in the city of Dublin attending to their Parliamentary duties, and if they look after their constituents as is their duty they have not much left out of the annual allowance of £600 a year they receive at present as Deputies of Dáil Éireann.

All of us who are not members of the Government are part-time employees. All of us must retain a sufficiency of free time to earn our living while we continue as representatives here. I want to say quite deliberately that, in my judgment, the number of Deputies is barely adequate effectively to carry on the day-to-day business transacted in this Chamber and the business carried on in the various committees of this House in which Deputies are obliged to participate if required to do so by the Dáil. There are the Committee of Public Accounts, the Committee on Procedure and Privileges, the Committee of Selection and a variety of other committees continually operating.

I do not agree with Deputy McQuillan that it is a bad thing that Deputies should be kept in constant touch by their constituents with their personal problems and difficulties. I think one of the most useful functions a public representative can discharge is to look after the problems of his constituents and help them wherever he can. That burden could be lightened if there was, as I suggested on another occasion, a complaints officer similar to the public official that exists in Sweden, Norway and Denmark. However, even if such a public officer existed I still believe there would be a large volume of work which would properly devolve upon a Deputy. That is a good thing because it brings constantly present to the minds of our people the fact that Parliament is the citadel of their liberty, that it is not something remote and distant from simple people, that the simplest man or woman in Ireland is entitled to have his rights defended from the front bench or the back bench of any Party in this House. Any Minister from the Taoiseach down to the most junior member of the Government can be called to the front Government benches to account to this House for any alleged injustice by the Executive against the humblest citizen of this State.

That is a link between the people and the Parliament which is infinitely precious and which can be maintained by nobody but the Deputy representing his constituents. Therefore, I believe if Parliament is to function properly Deputies must be here in sufficient numbers to enable them to represent the people on that basis. They must be here in sufficient numbers to permit of their getting their work done and, included in that work, a constant readiness to represent individual constituents where they believe some fundamental right is challenged. I agree with Deputy McQuillan that all of us have experience of people asking Deputies sometimes to do outlandish things.

Sometimes?

Well, I think Deputy McQuillan will agree with me that, on balance, although you sometimes do get outlandish requests if you take the trouble to write to the person and explain that what he is seeking is quite impossible and outlandish, in 99 per cent. of the cases the person will be satisfied.

He will try the other fellow.

Well, is not that a good thing, that our people have never felt themselves, and should never be made to feel themselves, the bond-slaves of any Deputy? If I should fail a constituent in Monaghan, is it not a good thing that he should test my performance by going to another Deputy from Monaghan and finding out whether I failed because I had not bothered or whether I failed because it was not possible to have his request met? I rejoice that that is so. Of course, we know of people going sometimes to a Fianna Fáil Deputy and then to a Fine Gael Deputy and subsequently to a Labour Deputy and not infrequently protesting that it never occurred to them to go to anybody else but to each one after the other.

I never realised that fully until I became a Minister and frequently opened files to find four letters addressed to four different groups, each letter protesting that the writer was the undying and unswerving supporter of the particular Party. I am obliged to say that while I may not admire the veracity of the writer I rejoice that he felt he had that right. I particularly rejoice that here were three or four Deputies all of whom had taken the trouble to tackle the Minister and see if relief could be obtained. It must have been discouraging for the original correspondent to get the same letter from the same Minister in each of the four cases. He must have sat down at the end and said that at least the first man was an honest man, that he had tried and had failed. Far from disparaging that, as Deputy McQuillan appeared to do——

No, I did not.

Well, I may have misunderstood the Deputy. I think that very feeling on the part of the writer of that letter, and his neighbours and friends, made him realise that this Parliament was his Parliament and that his claim had to be heard by the responsible Minister of the Executive when he invoked his parliamentary representative. It would be a tragic thing if from an obscurantist desire for false economy, we so reduced the number of Deputies in this House as to make that continuous process impossible. Parliament, I feel, would have lost a great part of its value as an instrument of individual liberty. That after all in the last analysis is its principal justification.

In the cases that the Deputy referred to would he not agree that it would be more desirable to have a grievance officer to deal with those matters rather than have the time of Deputies taken up replying to letters of that nature? I do not want to deprive any individual of his right to appeal but if a grievance officer were appointed such matters could be directed to him.

I think that a great many such matters could be directed to him. I think there is a certain merit, however, in the fact that if some poor person approaches Deputy McQuillan and he wants to press that person's point, very frequently he will go himself to the Department to have the matter settled. Supposing he does not get satisfaction and I am the Minister for Agriculture. He comes to my private secretary and asks for an interview and presents the case to me. If the request cannot be met he will say: "Well, if this cannot be done I should be most obliged if you would write me a letter explaining why it cannot be done." In the last analysis it is a good thing that Deputy McQuillan can say: "I forced this matter up to the level of the Minister and that is his letter. If that does not please you I shall put down a Parliamentary Question and have it answered in public."

I agree that many current matters could be attended to on the lines of the Scandinavian grievance officer but there is a lot to be said for our system which, in the last analysis, enables the humblest person to bring the Taoiseach or any Minister to the Front Bench to answer what he believes to be a legitimate complaint.

That deals with the general question of the number of Deputies in Dáil Éireann which was mentioned by the Taoiseach yesterday. That general question is governed by the Constitutional provision fixing one Deputy for every 20,000 to 30,000 citizens of the State. In the drafting of this Bill I think it is true that when the Taoiseach speaks of the Government's solicitude for maintaining a rural bias—which I endorse and approve—it is a striking thing that the rural bias has turned up so dramatically in Galway.

In Roscommon and Cavan, and even in Cork, the same passionate solicitude has not been made manifest. When we recall that Fianna Fáil have one seat out of four in Roscommon and never had more, and can never hope for more, than two out of four in Cavan then the rural character has assumed, in the eyes of Fianna Fáil, a somewhat autumnal shade. In Galway the shades have been more happy and we are in the full blast of spring. Recently I met a Deputy—a representative of Galway—bounding down the steps of Leinster House when the Electoral Bill was first published saying: "My God, is it not wonderful news? They are not taking a single seat from Galway?" I have great sympathy with the Deputy in question but it spoke eloquently to me of the quality of Fianna Fáil's rural bias.

What about Wexford?

I do not believe that anybody in the House believes that the Minister for Local Government and his colleagues sat down and engaged on this work with the detachment and objectivity of an archangel. I am quite prepared to say they genuinely desired to preserve rural bias in some measure to off-set the world phenomenon, as it is manifest in Ireland, of the flight from the land to urban centres, but I think it is noteworthy that this rural bias turned up so dramatically in Donegal, Galway, and Kerry and that there was no corresponding reaction in Roscommon or Cavan, which I can certify to the House, from personal experience, are fully rural constituencies.

There have emerged from the discussion so far two net problems, one, in relation to the representation of Dublin where there appear to be two Deputies less than the population would justify, and another problem in connection with mid-Cork, where two reasonably manageable constituencies have been converted into one constituency, which is as bad as any constituency in Ireland from the point of view of attempting effectively to represent or campaign in it. I do not think I greatly exaggerate when I say you can travel nearly 100 miles from one end of mid-Cork to the other. It is manifest that that situation creates a problem.

It has been suggested that we investigate the possibility of arriving at some more rational arrangement in connection with these specific problems. We might have some discussions through the usual channels, through the Whips, and I understand that proposal meets with the approval of the Taoiseach and the Minister for Local Government. If it does, we shall be very glad to join in the discussions to see if we can find a generally acceptable solution for those apparent flaws in these proposals. I think it will be a useful thing to do. If we cannot, then we shall have to agree to differ and let the matter be finally settled by the arbitrament of a Dáil decision.

I think it is a good thing, where at all possible, that the work of this House should be done by agreement always provided that if we do not agree, we can agree to differ without growing to hate one another. I think it is a desirable thing that we should seek, by consultation, to remove the flaws which appear to this House to disfigure these electoral proposals, with special reference to the situation in Cork and Dublin. I understand the suggestion has been made that we should have discussions some day next week and, if they produce a degree of agreement, on the next Stage of this Bill, we can communicate that to the House and it will be for the House to determine for itself whether it agrees or not. If we do not agree, on the next Stage of the Bill, every Deputy who is in a Party or who is not in a Party can present his proposals for the improvement of this Bill, and they can be debated and determined by the ordinary processes of Dáil Éireann.

In the meantime, I want to reaffirm the sentiments with which I opened my observations, that this Dáil is a citadel of the individual liberty of the humblest citizen of this State. The day it ceases effectively to function, the one who will suffer most is the most defenceless person in the country. It cannot function without an adequate number of Deputies to carry on all its work. I believe that our present numbers represent pretty near the minimum with which it is possible effectively to do that, and I do not think this House should ever yield to suggestions, from any source, that we should reduce the number of representatives in this House to a level that would turn this Parliament into a fraudulent facade. Accordingly, I suggest that after a full debate of the measure, and by consultation, at a later stage any flaws that may be in it may be removed.

I do not intend to delay the Minister's reply very much. I shall be very brief. I should first like to congratulate him on this measure, with the exception of one or two matters. I think one of the primary objectives the Minister had in mind was to confirm the existing representation of rural Ireland in Dáil Éireann, so far as it was possible to do so. He has assured us, and I think the Taoiseach also did so in his statement yesterday evening, that he is prepared to take full advantage of the provisions of the Constitution to do so. To my mind, that is a very wise and very proper decision.

It came somewhat as a surprise to me to find some of the leading lights in the Fine Gael Party strongly opposing this measure on the ground that it gives an unfair representation to rural Ireland at the expense of Dublin city. In recent years, I have listened to some of those Deputies claim that this Party here is city-minded, and that this Government of ours are a city-minded Government. It is very hard to reconcile such statements with their present claims for more city representation at the expense of rural Ireland.

I claim that it is a much more difficult task to represent a rural constituency than a city one. Let me say straight away that a city Deputy, who has just as large a volume of work to get through as the majority of rural Deputies, has not the same difficulties of travel and distance to contend with in his work. It has been said by Deputy Donnellan, I think, that a threepenny bus ride will take a Dublin Deputy from one end of his constituency to another. I for one doubt if C.I.E. is so generous, but, at any rate, I think a 6d. bus ride would take a Dublin Deputy from one end of his constituency to another. On the other hand, let us examine the situation in any rural constituency. Take my own rural constituency of Wexford. Deputy Alien and Deputy Esmonde in the north of that county would travel approximately a round journey of 150 miles to meet their constituents in the South.

I think the Minister would be very wise to keep the membership of this House at the highest possible level, and he has given us an assurance to that effect. There are those who write flowery, well-paid articles in some of our local and daily papers claiming that a much lesser number of Deputies would suffice to represent the people. I claim that they know little of a Deputy's duties and the volume of work a Deputy has to do.

Deputy McQuillan referred, I think, to some of these duties. Whether he likes it or not, a Deputy must perform these duties—they are the duties of a member of the House and have grown up with the House. A Deputy in many ways must be a glorified Social Welfare officer and an expert on many things. He must be a bit of a county manager, a legal adviser, an expert on health matters and most other things. Taking them by and large, I would say emphatically that Deputies provide the people of this country with one of its best and certainly with one of its cheapest services.

That brings me to the point I want to deal with specifically, the case of Wexford constituency. The Minister claimed in his opening speech that he erred on the side of leniency in dealing with our rural constituencies. He certainly deserves full marks for that, and indeed a bonus mark, as far as I am concerned. Wexford is one of the counties where the Minister did not err on the side of leniency. It cannot be alleged that he is reducing the representation of Wexford county in Dáil Éireann for political motives. I think that is the last thing that can be alleged in this case.

Deputy Corish yesterday made a very good case for the retention of the five seats in Wexford. I do not wish to follow Deputy Corish on some of the lines which he took in making that case. For instance, he suggested that we might again take in part of Carlow. I have no territorial ambitions that way. We had portion of the Carlow area attached to Wexford for Dáil election purposes some years back and the Wexford representatives were very proud to represent that portion of Carlow. The Carlow people are a very fine people—there is no doubt about that—and if they were willing or wished to come in with Wexford again, I am sure the present Dáil representatives of Wexford would be equally proud and happy to represent them. But we do not wish to take in any territory. I do not think it is wise to do so unless the people are willing and unless their own representatives in Dáil Éireann wish to have this done.

In Wexford, I think we have a very good case for retaining the five Deputies without seeking any outside territory or assistance. We have practically the required number. In the last election our quota was one of the highest in Ireland and at the present time our number of Dáil electors per seat under the new proposals would be one of the highest in Ireland and would be bracketed with the Dublin figures. Under the new proposal of 21,815 of the population per seat, it would mean that there would be five constituencies in Ireland with less, two with the same and seven on a par with that, seven slightly greater. We would be on a par with 15, roughly speaking.

Taking our present figures without any change there would be four with less, five with the same and four with a slightly greater number, putting Wexford County on a par with 14 of the new constituencies in accordance with the proposals in this measure.

We have a great case in Wexford for the retention of five seats, the five seats we had since this Parliament was set up. It is a large county with circumstances somewhat similar to those of other counties with which the Minister has dealt leniently, counties like Donegal, Galway and Kerry. I make a strong appeal to the Minister to reconsider this matter and allow Wexford its present representation in Dáil Éireann.

I do not propose to delay the Bill, but, as I see it, this Bill is so framed because the people refused to abolish proportional representation. That is my view but I may be wrong. I think it is the view held throughout the country also.

I do not hold with Deputy McQuillan that we should have a complaints officer. Every Deputy elected to this House knew why he was elected—to represent the people and make representations on their behalf. No Deputy was forced into this House against his will and he knew why he was coming in. Why then delegate his duties or the duties he accepted by appointing a complaints officer? I think we have 39 constituencies and I know it would be nice to have 39 complaints officers, one for each constituency. I think that would be a case for getting rid of T.D.s

I live in Galway City. I am at the border of three constituencies; all roads lead to Galway as far as I am concerned from the other constituencies. I must listen to the complaints from one end of the county to the other. I am not complaining myself about it but I am just putting the case that I knew before I came here on the last occasion that I would have to do this, even though my own constituency goes from Boffin Island to Oranmore and from there to the Aran Islands. It is a 24 hour job to do what is required. I am not complaining. I have listened with interest to other Deputies talking about cutting the representation of county Galway. I am not saying it could not be done; in fact, I am not afraid of it if it is done; but I know the reason it is not being done and every member of the House knows why it is not being done. It is not being done because if you were to cut the representation of county Galway, you would cut seats from Fianna Fáil. That is the only reason.

Mark you, they could afford to lose a seat in part of Galway. If all the Deputies, or even half of them, did as much as I do, Galway would be very well represented and could, I think, afford to lose a seat on those grounds. That is why I say this Bill was framed so as not to injure Party interests.

I shall not delay the Minister very long but I feel I must support the various members who have spoken on the question of over-all representation in this House. The Taoiseach mentioned it and Deputy Dillon and other members have referred to it. It is very important that our people should realise that if representation here falls below a certain figure—and already with the number of Deputies we have at the moment, it is, in my opinion, too low—we would not be able adequately to carry out the functions of a Government or an Opposition.

If it went any lower, we would not be able adequately to carry out the functions of a Government and an Opposition. The difficulty which the selection of a Deputy entails is not generally realised. If you cut down your numbers, you will not adequately be able to appoint sufficient Ministers or Parliamentary Secretaries. Exactly the same will apply on the Opposition side of the House with regard to a shadow Cabinet for the manning of various committees which are essential to the adequate running of the House.

There is a point on the general question of representation which I do not think has been dealt with very much on this Bill. We have 22 three-member constituencies. Those three-member constituencies in most places constitute marginal constituencies. That is to say, the Fianna Fáil Party instituted those constituencies in the hope at the time they would almost certainly be the gainers, but the position in regard to them is very much altered in recent years. What is not altered is the fact that, under proportional representation when you have three-member constituencies, you do not get proportional representation working properly. You are, in effect, disfranchising a large number of your constituents. They are not getting adequate representation and so I feel that, at this time, at least one voice must say that the way in which our constituencies are carved up into three-member constituencies is not giving complete justice to our people and is not giving representation in the way in which the system under which we work intended them to be given.

I think that we must view this matter from the widest possible point of view and not as Deputy James Dillon said from the point of view of archangels. Nevertheless, we must approach this from the population basis and on that basis Dublin is slightly under-represented and the west is slightly over-represented. I consider that Dublin could be given more representation and possibly it could be knocked off somewhere in the West. I would suggest that if there are any alterations to be made it should be borne very much in mind that three-member constituencies, wherever possible, should be amalgamated and larger areas should be made. I know that sometimes it has been said in the case of Cork that there are geographical difficulties but that does not apply to some of the constituencies here in Dublin and the areas surrounding Dublin. There could well be amalgamation and greater representation given to the citizens in those areas.

Certain arguments run through many of the speeches on this Bill. One of them is that the sole intention of the Government and myself in framing this Bill, was to try, as some Deputy put it, to rob the people of Dublin of their representation and in some way or another pass over that representation to the country but only to selected areas of the country from which we, as a Party in Fianna Fáil, would hope to gain the greatest advantage. In following that line of argument, it has also been suggested that one of the prime reasons motivating our actions in this alleged way is that we have been beaten at various elections in Dublin in the recent past.

I could possibly make an argument as to the truth of whether or not we were beaten in Dublin on the votes that were trotted out here as examples by these people but I want to say at the outset that we are not robbing Dublin. It has not been our intention to rob Dublin of representation. It should be clearly understood that Dublin is, in fact, despite all the talk, getting and retaining as many seats next year, the year after and possibly for the next 12 years, as the people of Dublin have had during the past 12 years.

It is suggested that we are, in fact, giving over-representation to particular parts of the country. Notably Galway and Donegal are chosen for the brunt of the attack. We are not giving anything new to Galway, Donegal, Mayo, Clare, Kerry or West Cork. We are merely retaining what they had and the reason we are retaining what they had in the past, is that these counties have one thing in common above all others. From West Cork to North Donegal, along the entire western seaboard, there is a similar type of terrain and geographical layout—indented coasts and difficulty of travel over mountainous country. We have our population scattered here, there and everywhere, in almost inaccessible places, in small groups and in isolated houses with long journeys to be covered to get to the point, as in my own constituency which, as the crow flies or across the sea, is only 12 miles, yet it takes a journey of 88 miles to get from one point to the other, namely from Fanad Head to Malin Head.

I come from Fanad Peninsula myself. I represent Fanad in the East Donegal constituency. If and when I want to go to Fanad Head or if anybody from there wants to come and see me, the return journey is 176 miles and yet we hear people talk here as if this question of mileage and geography meant nothing whatever when it comes to sitting down to try to work out, within the framework of the Constitution, a fair and equitable distribution of seats and a fair and equitable representation for our people.

If our people cannot get to their representatives and if the representatives have grave difficulty in getting to all of their people now and again, it cannot be said that those people are fairly or equitably represented for the very good reason that a Deputy placed in such a position cannot have the knowledge he requires, as to the wants and needs of his various constituents and cannot do justice to them in this House.

It is on that theme and on that note that I, as Minister for Local Government and with the Government's full knowledge, have had to tackle this problem with the officials of my Department, to try to give fair and equitable representation to all our people, no matter where they may live, in the Twenty-Six Counties.

Galway and Donegal have been mentioned very specifically. They have been taken as the examples where Fianna Fáil support has been consistent and sound over a long number of years and that very support which has been in evidence there for so many years is now being given to this House as the reason, and the only real reason, why we have left Donegal untouched. I have not had time to find out; I have looked around a bit, but let me say particularly to those who talked of Donegal and of misrepresentation in East Donegal that I do not know of any other constituency in this country with four seats or three seats that entails journeys as long as that of which I have given an example here today and included in my speech here last night and that is only one example of the long journeys that are necessary to get from one point to another in East Donegal.

Some people seemed to think that East Donegal is the flat, fertile part of our county. Nothing could be further from the truth. It is true that there is the flat, fertile valley in the east of the county in that constituency but there is also the whole Inishowen peninsula which is as awkward to get around as are many entire constituencies in the middle of the country. There are also the peninsulas running right along the Fanad, Rosguill and back to the Dunfanaghy area and, to complicate matters still further, there is the mountain range which practically divides the northern part of the county from the southern half.

If we were to reduce the representation in Donegal, we would merely reduce East Donegal by a seat. We might theoretically give part of the now known East Donegal constituency to West Donegal. In theory, that would be the case, but, in practice, what is north of that mountain range, if represented at all, would have to be represented by the East Donegal Deputies and not by the West Donegal Deputies, for the good reason that these people are really cut across; they are cut off from the west and it would be trying to lift something from one side of the mountains over to the other side, and I do not think that would be satisfactory to the people or to the representatives in West Donegal and I do not think it would be fair to the new, reduced number in East Donegal that three of them should in future have to represent the number of people that are in a four seat constituency and should have to do it in a county and a constituency which, as far as travel is concerned, is one of the most difficult in Ireland.

We come now to Mayo. There has been no outcry whatever against Mayo. Why, I do not know. When we get down to Galway, we find a lot of allegations being made as to why Galway is left alone. Kerry is mentioned also, but not so violently as are Galway and Donegal. No mention whatever is made of the fact that we have left West Cork as it is and nobody can suggest that in leaving West Cork as it is, we are doing something to the benefit of our own narrow political Party view. Nobody can suggest that. We are being consistent from West Cork to North Donegal in dealing with similar counties and similar types of terrain and people living in a similar manner, generally speaking. We have been consistent in dealing with the counties that are favourable to Fianna Fáil and those that are not favourable to Fianna Fáil and no better instance in that regard can be quoted than, on existing figures, West Cork.

There is also South Kerry. We have nothing to gain there as the figures now indicate. In regard to North Kerry, it cannot be said that we hope to get three out of the four seats there in future. Clare has been left as it is, and what is wrong with leaving Galway, Mayo and Donegal as they are? From a political point of view, the argument that has been used here is not only without foundation but, taken in conjunction with the other counties of the western seaboard that have been similarly treated in this Bill, is fully exploded and there cannot be any suggestion that this Bill was framed with the one idea in mind, namely, perpetuating where possible and bolstering up the Fianna Fáil support.

Neither is it true to say that we are taking something from Dublin and giving it to the western seaboard for the motives that have been alleged—Party motives. It cannot be alleged that we are taking something from Dublin and giving it to the western seaboard for these base motives that have been suggested. We are leaving Dublin as it is and I am sure that the people of Dublin would be the first to agree that, with representation as we have outlined it and propose in this Bill, they are in a better position to get better service more conveniently from the number of Deputies we are still leaving in Dublin city than any resident in any constituency from North Donegal right down to Cork.

There can be no suggestion that, because there is an average of 23,000 or 24,000 electors in any of the Dublin city constituencies per Deputy, any elector cannot be properly represented by his Deputy or will be less well represented than his counterpart in Donegal, Galway, Kerry or West Cork where the average per Deputy may be as low as 16,000, 17,000 or 18,000. Any reasonable person outside this House, in Dublin, will readily agree that 30 Deputies for the county and city of Dublin leave no cause for complaint of their being under-represented in this House. It is all too easy to juggle with figures, to come along here, state the average numbers in this constituency or that, and, on the figures alone, to produce a picture that seems to bolster up some of the allegations made here.

My introductory speech has been misquoted. I should like to reiterate one sentence I used which was misrepresented by the very first speaker who got up. I said "It is for these reasons"—the reasons about which I have just been talking—"that the proposals in the Bill may appear, if viewed in a purely statistical light, to err on the side of leniency as far as rural representation is concerned." Regardless of what has been said by any other speaker here, I maintain that the figures merely give an appearance of erring on the side of leniency as far as the rural areas are concerned. If we were not circumscribed by the provisions we have to fulfil in this matter and if I personally had the doing of this without any let or hindrance, there would be quite a few more Deputies from rural Ireland. They would not be brought in to back up any political Party but purely because of the fact that the people of rural Ireland are entitled to have sufficient Deputies to represent them and to have the opportunity of meeting those Deputies conveniently without too much expense, travel or waste of time.

That is not possible at the moment. The distances some of our people have to travel to meet their representatives and, in turn, the distances the representatives have to travel to meet their people are beyond reason. It is not possible for many Deputies in these scattered and difficult constituencies to give sufficient representation to their people or to meet them sufficiently often. A Deputy may be at home for only two or three nights, particularly when the House is in session. He may also be on some local bodies and may not be available during the weekdays. People who want to see him urgently may have to travel 90 miles to do so. They have to try to make a fixed appointment with him; they may have to travel 80 or 90 miles to meet him or he may have to travel that distance to have an interview with them in regard to some individual case. Any Deputy from rural Ireland knows how difficult it is to find suitable times to interview constituents and to travel the journeys required, and then the Deputy has to see to all the grievances he hears as he goes around. That brings me to the several speakers who suggested we had too many Deputies in this House. Possibly we have, but, for the reasons I have stated, I do not think so. I think rural Ireland is under-represented—not directly represented because we have not sufficient Deputies and in existing circumstances we cannot very well have more without doing what has been said here we have already done: robbing Dublin and giving seats to the country.

We have not done that. If we were to give rural Ireland adequate, equal and fair representation as compared with the cities and the urbans, then we would be forced to rob the cities, if you like, in order to bolster up the representation in the country. We are not doing that; we have not done it; and we do not intend to do it.

It has been suggested here that one of the proofs that we have too many Deputies is the fact that Deputies spend far too much of their time as messenger boys and grievance officers of their people. That system has grown up in this country and it is still growing. The fact is that, with very rare exceptions, any Deputy who does not like that system and refuses to be that sort of Deputy, will not be a Deputy for very long. You can take it or leave it; that is the position. Like it or not, every Deputy knows that is the pattern of the life of a Deputy in this country today.

I would go further and say that the further west you go, the more has that pattern developed. I think that is due to the special circumstances of the people of the western seaboard where a greater variety of social benefit and other special Government schemes have been in operation over the years. Every new scheme brings more work to the door of the Deputy in that part of the country. So we have the pattern well and truly laid of the Deputies being the grievance officers as well as the representatives of their people here.

As I say, that pattern has developed along the western seaboard more than it has in the east and the midlands, and it is one of the reasons why the western seaboard has been given special treatment in that we have not reduced the representation enjoyed there. In those areas, the people have more occasion to have recourse to their Deputies and to enlist their aid than the people in other parts of the country. That, added to the geographical difficulties and the montainous terrain of the western seaboard with its indented coastline, makes it imperative that the representation in that part of the country should not be further reduced. If there appears to be some disparity in our approach to the western seaboard as against some other rural counties, such as Roscommon, Wexford, Longford, Westmeath and Cavan——

It is true to say that, if we had sufficient seats to go round in all those counties, and if the situation were such that we could have more seats to satisfy all these rural constituencies, then we would not find ourselves in this House today being attacked by anybody from any of these constituencies because of a reduction. It is all very well to get up and make a case for Wexford. A very good case can be made for Wexford and, if I were a Wexford Deputy, it is the case I should make. But I could make an equally good case for Roscommon. I could make an equally good case for Longford-Westmeath. I could make an equally good case for Cavan. If I were a Cork Deputy, I could make a good case why Cork should get their twelfth seat in the county, or their 17 seats over the whole county and city. But the position is not on all-fours with the cases made by the Deputies who have spoken here so far.

In our Bill, we have distributed 142 seats. Under the Constitution, we could have 144 seats. We have, as it were, two seats and the question arises as to where those two seats should be allotted, how many claimants there are for them and how many good cases can be made for them. It is not just a case of one good case, or two good cases. At least five good cases can be made for these two seats, excluding the case that has been made for Dublin city so ably last night by its representatives here. Five good cases can be made in rural Ireland for these two seats, two seats over and above those we have already distributed. It is not quite true to say that we have two seats to spare or to ask why we do not give one of those to Roscommon. It is not quite fair to ask why we do not reduce Roscommon.

The question is: why did we reduce Roscommon? If we had not reduced Roscommon, could we have reduced Cavan? Could we have reduced Longford-Westmeath? Could we have reduced Wexford? Could we have reduced Cork? If we had not made any reduction in such cases, we would have had to reduce somewhere else. From the general tone of the debate, it would appear that we would have had to reduce Dublin by three, four or five seats. We were not prepared to do that. That is the situation. It is completely unrealistic to argue that we have these two seats to spare and that they should be allotted to this, that or the other constituency, when five good cases could be made in rural Ireland alone for the retention of seats. But five will not go into two.

Remember, that that does not take cognisance of the case made by Dublin for more seats than it now has. If there seems to be a disparity or an apparent difference in our approach to various parts of rural Ireland, as instanced by the case of Wexford, Longford-Westmeath, Cavan and Roscommon, it is for the very good reason that if we were to treat all these as we have treated the western seaboard, we would have had to take seats from other areas, and the only areas from which we could have taken seats are the cities. Cork city and Dublin city would have had to bear reductions in order that these counties might be left as they are.

Despite the fact that Roscommon is west of the Shannon, it cannot be argued here by any reasonable man that, if one compares it and the necessity for its retaining a fourth seat with my own constituency, for instance, and the necessity for its retaining its fourth seat, the choice could have been other than it is. Any reasonable person who travels over the two constituencies and who appreciates the implications of the difficulties of travel and the inaccessibility generally in my constituency would not for a moment hesitate as between the two. He would not for a moment hesitate as to which of the two should have four seats and which should have three.

Choice had to be made. That choice has been made in the Bill now before the House, not only in regard to Roscommon and Donegal, but in regard to the other western counties versus the midland and other counties. In my opinion, they need the representation they have. Indeed, I think they should, if possible, have more representation. But we cannot give more representation because we are not entitled to do so under our Constitution, unless we take seats from some other area.

From the outset, it has been our avowed intention in our approach to this whole matter not to reduce representation in any area, if we could possibly avoid it. I have painted the picture for the House. I hope Deputies appreciate the difficulties. I trust that my explanation will clear their minds of any idea that these things are done purely from the point of view of Party political advantage. We have faced the facts of the situation to the best of our ability.

It was suggested by the Taoiseach yesterday and by the Leader of the Opposition, Deputy Dillon, this morning that between now and the Committee Stage, there might be some possibility of agreed solutions in regard to the changes. Naturally, I, as Minister for Local Government, will be very happy if some satisfactory agreement can be reached in regard to these two floating seats, if one may so describe them. I have grave doubts of finding an agreeable solution, a solution agreeable to all Parties, when one remembers that there are at least five claimants with five good cases and that to those must be added the claims of Dublin city, the case for which was made so forcibly here last night. Those who try to find an agreed solution in regard to these two seats will, I believe, find themselves eventually with a much clearer mind on the matter and a much clearer appreciation of the difficulties with which the Government, I and the officers of my Department found ourselves faced in recent weeks in our efforts to solve the problem and bring into the House a Bill which would meet with general agreement.

May I ask a question? The Minister stressed the problem of rural Deputies having to travel long distances. He did not answer my point that there should be single-seat constituencies under P.R. That would solve the problem.

We cannot have them.

We can. The idea obviously is to keep the small man out. P.R. keeps him in.

In reply to Deputy Sherwin, under the Constitution we may not have constituencies of less than three seats.

We can change it.

That would need another Referendum.

The idea is to keep the small man out. The big shots and big business do not care. It is the small man who does all the work.

Question put and agreed to.

When is it proposed to take the Committee Stage?

I should like to order it for next Wednesday. If, however, that does not give sufficient time for the talks to which reference was made, we need not take the Bill on Wednesday. I think we should at least try to conform to constitutional requirements and get the Bill through by 26th November, if possible.

We can order the Bill for Wednesday.

That is too soon.

We do not necessarily have to take it.

Perhaps it will not be taken.

Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 4th November, 1959.
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