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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 24 Mar 1960

Vol. 180 No. 8

Committee on Finance. - Vote 43—Universities and Colleges (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a Supplementary sum not exceeding £10 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1960 for Grants to Universities and Colleges, including certain Grants-in-Aid—(Minister for Education).

We have before us a token vote of £10 for the needs of the different Universities of this country. That token vote of £10 can be described as an indication of the future expenditure to which this country is committed. The figure has been given as £6,000,000 and £7,000,000 but from what I learn it will be at least £12,000,000.

I do not wish to decry the merits or worth of Dublin. I speak in the interest of Galway University but, with regard to Dublin, I would suggest to the Minister that he should hasten more slowly. If he is prepared to meet the needs of Galway University and Cork University, we can help the situation in Dublin. We hear that Dublin is bursting at the seams at the moment; so is Galway but Galway has not the problem of having to provide the sites. We have the sites available.

The report of the Commission on the needs of the constituent Colleges made special reference to Galway University and the need for expenditure of £600,000. When the findings of that Commission were furnished to the former Minister for Education, Deputy Lynch, he said that he accepted them without any reservation and that Galway University was in immediate and urgent need of accommodation. I should like to stress the words "immediate and urgent". If the present Minister is of the same mind and is prepared to carry out the findings of the Commission we shall help to relieve his headache with regard to Dublin.

Deputy O'Malley mentioned that in his first year at College he spent one hour on three days a week at lectures. He is a graduate of the College— whether that is a credit to the college itself or not I will not stress. He said that he had three one hour lectures per week in his first year. It may have been that with the crowded classrooms the authorities may have had to tighten up the amount of time they could give. I know that no sooner is a classroom in University College, Galway, vacated by one group of students than it is filled to the doors by another.

I must compliment the Minister on his statement that he is prepared to come to the rescue of the Galway College but he will have to start immediate rescue operations or it will not be a rescue at all but a postmortem. The Minister has the figures of the grants per student to each college and he will see that Galway is the lowest of all. I want to point out to the Minister that that has been the attitude of his Department towards Galway all over the years. I feel that the new Minister may have a different attitude towards Galway and I hope that he will.

We have heard the case made for the establishment of the faculty of Agriculture in Limerick but I would remind the House that 110 years ago we had a Professor of Agriculture in Galway. Time marched on and, like everything else, the screw was put on Galway. Money was scarce and that professorship has since gone by the wayside. However, we have a course already and it is only a question of extending that to the full course. May I point out to the Minister that we have abundant facilities in that regard? We have a farm of 608 acres attached to Athenry College which is within a few miles of Galway so that with very little expenditure we can complete the full course in Agriculture in Galway.

The demand for such a course has come from the farmers' groups, from the local statutory bodies and from the I.C.A. They have every right to a say in the matter. I have mentioned Athenry. I could go further and mention the sheep research centre in Ballinrobe which is within a reasonable distance of Galway. We have students from all over Ireland coming to Galway, even from as far away as Louth, Donegal and Kerry.

I think that the claims of Galway as regards extended accommodation and as regards the faculty of Agriculture are as good as those of any place else. May I point out that some of the most brilliant men this country ever produced came from Galway? The man who first proposed the Shannon Scheme was a graduate of Galway. The scheme was referred to at the time as a white elephant but it has proved of tremendous advantage to the country.

There is a great deal of talk about decentralisation and, in my opinion, a great deal of lip service to the idea. If the Chair of Agriculture is to be extended, let it be extended where, with the least expenditure, the situation can be met. I have referred to two agricultural establishments—the Agricultural College in Athenry and the sheep research station at Ballinrobe—all within easy reach. The Minister should have the question examined before committing himself finally to Dublin.

A request has been made to the Minister to establish a Diploma of Mechanical Engineering. I also put it to the Minister that he should consider establishing a Diploma in Marine Science in Galway, which would be ideally suited for the purpose. That question may be too involved for me to deal with it in this debate but I would ask the Minister to examine it.

I would also ask the Minister seriously to consider establishing a Diploma in Mechanical Engineering in view of the great demand for technicians. I warn the Minister against the danger of the old school tie idea. I do not know from what College the Minister graduated but there is a danger of the old school tie playing its part, of everything being centralised in Dublin and the possibility of another skyscraper going up.

In other countries the various faculties of University Colleges may be scattered all over a town and are not centralised. I do not agree with the argument put up here last night that it is in the interests of students that all the faculties should be contained in one building. I do not think that applies in the case of some of the foremost Universities of the United States of America.

The Minister has referred to the constitutional right of parents to send their children to the University that suits them. That brings out my point. Where parents have chosen to send their children to, say, Galway, they may stay there for the first two years and then the Minister says they must come to Dublin. I do not know if the constitutional right is recognised in that case.

In conclusion, I would ask the Minister to consider the establishment of a Diploma of Mechanical Engineering in Galway. No other college has made that proposal to the Minister and I do not want some other college to steal a march on Galway. That suggestion has been made to the Minister and there is nothing to prevent him meeting it. The demand is spontaneous. We are not interested in the professional angle of it. We are interested in the common good of Connaught and the western seaboard, which extends from Donegal to Kerry.

The Minister said that he would be prepared to consider rescue operations. If the Minister considers rescue operations are needed, there must be immediate rescue. I would urge the Minister to take immediate steps to provide the accommodation required at University College, Galway.

While the Minister did not touch upon all facets of University education, he did make a pretty comprehensive survey, a survey which was totally unexpected having regard to the amount which he asks the Dáil to give him but which, in view of the decision which he wants with regard to U.C.D., was quite justifiable.

One must be careful in this House about making broad statements but I think it could be said that many parts of the Minister's very long speech were somewhat encouraging, not alone in regard to University education but in regard to education in general. However, some very depressing notes were struck, the most depressing being the statement by the Minister of the undoubted fact that it is unfortunate that we export so many graduates. Many of us have had the vague idea that graduates were forced to emigrate to Britain and other countries. The revelation is very depressing that one-half our doctor graduates are forced to emigrate, that nearly one-half of our civil engineers are forced to emigrate and that, in practically all other faculties, a very big proportion of the students on whom so much has been spent by the State are forced to have recourse to employment in other countries. That represents a tremendous loss to the country, to its economy and financial resources. There is the small consolation that while we cannot offer them employment at home, we do equip them reasonably well to take their place among graduates, professional or industrial, in the countries where they seek a livelihood.

I was very pleased that the Minister mentioned another matter. His view was approved by the leader of the Fine Gael Party. I think I correctly interpreted the Minister and Deputy Dillon in saying that they suggested that not only should our graduates be specialists in the faculty they adopt but should also have a good, sound, rounded education, with an appreciation of values, not so much scientific, technical and professional, but of life in general. If that idea were carried out it would make us noteworthy because it is notable, especially in universities in the United States of America, that they turn out specialists. Many of us have met Americans who are specialists in some field but do not know very much beyond that. That has been my experience of many American University graduates. To our credit it can be said of our system of education that, in addition to having a degree in a particular faculty, Irish University graduates have that good sound education about which the Minister and Deputy Dillon spoke in this debate.

Everybody recognises the great shortcomings in accommodation and in other respects as far as U.C.D. is concerned. While Deputy O'Malley lashed the Government on their financial policy, their educational, agricultural and industrial policy, he was absolutely wrong when he attempted to redress the position in which he found himself by saying that this Government was the first that ever thought of doing anything for U.C.D. or who ever thought of transferring U.C.D. to Belfield by spending a number of million pounds on the establishment of a proper University. That was started far back, as far as I can remember. I can say without prejudice it was first started by the inter-Party Government in 1948 and, to my knowledge, the idea was pursued and pursued very much during their period of office from 1954 to 1957.

I do not make a point of that, but the Minister's main purpose in introducing this Estimate is to endeavour to get approval from this House to establish University College in toto at Belfield.

I agree with the majority of Deputies not so much on account of the cost but on account of the facilities which undoubtedly exist in Belfield. If University education is to progress at the rate it has progressed in the past 20, 30 or 40 years it must have room to expand. Even if the Government were to expend something like £2,000,000, which in my opinion is a very conservative figure, for the acquisition and demolition of certain buildings in the vicinity of U.C.D. at Earlsfort Terrace, I believe it would be a much better proposition to establish the College at Belfield where they have so much room to expand.

There are many objections to that course, but they are very short-term objections. Many of the present students in U.C.D. have criticisms to make of the proposed transfer on the grounds that they will be upset as far as lodging accommodation is concerned and it will be inconvenient for them to travel from the centre of the city or from the north side of the city to the proposed establishment at Belfield. Those are very short-term criticisms which I believe will resolve themselves especially when, as the Minister suggested in his speech, there will be hostel or lodging accommodation in Belfield or at least in the vicinity of Belfield.

I am appalled at the thought—the Minister probably has very good reasons for what he said—that it will take 20 years to establish this building at Belfield. He did not go into very great detail. I do not know whether he meant that the last fitting would not be installed in the building for 20 years or whether the building itself would take 20 years to complete, that is, between the preparation of plans, the actual building, and so on. If, as the Minister says, and I think we all agree, there is a great necessity for a new University building it should be done in one-fifth of that time. It is true we have not the same technical resources as many other countries but it is a well-known fact that in Britain, in the United States and particularly in Germany they run up buildings in no time. I cannot see why it cannot be done here. The only thing that can stop us here is money. The Minister cannot tell us it is money which will stop him because the Taoiseach has said that if there is any worthwhile project that needs money, the money is there. That is no misinterpretation of what the Taoiseach said. He has said on many occasions that we have the money there, and it it is inconceivable that if we very much need a University in Dublin we should have to wait for 20 years before that University will finally be established at Belfield. I hope the Minister will deal with that point when he is replying.

Deputy O'Malley mentioned the important factor of the employment content. In the last inter-Party Government the members of that Government were concerned about employment and they initiated some schemes which gave employment to a number of men. The Government at that time recognised that with the tapering-off of housing in certain respects, those employed in the building trade would have to be given work. This is an admirable project which could be engaged in, if not this year, possibly next year or the year after to absorb many thousands of people who have been rendered unemployed by reason of the fact that building has not gone on at the same pace as it did in the recent past.

I was expecting some encouragement in the Minister's speech about education and he did say something to the effect that every child, rich or poor, should be able to go to the top of the educational ladder. I know the Minister is a well-intentioned man; at least he was well-intentioned as a Deputy and I trust he has not changed. Is that just a wish or a promise? Every one of us pays lip service to the idea that every child, however humble his circumstances, should have the best type of education available to him. We know, of course, that does not happen. It is true as far as primary education is concerned but not in regard to secondary education. I cannot imagine how the Minister hopes to implement what I trust is a promise from him, in view of the present circumstances in regard to education.

There are many children who cannot avail of secondary education by reason of the cost. I think I should qualify that statement by saying that we all owe a tremendous debt to many of the teaching Orders. I have experience of only one and I think that it can be said in respect of that that there is no real problem of cost in regard to the education of pupils who want to take secondary courses. I do not know whether that is true of other Orders or not but I do know of boys and girls who had to give up the idea of secondary education because they could not afford to pay the fees; sometimes if they did get a concession in respect of fees they found they could not continue their secondary education because they could not afford the books, which can be a fairly big item of expenditure in the budget of an ordinary family. I am not saying that in criticism of these teaching Orders or any of these schools. They could not carry on, having regard to the financial set up between themselves and the Department of Education, if they had to give a substantial number of pupils free education and free books. However, the Minister's statement with regard to rich and poor having available to them all education facilities is contained in about twelve words but it means a tremendous amount and I hope the Minister is prepared to regard that not so much as a wish as a promise.

I am not one of those who want the whole country flooded with graduates or to see every student in the country doing the intermediate or leaving certificate, but I do believe that young children who show promise, no matter what their circumstances are, should have available to them secondary education and if needs be University education. I know it would be difficult to do that. For that reason I merely mention in passing what I suggested to the Minister on some other occasion, that he should establish some system of vocational guidance. We would have every child in the State irrespective of his ability opting to go forward for secondary and for University education as well. I mention this in passing; I know it has not got much to do with this debate.

I trust it is a promise and not merely the wish of the Minister when he says he intends to tie up, as far as possible, vocational education with University education. A tremendous amount is being done to give reasonably good qualifications to pupils in the vocational schools, I think I would not be wrong in saying, particularly in Dublin—and perhaps in the other big cities as well. The Minister will be doing a tremendous amount—not so much for education but for business, industry and agriculture—if he can, to some extent, dovetail vocational with University education.

I wholeheartedly approve, despite some of the arguments against it, of the idea of the establishment of University College, Dublin at Belfield. I was interested to hear Deputy O'Malley's argument in favour of the establishment of a Faculty of Agriculture in Limerick. I appreciate that a Limerick man believes that Limerick has certain things to offer that would make it a better site for the establishment of that facility than anywhere else, but, as I listened to him, I thought he was making an admirable case—although I am not making a claim for it now—for the establishment of a Faculty of Agriculture at Johnstown Castle.

I welcome the opportunity to debate this all-important matter on this token Vote, particularly in regard to the transfer of U.C.D. from its present location to its new site at Belfield. I hope that the vote—and I trust that one will be challenged in the matter—will be so decisive as to give the Minister all the incentive he wants to proceed with this scheme at the fastest possible rate. I hope he will recover from what I feel was the very bad bit of pessimism in which he talked of finishing in 20 years. I am very jealous of the Minister, I may say, very jealous of the situation in which he finds himself, that the turn of the political wheel leaves it in his power on behalf of the Government to put this very important further stage to the completion of what was started in 1854 when this country first addressed itself to the theme and the objective of providing higher education for Catholics in Ireland.

That began in 1854 and the stage then developed to what was called Newman's University, up to the old "Royal", through the Jesuit control of U.C.D. and eventually to the passage of the 1908 Act. One of the things that I feel Deputy O'Malley lit on by accident as regards accuracy was that he said there was not a full demand. Whatever it was, the idea was taken up with the objective of making the best possible use of promoting the aim and objective of higher education for Irish Catholics. The 1908 Act was developed and the Charter has even been changed by a slow process. Certain improvements have taken place in practice which I hope will be developed by amendment to the Charter, if that be necessary, because that old instrument certainly is not fully adequate for the present necessities of any of the Colleges of the University or even for the federal body, the "National" itself.

In 1926, one effort was made to provide, or make up for some of the deficiencies there were in the old provision by the National University and that was when the College of Science and later, the Glasnevin College, were both handed over to U.C.D. That, certainly, represented a great enlargement of the facilities and teaching facilities in that College. They got a big development of the Science Faculty and the Engineering Faculty. They got some provision for development of agriculture through students in this country. That situation remained until 1948. Deputy Corish is right in what he says. I want to emphasise what he says not for any Party purpose whatever because, as far as we are concerned, we are joining wholeheartedly behind the Minister and his Party in this new stage—not the final stage—of University progress. It is a very important stage to which we have now come.

I make these remarks because very often the criticism levelled against this project may be stated in two words— that the decision is precipitate and that there has been a certain amount of secrecy surrounding development to the stage we have now reached. So far as speed is concerned, in this matter there has been delay that is difficult to understand. As far as I I am concerned, the matter started in 1948 when permission was given to U.C.D. to wipe off its overdraft and to put its superannuation fund into a solvent position as well as to require provision for better terms for the staff in that College.

The President of U.C.D. was told that an old ban that had been put by the Department of Finance on U.C.D. itself in respect of overdraft was withdrawn. The letter was ambiguously worded but—and I conveyed this myself to the President— the intention was that the President, having the overdraft cleared, should avail himself of the new opportunity he had to get a further overdraft for the purpose of buying the lands at Belfield.

There was secrecy possibly at that point but I considered that that was the best way of dealing with the matter instead of coming here with a token vote for £10 for the purpose of making it clear that U.C.D. would build on that new site which was being looked for. It was thought that the best way to have the purchasing done at some reasonable cost was to have the matter shrouded in secrecy in that way for a period. But the matter had been discussed by the Governing Body of U.C.D. for some years. It was not a new thing in 1940 as far as this body was concerned. When I heard of it, it was in an advanced stage though not at the stage reached under the auspices of the recent Commission, but we had advanced a stage to the time when it was not merely a pious aspiration. Plans were made, rough plans with nothing like the detail now available, but definite plans.

The College authority which is the Governing Body, had over many years discussed this matter. There were representatives of different organisations on the Governing Body and there was no question of secrecy. The matter was openly discussed as far as the Governing Body was concerned. The Governing Body of U.C.D. consisted of a group of people, 34 in number; ten of those represent outside interests. There are eight people elected by the General Council of County Councils, the Lord Mayor of Dublin is there ex officio and there are representatives of the County Council of Dublin. There are four representatives of the Government; six people elected by the graduates of U.C.D.; six elected by the Academic Council and three who come from the Seanad—a mixed body but certainly not one that could be relied upon to maintain complete secrecy over anything they were to discuss, and there was no pledge of secrecy. The matter was discussed by them and I could, through my associations, hear that the idea was permeating through and was getting a good hearing.

The Governing Body of University College, Dublin is elected for three years. Suppose I take 1948, though the question started in 1947. There have been four or five changes in the personnel of the Governing Body in that time. It has had this matter under consideration from time to time and I understand at no time has there ever been found as many as five people in separate Governing Bodies to have any objection to the plans then being promoted. As far as my efforts with the College went, having provided them with certain funds with the authority of this House, I then said to them they could proceed through overdraft arrangements to buy in that way the very valuable property which they now possess.

As far as speed in this matter is concerned, it was announced here, possibly not in a blatant way, what was on foot. When I went into Opposition in 1951 I took the first occasion on one of the Votes to speak very diffidently about this whole matter, to ask how far the plans had progressed, and to urge the Government to make speed in bringing these plans up-to-date and in giving sanction for expenditure of money and a promise to provide the money. When the inter-Party Government resumed office in 1954, Deputy J.A. Costello, as Leader of the Government, took the occasion of a celebration in connection with University College, Dublin to make a public pronouncement that the Belfield plans had been fully approved by the Government of 1954, and he went on to add, as they had been previously approved in the 1948 period.

It is quite wrong for people to speak of this as being hurried. I thought words had lost their meaning when I read the other day a prominent reference in a paper using this word "precipitate", asking the Government not to precipitate a decision on this matter owing to the nature of it and saying that once a decision was taken it would be irrevocable. Apart from that, I had always understood, through various people on the Governing Bodies who had affiliations with the Party that now forms the Government, that there was no Party division on this matter and that Fianna Fáil, as well as Fine Gael, were definitely in favour of this further provision, for, as I say, higher education for Catholics in this country. When I had again become a member of the Opposition, several times I asked why the plans were not being pushed forward more speedily and finally the Commission was established.

I remember feeling disappointed because, if we take the four Governments in power since 1947 to the present time, these plans had the approval of all the Governments and all the Governments had agreed that the money would have to be found. It was only a question of what was the appropriate date for the introduction of a Vote of this type in order to have the public given full knowledge of what was proposed. The answer I consider most satisfactory when the Commission was set up, was that there was a certain amount of comment in the country, voiced mainly through some of the newspapers, that there had been a certain amount of unnecessary secrecy about the matter and the Commission was regarded as the best way of dealing with it, a Commission before which witnesses could go and a Commission which would eventually report.

The Commission took three years and more in their deliberations and at the end they have reported in favour of the Belfield plan. It is quite clear from reading that report that they started off with a prejudice against the move to Belfield. They started off directing their minds as to whether it would not be possible to preserve what they call the traditional association of the University with the area in which University College, Dublin, now stands. They were driven by force of circumstances and they report in terms which make it clear that the circumstances were overwhelmingly against the proposal to stay in Earlsfort Terrace, and by force of circumstances they were driven to vote in favour of the move to Belfield.

One comment that occurred in the Minister's speech last night should be brought home to the people who are now making objections to this move. It is in the typescript of this speech, paragraph 43, where he says, speaking of the Commission:

After one and a half years' labours, however, during which it held 33 meetings, visited twenty different institutions, both at home, in Britain and on the Continent, and received evidence from numerous home and foreign experts and interested parties, it found itself forced to the conclusion again in its own words:

"In the English and Danish Universities we visited, we found that the authorities were dealing with problems similar to the problem of University College, Dublin. We met administrators and, in some cases, architects and building officers. We discussed the solution of the Dublin problem with them. Everything we heard of the experiences of these other universities has indicated to us that the right solution of the Dublin problem—and the only final solution for it—is to transfer the College, the entire College, to a new site of adequate size.

The last sentence is:

The advice we received in these universities unanimously supports that view."

In another part of his speech, at paragraph 61 he dealt with a matter which has been canvassed in a certain newspaper outside, that is with regard to the suggestion that part of University College, Dublin, might remain at Earlsfort Terrace and that part might be transferred out to the Belfield site. He said:

The Commission's final conclusion, after thorough investigation of all these matters, was:—

"The difficulty in the case of University College, Dublin, has been to find for the College's accommodation problem a solution which will maintain the general physical unity of the College. We think that it is essential to maintain that unity. Without this unity and the opportunity of mingling together which it affords to students and professors of the different faculties, the College would lose what is one of the most valuable attributes of a University. It would in our opinion be no solution of the problem to build the College's additional accommodation requirements (450,000 square feet net)—(which is the equivalent of 600,000 square feet gross) —on the Stillorgan Road site and to leave the rest of the College at Earlsfort Terrace and Upper Merrion Street. This would divide the College, make it less than a university, and seriously affect the quality of the students."

These are two of the matters that are being spoken of outside, mainly spoken of in a newspaper that certainly has not any tradition of furthering the cause for higher education for Catholics in Ireland. In this morning's paper. The Irish Times, in its editorial worries how the precious unity of University College, Dublin, is going to be preserved. We can imagine the sleepless nights the Editor of The Irish Times spent worrying over the “precious unity” of University College, Dublin. Certain other comments which follow are just as hollow as that.

Even in my time, my student days, which go back about fifty years now, I have seen a great improvement in the situation with regard to the provision of higher education for Catholics in Ireland. A colleague of mine, in an address which he read, spoke of the different attitude there was these days towards education compared to that at the time when subscriptions were being collected for a Catholic University.

The phrase he used was: "The present attitude of the Irish people is in marked contrast to that of 100 years ago following the famine. When over a million people had died of hunger and typhus they subscribed their pennies at the church doors to start the Catholic University." We are following at least in their tradition in this debate in providing from the resources of a better organised State the moneys that are required in order not any longer to start a Catholic University but to put on a better foundation University College, Dublin, that emerged from the struggles of the people in those early years.

I should like to emphasise here that I hope we have heard the last of the talk about amalgamating with Trinity in the Minister's very decisive phrases last night. The Minister said that one of the things that had to be remembered was the sacrifices that had been made by people in this country to get education of this type for the people who belonged to the religion of the main body of the country, and he has said that he could not back it himself. I do not think any Government could live in this country that would back it and put the parents of University students in the position that they had to go to an institution where they did not believe that their essential needs in education would be properly catered for.

I turn again to my staff colleague and what he said, looking back on the old days and recording history in a very brief paragraph. He said:

"The structure of the present Irish University system was hammered out most painfully fifty years ago as the culmination of a long struggle led by the Irish Hierarchy to secure under conditions acceptable to them opportunities of University education for Irish Catholics equal to those enjoyed by the religious minority, at that time the cultural and material ascendancy of the country. It was also the general desire that the University should be democratic and national in its outlook. In fact, as far back as 1887 Dr. Walsh said that it should be a National University."

Let us keep clear of agreements of the type that Cardinal D'Alton described as ill-considered experiments in the educational field. In a speech he made in June, 1958, he said: "There seems to be desire on the part of some to throw the University question once more into the melting pot and to aim at some type of merger between the existing Universities in the Republic. That would be an attempt at a union of incompatibles."

I take it that the Minister's view last night is the view of the Government and that he clearly is against this effort to make a union between people between whom there can be no unity. I take it in any event that there is one thing removed from any further Commission of Inquiry or from any hesitancy, and that is the question of the Belfield move. I take it also from what the Minister said in very strong but proper language that there is no longer any thought here now, or in 50 years' time, of anything that can be called an amalgamation between the National University of Ireland and the other University we have. We have in this country a particular outlook on life, and I want to quote from a pamphlet written many years ago with regard to higher education for Catholics for Ireland. It said that elsewhere than in the National University there was no attempt made to provide a knowledge of Catholic religious, philosophical, ethical or social teaching, quite apart from the books recommended in the various courses. It also spoke about the staff that might be selected to guide students with the aid of certain books along the lines of their development through the different subjects.

The pamphlet at a later stage went on to speak of the philosophy of life that Catholics in this country have, and described it as "one that runs counter to the notions and conventions of the non-Christian pagan world, which sets up a high moral standard and which, therefore, imposes a great strain on those who will not compromise with the world."

It said that "the forces working against adherence to Catholic faith and morals are undoubtedly great for all classes of people in the modern world, but they are especially great for those engaged in higher studies where they will meet difficulties of every kind against Catholic faith and morals."

Our National University is the bulwark against those dangers, and even though there is the criticism that it does not fully correspond with certain definitions of what a National University should be, at least it is one in which the Catholic view of life prevails and it is a very good thing that the College, by the provision of better provisions and removal to a site where it can expand, can give people of every category a better opportunity to guide students along correct ways by the provision of the site and the developments that must follow the development of Belfield. There is definitely a new stage being reached as far as the Catholic University in this country is concerned.

I want to return again to the lecture delivered by a colleague of mine when he spoke of what Universities do in other countries, more particularly Universities in small countries like this. I quote it as something that I think will be accepted by people who give serious thought to this matter. The passage I want to refer to is this:

"In a small country the Universities will carry on their normal work of producing educated professional men and women and generally satisfying the vocational needs of the community. In another way, however, a small country with limited resources is vitally dependent on its Universities. Such a country inevitably can possess only a limited number of experts and scholars in the various fields of science and of knowledge, and must in a special way depend on these specialists to keep it abreast of the scientific and intellectual developments in the world outside if it is not to become a backwater. In large countries there may be specialists in the great industrial corporations, in certain branches of Government and in various research bodies who can to some extent replace the University in these matters. In a small country with thriving Universities specialists in virtually all fields will be available doing their normal work, ready to act when needed."

It was claimed that the 1908 Act with the foundation of U.C.D. as one College in 1909 greatly helped the State but barely came in time to cater for the various people who derived their education from National University sources and helped to forward this country to any degree of prosperity it has attained.

I want to make one last remark on one part of this. In the Commission's Report they gave an estimate of the cost of the move; against that they set off the savings that would be made when the buildings now at Earlsfort Terrace can be handed over to the Government for use for Government or administrative purposes. A great deal of argument has been used to show that this is a fictitious saving. I do not know whether it will be so. My consideration of the matter in 1948 was real enough, because in those days when the Belfield project was being considered and one thought of the Earlsfort Terrace site being evacuated and the college's whole work being done out along the Stillorgan Road I had certain views.

I had got from the office of the Minister for Finance a statement of what buildings there were occupied by civil servants in his city and it was an amazing revelation to me to find that one knew of the buildings where the income tax people are, the offices in Dublin Castle, the offices across the street in Government Buildings and the offices in Government Buildings itself but there were numerous houses in addition scattered all over the city and mostly held on lease at fairly heavy rents. The view I had was that there could be a revision of the public buildings situation taken to correspond with the move from Earlsfort Terrace to Belfield and it seemed to me that the staffs of the Civil Service could be accommodated in at least three buildings and the others turned back to their owners.

That was the idea we had in 1948. I do not say that it was a very important consideration but it was of some importance and it helped to get the approval of the Government and of the Party to which I belong for all sections of the plans now approaching, I hope, finality under the Minister's auspices. As I have said I am jealous of him for the reason that it falls to him to do this very important piece of work for Catholic education in Ireland. I do not understand the mood of pessimism as to the time. It seems to me that people are afraid to get these plans going. University College, Dublin will help in every possible way.

There are groups already in existence which have been discussing and considering these plans in an advanced stage. I cannot see why the money factor should stop this development or hinder its progress over 20 years. There is plenty of money in this country for worthwhile projects and this is a worthwhile project. The Minister will add to the fame he will get from being the person to move this Vote if he will put some speed into the development of the matter.

Many years ago when the Shannon scheme was under discussion that discussion took place in a period very much like the present period, the month of April. April was then in the season which is known as Lent and one of my colleagues gave me the advice—festina lente. What he meant was to make a lot of hurry during Lent.

The advocates of the Belfield site and the advocates of the new building programme for University College, Cork will be many in this House. I think it my duty, as a former student of University College, Galway to make our plea for the needs of University College, Galway in relation to increased accommodation as set out in the report of the Commission on accommodation in the Constituent Colleges.

Before I deal with that matter, I should like to say how much I admired the fine speech made by Deputy McGilligan. I think that anybody who listened to him and heard the views expressed by him, including the short historical account of the development of the college since its foundation, could not but be impressed. I think that when he asked the Minister to speed up the time limit set by the Commission or by the Minister himself he was expressing the wishes of nearly everybody in this House. Personally, I am wholeheartedly in agreement with what Deputy McGilligan has said and I feel that I should congratulate him on the fine contribution he has made to the debate. I can now understand why he is such a good advocate at the Bar. I hope that I shall never have the occasion to call on his services but if I have I shall be in very good hands.

The needs of Galway are less than one-tenth, in terms of money, than those of Dublin. The problem is the same, increased accommodation, and the solution is the same, availability of funds. The problem is different in this respect that the proposed new buildings in U.C.G. will all be on the site of the existing University or in close proximity to it. The extra land needed will be readily available. A sub-committee was set up composed of the different faculties of University College, Galway, and that sub-committee drew up a priority list of the needs of the College over a period of years.

That sub-committee submitted its report to the Governing Body of which I happen to be a member. The Governing Body unanimously accepted the report on the needs for extra accommodation as prepared by the sub-committee and a copy of the report was forwarded to the Minister for Education. A short while ago the Minister was gracious enough to receive a deputation from the Governing Body. I was a member of the deputation led by His Grace Most Rev. Dr. Walsh, Archbishop of Tuam. We pressed the Minister to allow University College, Galway, to go ahead with the schedule of the priority of buildings as required by us.

The Minister told us that the problem of University College, Galway, was also the problem of the other colleges. He said that until Dáil Éireann had taken a decision on the matter his hands were tied. Yesterday, when introducing the Supplementary Vote, he indicated that permission would be given by him to proceed with the necessary work and I now put it to the Minister that in none of the Colleges except U.C.G. will he find it possible to go ahead with the speed and expedition that all of us would like to see. We had our plans prepared in advance of the publication of the report. We have our architect employed and we have actually built, with the Minister's permission, one of the projects to which reference was made in the report.

Originally University College, Galway, was designed for about 150 students and, as the Minister said yesterday, the figure has stood for the past five years at just under 1,000, which represents a six-fold increase in a period of about 30 or 35 years. The position there at present is very difficult for the students and the professors. At the last meeting of the Governing Body we were informed by one of the professors that he had spent a Saturday morning touring the college looking for a lecture hall for his class and could not find one and had to let his students go. That can be readily appreciated in a college that was originally designed for 150 students and which now has an enrolment of 960 or 970.

During the course of our discussions with the Minister for Education he pointed out that the figures in Galway had remained more or less static over the past four or five years; that the numbers had increased in University College, Cork, and in University College, Dublin, but that the Galway figures had remained more or less the same, at in or about 950 to 960. Our fears in Galway are that the figures for the college will decrease unless something is done immediately to increase the accommodation there. They certainly cannot increase.

The recommendations of the Governing Body with regard to University College, Galway, are that three buildings be put in hand immediately. They have placed them in a certain order of priority: Botany and Zoology laboratories to be set up. The setting up of these laboratories would also ease the pressure on the Engineering School. As I stated earlier on, half of the building is near completion. We must acquire financial accommodation, whether by way of guaranteed increased overdraft or a grant from the Exchequer, of about £100,000 to tide us over the next two years and in that two years we hope to get permission from the Government or the Minister for Education to complete the Botany and Zoology laboratories.

An Experimental Physics building with a Lecture Hall is also required. This would ease the most pressing needs of the Faculty of Arts and indeed it would also help the Faculty of Commerce because the Engineering buildings are at present being used by students of those two Faculties.

The third item in our order of priority is an Assembly Hall, including a Café and adequate sanitary accommodation—all housed in one building —which accommodation is very urgently needed.

I sincerely trust that it will be possible for the Minister to authorise us in University College, Galway, to proceed with that building plan, particulars of which have already been submitted. We are lucky enough to have a contractor on the job who is working on a time and material arrangement and offering rates that appear to be very attractive. We want to keep that contractor on the job and to benefit from the low rates for the work and, indeed, from a continuation of the excellent work that he is doing on the College.

The approximate estimated cost of the three items that I have mentioned is £300,000. If the Minister would allow us, say, £100,000 and give us two years to complete one-third of the programme, I think that would meet with the wishes of the Governing Body and of the interested Faculties.

Next year, it is hoped that University College, Galway, will introduce a four-year course leading to the Bachelor of Science Degree. University College, Dublin, has had a course of that kind for a number of years. The Galway degree course up to now was spread over three years but unless we are allowed to proceed and to provide the extra accommodation, as set out in the Report submitted to the Minister by the Governing Body, I am afraid that University College, Galway, will not be able to keep abreast of the times.

I make a special plea for University College, Galway, also on this ground, that it is the only Constituent College of the National University in which Degrees courses can be done solely through the medium of the Irish language. One cannot say that about University College, Dublin, or about University College, Cork. In Latin, Greek, in all the scientific subjects, and the whole range of subjects leading to the B.Comm. Degree, lectures are given through the Irish language to students who so desire them. That cannot be said of University College, Dublin, or University College, Cork. If this House is sincere about the Irish language and about furthering the cause of the Irish language, it should be sincere about helping the only Constituent College of the National University that gives anything other than lip tribute to the Irish language.

I have nothing else to say about the proposal to transfer University College, Dublin to Belfield. Judging from what I have heard in this House, there seems to be all-Party agreement on this proposal. "Belfield is best" seems to be the judgment. But, this much I do say: I was not greatly impressed by the letters written by University Professors or, indeed, by the statements made by them, with regard to this proposal. They seem to want no discussion whatsoever of the matter. They seem to regard it as a fait accompli, which I suppose it is. I think that weakened their case considerably in the eyes of the public. They took it for granted that one could not even refer to an alternative, that one could not even criticise them for saying that there was no alternative to transferring the University to Belfield. If there were less pontificating from the professors of University College, Dublin, and a better attempt at making their case, which had already been made for them anyway by the Commission and indeed by the Government, it would have gone down better with the public. I, for one, was not greatly impressed. That is only a personal opinion.

It has been represented to me that in making a contribution to this debate I am treading on rather delicate ground inasmuch as I happen to be a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin, and this is a matter, the discussion of which should properly be confined to graduates of the National University. I appreciate that point but at the same time it must be clear that I am, before everything else, a Deputy and, consequently, my responsibility is to the public that I represent here. The eventual expenditure under this Vote which will be very considerable will mean taxation on the people generally. This undertaking is of such tremendous size that it would be absurd for any Deputy to stay silent during this momentous debate. It is possible that I as an outsider from the point of view of the University Colleges, not being attached to any of the different factions which are inseparable from University life, would have an objective approach.

I find it rather disturbing and slightly uncanny to listen to the debate which has been carried on here for some time and to discover so much agreement. As Deputy Dillon, the Leader of the Opposition, pointed out, this subject has raised a very wide, spirited and acrimonious controversy outside. Many reputable, responsible and talented people are engaged on both sides outside this House and it is very disturbing to find that Deputies have apparently accepted, as Deputy Carty said a few minutes ago, the whole position as a fait accompli, that we merely tie up the strings and send the parcel back to the University authorities to get on with it as they see fit.

This is not a fait accompli until the House decides the matter. We are the supreme authority in the State and it is open to us to reject or accept all or any part of the representations of the Commission. We are not bound to accept the findings of the Commission. It was set up merely to help or guide us but it has no final authority. It could not usurp our authority nor should we deprive ourselves of our authority before any outside body.

I said the other day it was a pity that policy appears to be made in the front bench of both sides and that so far there has been no dissenting voice except that of Deputy O'Malley who dealt with the subject from a point of view different from mine, that is, whether the institution should go to Belfield or should not. There has been very little attempt by any of the front benchers to examine the whole problem when we are considering whether the new University should be built at Belfield. I do not think the back benchers have the excuse which I made on their behalf the other day, that the Government benches have the wonderful resources, the minds and the talents of the men of the Civil Service to assist them in disentangling the various points of view for and against this project. The Opposition equally have a great reserve of talent to advise them, but there is not that excuse in this instance because all of us back benchers have had at our disposal the benefit of the views of people outside whom most of us on both sides respect and for whom we have the highest regard.

In addition to that, an organisation called Tuairim went to very considerable trouble to prepare a comprehensive document which put at our disposal in the back benches a different side of the picture from that presented by the Government Commission. Therefore, if we choose to use the magnificent report of this independent, voluntary body, Tuairim, we have at our disposal what seems to me to be a reasonably objective analysis of the situation. Even if we suggest that it is not objective, that they have some vested interest—I do not think they have but even assuming they have—there are the simple, incontrovertible facts which they have made available to us and which are not readily available to any independent Deputy. Therefore, we are very well equipped to debate this whole question and I was very sorry to hear Deputy Michael Carty say the die is cast and there is very little we can do.

In view of the apparent unanimity certainly among the back benchers and the absolute absence of any political content in the question, I cannot understand why the Minister could not have brought in his Vote, thrown the issue open to the House and allowed a free vote on the question. This would have been a wonderful opportunity for a decision by means of a free vote. It would have given all Deputies a greater sense of responsibility in regard to their contribution to the debate and would have removed the rather despairing feeling that Deputy Carty appeared to have.

It is very rarely we can take a decision by a free vote because of the organisation of politics in the country and that is understandable, but this matter is uniquely suited for such a decision. It is very unlikely that the Minister will change his mind but I would plead with him to allow a free vote so as to give to the Deputies a greater sense of participation in this momentous decision. Deputy McGilligan was right when he said: "I envy the Minister." We all envy the Minister because he is in a situation to take a decision which could be of the greatest consequence to the country. He has the opportunity to decide what form this great University will take, the qualifications, the standard of service that it will give to the minds of men and women, not for the next 20 or 30 years but for centuries to come. For that reason it should be one of the most carefully thought-out and well considered debates ever held in this House. I am very surprised at the decision that has been taken on the evidence that I have had put before me at any rate.

The two points to be considered are whether it is desirable and if so, whether it is feasible. Unfortunately, I could not gather from Deputy Dillon's speech whether he said this or whether he did not. I hope I am not misquoting him, but I think he said it was undesirable that the University should be retained in the city.

My personal view is that it is desirable and expedient to transfer the University to Belfield and that it would be undesirable and inexpedient to keep it at Earlsfort Terrace.

Those are the only two considerations—whether it is desirable and if it is, whether it is feasible. I believe it to be desirable, without any question of doubt at all, that a great University such as is proposed here should remain in the heart of the city. I believe, on the evidence that has been put before me, that it is feasible to retain the University within the city boundary. Because of that, I believe that this decision to leave the heart of the city and go to Belfield is a retrograde one and not in the best interests of the University.

Deputy McGilligan suggested that this was not a hasty decision. I think we are making a hasty decision, a decision forced on us by the gross overcrowding and the great difficulties under which teaching is carried out in U.C.D. at Earlsfort Terrace. The Minister must indulge in what he called rescue operations. The decision is forced on him and it is an urgent decision. It is imperative that action be taken with the minimum of delay in order to allow the lecturers and professors to teach the students under reasonable conditions of accommodation and equipment for that accommodation.

To me it is unbelievable that the Minister should suggest that this plan would be a 20-year plan. I agree with Deputy O'Malley that it seems to be an extraordinarily dilatory consideration of the problem—20 years in which to spend £7,000,000. One fact is obvious and that is that if we wait 20 years, seeing the way costs have gone up and are going up, it will cost much more than £7,000,000. If that £7,000,000 is now a reliable estimate, the shorter the time spent in getting those buildings erected the less money it will take.

Even considered from that point of view, the financial one, to allow this to be a 20-year development plan will involve unnecessary cost. I can give a comparison in hospital building. Before the war it cost between £300 and £400, I think, to build one general hospital bed; nowadays the cost runs as high as £2,000 or £3,000 per bed. Building costs have rocketed and on the estimated cost here I should imagine the ultimate cost, if we wait for 20 years, will be in the region of £15,000,000 or £20,000,000.

Leaving aside financial considerations, it seems that the need for these facilities for U.C.D. should be the prior consideration and no question of expense should be allowed to interfere with the provision of a University. I was particularly interested in the answer to a Parliamentary Question today by Deputy Lindsay about the cost of jet airliners— £6,000,000. It will be spent, I suppose, in a matter of months to provide these jet liners which are unpredictably costly to operate and which probably will show no financial return in the foreseeable future.

From the point of view of the people of the country as a whole this is a relatively futile expenditure compared to expenditure which could enable these wonderful proposals to be carried out either at Belfield or at the present site. The money which is to be spent on these jet airplanes could be spent to provide what is without question the most important amenity or facility for any society— higher education and an opportunity in the present state of scientific and technological advances to meet the need for various technocrats for industry.

What crazy, upside-down sense of values allows a Government to sit down and write a cheque for £6,000,000 for a few jet airliners which will probably be out of fashion in a year or two? Most of the other countries found it impossible to develop these services except by going into a group but we take it upon ourselves to spend £6,000,000 on them. University authorities, on the other hand, must wait 20 years to spend their miserable £7,000,000 on this University project. Surely the Government must begin to have some sanity about this question of education—the neglect of our primary schools, the lack of adequate buildings over years leaving us with some 1,000 underdeveloped or derelict buildings and the practical absence of secondary school education for all except the child who can pay. I do not agree that secondary education, even with the small fee charged by the religious teaching Orders, is readily available to students; it is not. There are factors involved with which I have dealt on other occasions such as the loss of income to the family and so on.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, March 29th, 1960.
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