Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 15 Dec 1960

Vol. 185 No. 9

Dairy Produce Marketing Bill, 1960—Committee Stage (Resumed).

SECTION 8.

I move amendment No. 1:

In pages 6 and 7, to delete paragraphs (c), (d) and (e) of subsection (2) and insert the following paragraphs:

"(c) one person being—

(i) a person who is nominated to be a member of the Board by the licensed manufacturers of cheese and as respects whose nomination notification in writing is delivered to the Minister (together with a statement in writing signed by the person signifying his consent to the nomination) before the nomination day in the nomination is year in which the nomination is made, or

(ii) if in any nomination year the licensed manufacturers of cheese do not, before the nomination day in that year, nominate a person and deliver to the Minister the notification and statement in relation to the person referred to in subparagraph (i) of this paragraph, a person nominated by the Minister whom the Minister considers to be representative of those manufacturers,

(d) one person being—

(i) a person who is nominated to be a member of the Board by the licensed manufacturers of milk powder and as respects whose nomination notification in writing is delivered to the Minister (together with a statement in writing signed by the person signifying his consent to the nomination) before the nomination day in the nomination year in which the nomination is made, or

(ii) if in any nomination year the licensed manufacturers of milk powder do not, before the nomination day in that year, nominate a person and deliver to the Minister the notification and statement in relation to the person referred to in sub paragraph (i) of this paragraph, a person nominated by the Minister whom the Minister considers to be representative of those manufacturers,

(e) one person being—

(i) a person who is nominated to be a member of the Board by the licensed manufacturers of chocolated crumb and as respects whose nomination notification in writing is delivered to the Minister (together with a statement in writing signed by the person signifying his consent to the nomination) before the nomination day in the nomination year in which the nomination is made, or

(ii) if in any nomination year the licensed manufacturers of chocolate crumb do not, before the nomination day in that year, nominate a person and deliver to the Minister the notification and statement in relation to the person referred to in sub-paragraph (i) of this paragraph, a person nominated by the Minister whom the Minister considers to be representative of those manufacturers,”.

What is the meaning of the amendment?

That the nomination shall be by all licensed manufacturers, not by one or two of them. I understand that was omitted from the original.

The explanation tendered by the Minister does not seem to me to be adequate. He is eliminating (c), (d) and (e) and substituting another system of choosing?

It is the same system.

If it is the same system, does the Minister now say if all the licensed persons engaged in the manufacture of cheese do not nominate somebody, that he then has the right to nominate a person on their behalf?

That is the position, as I understand it.

Suppose six licensed cheese manufacturers put up nominations and a seventh licensed manufacturer does not put up a nomination, does that mean the Minister says: "Well, you have not all duly nominated somebody; therefore, I shall make the nomination myself"? Or is the position that if any licensed cheese manufacturer makes a nomination, and there is no other nomination, that person will be the representative of the cheese manufacturers?

They have to agree on the person nominated.

All of them?

Does the Minister realise what that means? Let us say there are ten licensed cheese manufacturers. The tenth manufacturer himself wishes to be nominated. He seeks the consent of the other nine. He cannot get it because they want somebody else. He goes to the Minister and says: "The other nine fellows will not nominate me. Will you nominate me if I succeed in frustrating the other nine by refusing to join in nominating their candidate?" The Minister says "Yes, I will." All that tenth manufacturer has to do is to say to the other line: "Whoever you nominate, I shall not agree to him." Therefore, when the due date passes, the right to nominate falls to the Minister and the Minister himself can nominate No. 10 although the other nine manufacturers want to nominate someone else.

While there is something in the argument the Deputy has advanced, it is desirable to bring home to the organisations concerned that they must have some kind of arrangement between themselves for exchanging representation. If there were three or four interests involved and they were obliged to nominate one person, they could say: "We have agreed among ourselves that one concern will represent the various manufacturers on the Board." The next time a vacancy occurred, another concern would have the representation. I think it is better to force them into doing that than to have all the trouble and strife that would result from any other plan.

Very well.

Amendment agreed to.

I move amendment No. 2:

In page 7, to add to the section the following subsection:

"( ) In this section ‘the licensed manufacturers' means, when used in relation to cheese, milk powder or chocolate crumb, all persons carrying on the manufacture of cheese, milk powder or chocolate crumb, as the case may be, in premises acquired, established or maintained under and in accordance with licences granted under the Creamery Act, 1928, to those persons or their predecessors in title."

Is that consequential?

The whole point of election now seems to go by the board. I understood that you were going to group all the cheese manufacturers and that they could nominate one man. It now appears that unless they all agree on one man the Minister will make the appointment. If any group fails to agree unanimously on one man the Minister steps in and appoints.

Surely the Minister sees the abuses that could arise from that. If the Minister wants one particular man he can say to him not to agree to anyone and the Minister could then appoint that man himself.

It is better to make them aware that they must have an organised, disciplined approach to the matter.

Suppose the Minister says to a man: "I want you on this Board and I am not sure that we are going to appoint you. The best thing to do is to refuse to agree to anyone else and I will appoint you."

That would not arise.

I think it would. I think that this is a bad amendment and I deprecate it.

Is the amendment agreed?

No. I think that you had better put the amendment and we will negative it.

Amendment put and declared carried.
Section 8, as amended, agreed to.
Section 9 agreed to.
SECTION 10.

I move amendment No. 3:

In page 8, line 26, before "the Company" to insert "University College Cork,".

This is an amendment to bring in the creamery attached to University College, Cork. It was accidentally left out. It could not be regarded as a cooperative creamery or under the Dairy Disposals Board.

You have a group consisting of the Condensed Milk Company and the Newmarket Dairy Company. Are these both branches of the Dairy Disposals Company?

And you are incorporating University College, Cork?

For no better reason than that you have no better place to put them.

We did not think it right to leave them our.

It would be better to put them in with the group of creameries.

University College, Cork, would then have to give its vote and as it is a University, it would not be fair to ask them to do that.

Amendment agreed to.
Question proposed: "That Section 10, as amended, stand part of the Bill."

Would the Minister explain under this section how the producers would be represented?

They will have the most direct form of election by the ballot of the suppliers.

Question put and agreed to.
NEW SECTION.

I move amendment No. 4:

Before Section 11 to insert the following section:

(1) A person who, in any nomination year, has signed a statement in writing signifying his consent to nomination as a member of the Board by any one of the groups of manufacturers specified in Section 8 of this Act shall not, in that nomination year, sign a statement in writing—

(a) signifying his consent to nomination as a member of the Board by any other of the groups of manufacturers specified in the said Section 8, or

(b) signifying his consent to proposal for nomination as a member of the Board under Section 9 or 10 of this Act.

(2) A person who, in any nomination year, has signed a statement in writing signifying his consent to proposal under any provision of Section 9 of this Act by any of the societies specified in that provision for nomination as a member of the Board shall not, in that nomination year, sign a statement in writing—

(a) signifying his consent to proposal under any other provision of, or by any other of the societies specified in, the said Section 9 for nomination as a member of the Board.

(b) signifying his consent to nomination as a member of the Board by any of the groups of manufacturers specified in Section 8 of this Act, or

(c) signifying his consent to proposal for nomination as a member of the Board under Section 10 of this Act.

(3) A person who, in any nomination year, has signed a statement in writing signifying his consent to proposal by any of the persons specified in Section 10 of this Act for nomination as a member of the Board shall not, in that nomination year, sign a statement in writing—

(a) signifying his consent to proposal by any other of the persons specified in the said Section 10 for nomination as a member of the Board.

(b) signifying his consent to nomination as a member of the Board by any of the groups of manufacturers specified in Section 8 of this Act, or

(c) signifying his consent to proposal for nomination as a member of the Board under Section 9 of this Act.

(4) Where a person signs a statement in contravention of any of the foregoing provisions of this section, the nomination or proposal to which it relates shall be null and void.

This is a drafting amendment to ensure that no person shall consent to nomination as a member of the board by more than one of the groups who comprise the electors or by persons entitled to nominate or propose persons under Sections 8, 9 and 10.

This seems to me to be an entirely new section and it can hardly be called a drafting amendment. It comprises a full page on the Order Paper.

It is re-written. It is largely covered already.

It is largely covered by nothing. It is a new section and a new amendment to the Bill. It is not good enough for the Minister to come in and say that it is a drafting amendment when it is not. It is a new provision entirely and the House is entitled to know what it is about. Is it designed to prevent a person getting himself nominated by two different bodies?

Yes. That is what I said.

I had to say it for you and I should not have to say it. This is not provided for anywhere else in the Bill.

The section had to be re-written to bring in that aspect of it.

You did not re-write it. You put in a new section.

Amendment agreed to.
SECTION 11.

I move amendment No. 5:

In page 10, line 2, to delete "the Dairy Disposal Company, Limited," and to insert "University College, Cork, the Company, the Condensed Milk Company of Ireland (1928), Limited, the Newmarket Dairy Company (1932), Limited,".

This follows upon the bringing in of University College, Cork.

Does it do more than that? Does the Newmarket and the Condensed Milk Company cover all the creameries operated by the Dairy Disposal Company?

Only some of them.

Where will the others come in?

They are registered in the name of the Dairy Disposal Company itself.

You are moving to delete the Dairy Disposals Company and to insert University College, Cork, the Condensed Milk Company and the Newmarket Dairy Company.

You have left our the Company and it is defined in Section 2.

If this amendment is passed are some producers prevented from voting?

This does not seem clear to me. The Dairy Disposals Company controls the majority of the other companies over the south and west of Ireland and their suppliers were all brought in by "the cost of, and the expenses in relation to, a ballot."

I asked the same question as the Deputy and I was told that "the Company" covers the Dairy Disposal Company. The Newmarket Dairy Company and the Condensed Milk Company are owned by the Dairy Disposal Company.

The Newmarket Dairy Company?

And the Newmarket Dairy Company.

How does the Minister mean "and the Newmarket Dairy Company"?

The three companies, the Dairy Disposal Company, the Newmarket Dairy Company and the Condensed Milk Company—all three of them have creameries registered in their names.

On this amendment you are deleting from sub-section (4) of Section 11 the "Dairy Disposal Company" and you are substituting for it "University College Cork".

You are omitting the words "the Company" which is defined in Section 2.

Ah, now you are explanning it and really this subsection is for the purpose of adding to the Dairy Disposal Company, University College, Cork, the Condensed Milk Company and the Newmarket Dairy Company?

That is right.

It took a long time to dig that out.

Amendment agreed to.
Sections 11, as amended, agreed to.
Section 12 agreed to.
SECTION 13.
Question proposed: "That Section 13 stand part of the Bill."

Can the Minister indicate, is it intended that the members of the board are to be remunerated?

Has the Minister any sum in mind?

Who is going to determine that?

I suppose I shall in consultation with the Minister for Finance.

And you have not any notion?

I have not, no.

Have you any notion what the Chairman is to get?

I have not.

It seems to me that the Minister has brought in this measure to the House and has nominated a board without any idea as to what the remuneration of the members of the board will be. This vague way of putting it in the Bill does not give sufficient information. There is a definite obligation on the Minister to tell us in £.s.d. what will be the remuneration of the members. I cannot see what new information the Minister is likely to get that would vary any decision he would make now.

The section deals with the term of office of the members of the board and remuneration does not arise.

Deputy Dillon brought in this question. It arises on Section 18, I think.

Yes. The question can be raised on Section 18.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 14.
Question proposed: "That Section 14 stand part of the Bill."

We want to let this Bill through but really I do suggest that no Minister ought to come before the Dáil with a Bill of this kind and brush aside reasonable enquiries for information. When you have considered legislation of this kind and determined the constitution of a board and the number of members it is to have and the conditions under which the chairman is appointed, somebody, sometime, must have said; "What is the basis of remuneration to be for these people?"

That would arise on Section 18—the remuneration and expenses of members of the board. We are now on Section 14.

Very well. I will leave it till then.

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 15 and 16 agreed to.
SECTION 17.
Question proposed: "That Section 17 stand part of the Bill."

The Minister is reserving the function of filling casual vacancies that may arise on the board. Those casual vacancies will be filled in the very same way as the original position was filled and the probability is that these casual vacancies may be filled by henchmen, if I may use that term, of the Government Party. Whilst I agree that a Minister is a very responsible person and is entitled to have rather elaborate functions, our experience has been that, in the filling of vacancies by Ministers of State, the political qualifications of the applicants are the main ones concerned, and while I agree that the political qualifications of a person should not preclude him from the right to become a member of the board, at the same time, other qualifications should be taken into account as well.

I do not like the idea of the Minister holding this particular function of filling casual vacancies on his own with-our reference to any method of selection or recommendation from any group of bodies.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 18.
Question proposed: "That Section 18 stand part of the Bill."

The question of remuneration arises now and we should like a statement from the Minister as to why he is unable to give us any idea as to the proposed rate of remuneration of the personnel of the board. I think the House should be so informed at this time, on Committee Stage.

In my time in this place, when a measure of this nature was being discussed for the purpose of setting up a board, I do not believe the question has even been asked and I would regard it as entirely unreasonable to start off by announcing the remuneration before even the matter has been considered, before the Bill was drafted, or before it passes through this House. The only thing I can say in this regard is that the Minister for Agriculture, in consultation with the Minister for Finance, will have regard to the recommendations of the advisory body.

The Minister seems to think that the advisory body is infallible.

I think nothing of the kind. It is set up as an advisory body representative of the interests vitally concerned, but everything they advise need not be accepted. However, in a matter of this kind, when they say the members of the Board should be remunerated on a basis which will enable them to give sufficient time to their work, that is a consideration which is capable of a fair interpretation and there is no reason why it has to be interpreted before the Bill is passed.

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 19 and 20 agreed to.
SECTION 21.
Question proposed: "That Section 21 stand part of the Bill."

Is a quorum of three sufficient?

I think so.

On a board of nine?

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 22 to 26, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 27.
Question proposed: "That Section 27 stand part of the Bill".

Section 27 provides:

The Board may perform any functions imposed on the Board by this Act through or by any member of the Board or any officer or servant of the Board authorised by the Board in that behalf.

I should like the Minister to explain that very wide section.

I am informed that is a normal provision in a Bill like this.

Is it not widening the scope of their activities considerably?

These people must be given liberty to carry out a wide range of functions. There is no danger in it anyhow.

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 28 and 29 agreed to.
SECTION 30.

I move amendment No. 6:

In page 16, line 20, to substitute "section" for "Act".

This is a drafting amendment. The provision refers to moneys advanced under Section 30.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 30, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 31.

I move amendment No. 7:

In page 16, lines 47 and 50, to substitute "subsection (2)" for "subsection (1)" in both places where at occurs.

This is a minor drafting amendment. Subsection (2) and not subsection (1) provides for the specification by the Minister, with the consent of the Minister for Finance, of purposes and conditions in relation to a grant.

Amendment agreed to.
Question proposed: "That Section 31, as amended, stand part of the Bill."

Subsection (4) of this section provides:

A grant under this section shall not be used to defray more than two-thirds of—

(a) any loss incurred by the Board in relation to the export of milk products by the Board, or

(b) any subsidy, grant, or other like payment made by the Board in relation to the export of milk products,

and a purpose or condition which is inconsistent with the provisions of this subsection shall not be specified under subsection (2) or (3) of this section.

This is the section which declares that the maximum contribution the Exchequer could make to the export subsidy is two-thirds of its cost and this is the section which provides that as our exports of dairy produce expand—I am glad to see that Deputy Clohessy is listening closely—the levy on creamery milk will grow. Deputy Donegan says he thinks that is a most equitable arrangement and that no reasonable dairy farmer will object to it. They will all cheerfully pay up and like it.

I do not think it is an equitable arrangement. I do not think it is reasonable to say that the dairy farmers should carry the whole burden of the cost of expanding the exports which the country urgently requires to balance its external trade. It is notorious to anybody who knows his business that the international market in dairy produce is honeycombed with subsidies and State assistance of every sort and kind. I admit that in respect of the subsidies provided by Denmark and Holland it is extremely difficult to detect the method by which they are supplied but it is well known to anyone who is dealing with international markets in dairy produce that extensive subsidies are provided and their dimensions are virtually unascertainable except by experts of the Government administration in those countries. It is true that they present an exterior of being without subsidy of any kind and I am sorry to say that it has become the practice frequently to uphold these pretensions to our people as a justification for suggesting that the farmers are a kind of burden on the community here.

This section now adopts the principle that in the future the more dairy produce the dairy farmers produce the more they will have to pay by way of levy in order to meet the cost of getting into the extra markets which they are now being urged to cater for. Deputy Donegan says he thinks that is fair and just and right. I do not think it is. Deputy Clohessy sits in silence. Deputy Moher has entered the symposium and Deputy Ó Briain is smiling benevolently on this trinity of wisdom.

It will not be a shilling a gallon anyway.

Nor would anybody else make any such proposal. That is now a venerable Fianna Fáil falsehood which has long green whiskers on it. Nobody believes it but the poor dupes in the Fianna Fáil Party but it is a good defence for Fianna Fáil to use when they are ashamed of what they themselves are doing in 1960 and 1961. Whenever I hear the Minister for Agriculture becoming sufficiently coherent as to mention this venerable Fianna Fáil falsehood, I always know he is in a pretty tight corner. And when it spreads back to Deputy Ó Briain I know the panic is beginning to spread in the ranks.

There is a great bundle of correspondence in the Department about this matter.

Carefully preserved and every one of which I was careful to take a copy out of, for I would not trust the Minister for Agriculture as far as I would throw him. This is the section designed to increase the levy on creamery milk. And that is what we are told about it now and I can sympathise with the Minister and his colleagues who want to talk about anything else on earth but Section 31. I was delighted when the Deputy from Cork got up this morning to make his valiant intervention but I could not help feeling he had all the exterior appearance of a Christian martyr marching out and submitting to be tied to the stake. As he braced his shoulders he looked down upon Deputy Moher and said to himself: "I spoke and you did not."

It struck me very forcibly that Deputy Donegan was raising the cry of martyrdom and saying to himself: "How can man die better than facing fearful odds?" I praise him for his values. I am hoping to hear Deputy Clohessy get to his feet and brace his shoulders. We do not often hear from him, more is the pity. I should like him to get up and say he was marching, with head erect, towards a 2d., a 3d., or even a 4d., a gallon levy on milk.

The price would hardly have gone down to a shilling.

I hope it will not. I guaranteed that it would never come lower. Mind you, then the bob was worth more than 1/6d. Now. We were casually asked from these benches what 1/- was worth before Fianna Fáil got cracking. A shilling in 1949 money is worth about 1/6d. today. That was guaranteed as a minimum with freedom to get the best price the dairy farmers could. They were the days when butter was selling on the British market for 470 shillings a cwt.

The Fianna Fáil innocents will believe anything they swallow. I believe Deputies Donegan and Clohessy believe all those stories. I do not believe Deputy Moher believes them; he is far too shrewd a practitioner. But it was he who told Deputies Donegan and Clohessy that story. It was like the 84/- a barrel for wheat. Deputy Moher told them that too. That was what got him elected in East Cork. Then he wept on Deputy Corry's shoulders saying he was completely misled. He is now misleading Deputies Donegan and Clohessy. But bear in mind we are arguing about the events in 1949. Some other time we can continue that argument. I am talking about 1960 and 1961 now. If this Bill provided a maximum levy there would be something to be said for it. But obviously it does not do that. Section 31 provides a maximum for the contributions which the Minister may make but it puts no ceiling whatever on the levy.

No ceiling either way.

There is no upper ceiling anyhow.

It is only the mind of the Minister for Agriculture that could think of a ceiling under the floor. That is the kind of mentality we are dealing with here. When I speak of a ceiling I am talking about something on top. The Minister thinks the farmers of this country are like files that can walk on the ceiling. There is a floor and the floor is that there should be no levy if there are no exports. There is no ceiling on the fact that if exports of butter expand the levy on milk will go up.

All depending on the market.

If you are getting your full market price in Britain you will not have a levy. I would suggest to Deputy Moher and to Deputy Clohessy and the Deputy from Cork that they think of that closely and get all the consolation they can from it.

We are not depending on butter for the British market.

So we have got to that stage now. All I am concerned with is what the dairy farmers will be called upon to pay and Section 31 is the instrument designed to extract from them a steadily growing levy on the price of milk. I would remind the Minister that An Bord Gráin was established by legislation of this House for the economic marketing of the grain crops in this country. The immediate consequence of that legislation was as levy of 4/6d. a barrel on the price of wheat which I had fixed and which the Fianna Fáil Party described as the cruellest imposition which was ever placed down on the suffering heads of the tillage farmers of Ireland.

Fianna Fáil hearts bled all over Ireland about the cruelly inadequate price I fixed for millable wheat. The setting up of An Bord Gráin meant that there was an immediate price reduction on wheat of 4/6d. per barrel. Now the Minister is about to establish An Bord Bainne and Section 31 of the Bill, designed to do that, is also the section designed to do for milk what An Bord Gráil did for wheat last year and the year before.

I am delighted that the valiant soul of Deputy Donegan rises to meet the challenge of these events. I admire his spirit of self sacrifice but I would remind him that his function here is not to play the role of Joan of Are going to the stake for the cause; his role here is to defend equity and justice for the agricultural community and I say it is not fair or just to require the agricultural community to carry all the increased costs and then to say they, alone in their circumstances, will be required to accept less and less for the labour that they do. Warm as is my personal regard for Deputy Donegan, I think he does himself less than justice in appearing to proclaim that he thinks that the farmers are the only section, of the community for whom that kind of treatment is good enough.

I should like to know, under this section, if there is no export of anything from the country in the line of milk or milk products, would there be any levy then collected to maintain this Board? This Board is going to cost a lot of money and is the money to provide for the running expenses of the Board to be met by the two-thirds which is being put up by the Minister or by the one-third which is being put up by the suppliers? There is bound to be a considerable amount of expense before any exports take place. The nine members of the Board will cost £9,000 and their buildings and equipment will cost more and I should not like to have the producers asked to meet the first burden in that respect by putting a levy on them to pay the overhead expenses of the Board.

I want to know from the Minister will this two-thirds balance that expenditure in the first instance? I join with Deputy Dillon in saying that it is not fair to impose the complete one-third levy. If the Minister could alter subsection 4 of Section 31, which reads "a grant under this section shall not be used to defray more than two-thirds ...", to read "a grant under this section shall not be used to defray less than two-thirds...", there might be some benefit in it. The Minister might then see his way to increase the contribution from the State. Under the subsection he cannot increase it. If the Minister could alter that subsection by substituting the word "less" instead of "more" it would be a safeguard for the farmers to ensure that they would not be maintain, perhaps too heavily, to maintain their exports.

I should like to see exports growing but we must try to instil that confidence lacking so much in dairy farmers so that they will increase production. When we get a market, there will be continuity of supplies to enable us to hold our grip on that market. I think the time has come when the Government should do a little more for the dairy farmer. When we send out our agents to look for markets abroad for industry we do not ask the industrialists to pay a levy. Industry is always highly protected. Only last week we sent out agents to foreign countries to seek export markets and our industrialists did not have to pay a levy. If the Minister provided that the Exchequer would not pay less than two-thirds I think the House would then accept.

Section 31, as amended, agreed?

No word from the trinity.

I could not accept that. I do not agree.

Question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 61; Níl 33.

  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Kevin.
  • Booth, Lionel.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carty, Michael.
  • Childers, Erskine.
  • Clohessy, Patrick.
  • Corry, Martin J.
  • Cotter, Edward.
  • Crowley, Honor M.
  • Cummins, Patrick J.
  • Davern, Mick.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Donegan, Batt.
  • Dooley, Patrick.
  • Egan, Kieran P.
  • Egan, Nicholas.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Faulkner, Padraig.
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Galvin, John.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kitt, Michael F.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Loughman, Frank.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Medlar, Martin.
  • Millar, Anthony G.
  • Moher, John W.
  • Moloney, Daniel J.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • Ó Ceallaigh, Seán.
  • O'Malley, Donogh.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • O'Toole, James.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.

Níl

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Beirne, John.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Carroll, James.
  • Casey, Seán.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Esmonde, Sir Anthony C.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hogan, Bridget.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Lindsay, Patrick.
  • Lynch, Thaddeus.
  • McAulifle, Patrick.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Manley, Timothy.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • Murphy, William.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Sullivan, Denis J.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Russell, George E.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Wycherley, Florence.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Ó Briain and Loughman; Níl, Deputies O'Sullivan and Palmer.
Question declared carried.
SECTION 32.
Question proposed: "That Section 32 stand part of the Bill."

This section provides:

The Board shall provide itself with such offices, stores, warehouses, shops and other premises in and outside the State as it considers necessary.

Is it seriously suggested that this board should go into the retail trade in Ireland?

Why, then, is it proposed to give it power to set up shops in Ireland?

Display centres may be required. They may decide to have such centres, but it is not the intention that they should go into business in any sense at all.

I seriously question the prudence of including the word "shop". I can see the necessity for leasing offices, stores, warehouses, but certainly not shops. I should have been much easier in my mind if the list had been confined to offices, stores, warehouses and other premises other than shops.

I suppose the draftsmen are always afraid of a limiting effect.

I take it our purpose is to authorise the Board to acquire premises of the kind mentioned in this section outside the State? I do not exclude the possibility of engaging in the retail trade in export markets, but surely nobody wants them to engage in the retail trade in the home market?

Nobody expects that they will either.

Then why is it in the Bill.

They might want to acquire a shop.

For what purpose?

Perhaps as a show place.

I query the prudence of that.

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 33 and 34 agreed to.
SECTION 35.
Question proposed: "That Section 35 stand part of the Bill."

What is this milk levy?

These levies will enable the Board to meet its expenses, including the dairy industry's proportion of the deficit arising out of the export of milk products. There are also provisions in Sections 36 and 37 for levies on butter sales and stocks.

I can very easily understand the consequential provisos mentioned in Sections 36 and 37 if the principle contained in Section 35 is accepted. I want to draw the attention of the House to this important fact. We have been keeping continually under our control in Parliament the whole question of levying farmers' milk, and any Minister for Agriculture who proposed such a levy had put upon him the obligation of coming before Dáil Éireann and justifying it to the Dáil.

Earlier to-day, on the question of the status of the Milk Board after the passage of this Bill, the Minister for Agriculture, I understood facetiously, interjected that after the passage of this Bill he would answer the Parliament for none of the things done in pursuit of the powers conferred on the Milk Board by this Bill. I do not know whether the Minister meant that seriously or not. Perhaps he would say now did he mean that seriously?

Of course, if we enact legislation here giving powers to such a body, it will remain their responsibility to operate within the limits of the laws laid down by this House.

Now, observe what we are being asked to do. We are being asked now to confer on this body the power to levy anything they like on creamery milk, and nobody can raise the question in Dáil Éireann ever again. Does any Deputy in this House want to do that? Do we want to confer on a statutory body a power to levy any sum it likes on all the creamery milk delivered to any creamery in Ireland? If any Deputy raises it here, he can be told it is none of his business and, if he has any inquiries to make, to address them to the Milk Board, that the Minister is not responsible and will not answer him.

I think that is a crazy provision. Does Deputy Batt Donegan think it is proper for any Minister for Agricultural to say that he disowns hereafter all responsibility for the net price payable to farmers for milk delivered to creameries throughout the country?

Is the Minister not putting it into the hands of the industry itself?

He is not.

Of course, he is.

The Deputy is quite mistaken in that.

He is not.

He is. The Board is charged with the responsibility of selling the output. There are strict statutory provisions requiring the Board to meet its losses in a particular way and to meet its expenses in a particular way.

Those are clearly defined.

Yes. When the Board meets losses, for certain of those losses the Minister said that, with the consent of the Minister for Finance, he can contribute up to two-thirds of the amount, but that any other losses, over and above two-thirds of the export subsidy, must be met by the board and that the board is to recover those losses by means of a levy on creamery milk.

That is so.

And nobody in this House is ever to ask again how that levy is arrived at.

That is not so.

Did the Minister not say he would not answer any questions?

That is a different matter altogether. We could talk about this for months but I do not think it would do very much good. The basis upon which this Board will operate is clearly defined here. Any losses sustained by the Board will be met on the basis of not more than two to one. I shall have to come to the House to seek its approval for my share, which is not more than two-thirds of whatever is necessary. In view of the picture that would unfold of the activities of the Board and the amount of its surplus, surely there is no question of Deputies being unable to discuss these matters? We may talk about the West Cork Railway or whatever we like, but when we discuss here and pass legislation empowering a Board to do certain things, if Ministers and others in this House want to have their fingers in the pie, that board could not function profitable.

I am talking about the proposal to authorise this board to make a levy on creamery milk.

Yes, for their share.

I am pointing out to the House that if the Minister's interjection was to be literally interpreted, the passage of this section would mean that hereafter no question could be asked in this House as to the propriety of the levy which the board propose to make on creamery milk. I want to remind the House of the fact that it is only 12 months ago since An Bord Gráin levied 4/6d. a barrel on wheat. The ground on which that levy was made was that there was an exportable surplus of millable wheat which the Board had to deal with. It transpired there was no exportable surplus. The matter was raised in this House and, after a good deal of wriggling and twisting, the Minister for Agriculture finally announced he was going to refund 4/6d. If nobody had raised it in this House it would never have been refunded. It was refunded and it was a very substantial sum of money.

That is a yarn.

Is it not true?

The yarn is not true.

If my memory serves me correctly that refund would not have been made only that the matter was raised in the House.

It is not the first time you chanced your arm.

The case was made here that the levy should not be retained because there was no exportable surplus. It was resisted for a fortnight and then the Minister gave way. This year the levy was retained and is being used to help in the sale of unmillable wheat. Last year the 4/6d. was refunded because the matter was raised in this House.

Because at the time of fixing the levy, nobody knew whether or not we would have a surplus. Why bring up this matter now instead of on the many occasions when it could be discussed? Why not discuss what we are here to discuss at the moment, not that I have any objection?

It will be a far distant day when the Minister for Agriculture can tell me what I can discuss in this House and what I cannot discuss. The Minister, if he is to be believed, claims that if we pass this section we shall never have to discuss a levy in this House again. One could feel the rustles among the trinity behind him when he made that statement. I do not include Deputy Seán Flanagan as being one of the trinity. He is a Roscommon man like myself and we have not much to do with creameries, although we have one in Ballaghaderreen.

The Minister then went on to say that although he had already said that the levy could not be discussed he thought that when he came into the House with a Supplementary Estimate to pay his two-thirds these matters could be raised. I want to say that we should not, by passing Section 35, accept for one moment the proposal that the action of the Board in making a levy is not subject to review by this House. We should assert most emphatically that if a Deputy representative of the farmers of this country believes that this levy has been made ultra vires the Bill that he should have the right to raise the matter here and query the Minister for Agriculture on what has been done.

I think it would be most deplorable that we should accept the principle that Ministers should have the right, by setting up boards, to exonerate themselves from their liability to answer Parliamentary questions. That is a tendency that is growing. One of the greatest bulwarks of liberty is the institution of the Parliamentary Question. We have all seen the ludicrous spectacle of a Minister for Transport and Power who is responsible for C.I.E. and the E.S.B. coming into this House day after day——

We have gone a long way from the drop of milk.

That is the way that the simple man is led agley although I would not describe Deputy Moher as a simple man. The Minister for Transport and Power, when he is questioned with regard to the activities of the E.S.B. or C.I.E., makes the answer that he has no function in the matter. The Minister for Agriculture now seeks to set up an Board Bainne to exonerate himself from answering for the things for which he has traditionally answered down through the years. I think the House ought to carefully watch Section 35 in order that we may retain our right to keep these matters under review and to require the Minister for Agriculture to answer for them to Dáil Éireann. We ought to assert that Dáil Éireann does not delegate that right to any Board or anybody else but insists on its right to have the Minister for Agriculture of the day answer to Dáil Éireann for any tax or levy that may be put on the creameries of this country.

This section confers too much power on the Board, It states that the Board may, whenever it thinks fit, make an order fixing a rate of milk levy. That indicates clearly that that Board will have the sole responsibility for determining the amount of the levy and if any member of this House is dissatisfied with the matter there will be no use raising it here because the Minister will say that he had no hand in determining the levy which was put on by the Board to which this House gave the power.

An issue of such importance as this has been introduced at a most inopportune time when the House is just coming up to the recess. I think that should not be the case. I think that at this stage it would not be any harm at all if the Minister reconsidered the advisability of adjourning this matter until after the Christmas recess. In so far as Section 35 is concerned, I do not agree with giving the Board such wide powers and I must again protest at the bringing in of this measure just prior to the rising of the House.

Deputy Dillon mentioned my name and I find myself in the unlikely position of being a metaphysical improbability—I am in the middle of what Deputy Dillon described as the trinity. May I say that, as a lawyer, I share the misgivings of other members of this House at the continuing process of the past thirty or forty years whereby Parliament divests itself of its functions in various ways. The practical outcome of a practice of this nature is that a member of Parliament is directed to a board rather than to a Minister.

I should like to remind the Minister for Agriculture of an occasion here when I asked the Minister for Transport and Power if he was prepared to stand over the attitude of one of these bodies in refusing to give me and other representatives of my constituency an interview unless and until we withdrew an application for a break down of the figures on which that particular Board had made its decision. The Minister told me that he did stand behind the decision of the board, and that he stood over the attitude of the board. I am afraid we have to face the fact that once we do give these powers to bodies, even if it is right to give them, we then find ourselves in the position that even though we are members of Parliament they can refuse, and do in fact refuse, to give us information which can only be described as reasonably requested.

There are two sides to this question. There is, indeed, the point well taken by the Minister that you either set up a board and give it functions or you do not set up a board and give it functions. But, the trend of legislation in this country over the past few years has in fact progressively denied to members of this House the opportunity, if not the right, of being furnished with information that they are entitled to as such. They are not in theory denied the opportunity because the Minister will say to you that you can write to the secretary of the board and that he is obliged to furnish you with the information. In point of fact they do not furnish you with the information, do not justify their decision if you ask them to justify it and, if you press the issue, they are inclined to tell you, with some show of authority, that the Legislature gave them these powers and that they propose to exercise them.

In Section 34, to which we have already agreed, which concerns the establishment of regional and advisory committees, there is something which very properly was left entirely within the discretion of the board but in the matter of a levy, while in theory the obligations of the board are clearly set forth and while the intentions of the Legislature and of the Minister are clearly set forth in the Bill and in this debate, the fact remains that, so long as this section is allowed to go through, a matter as vital as putting a levy on milk can be done, not merely without consultation with the Minister or this House but, in effect and in practice, without the possibility of reasonable inquiry even by Members of Parliament. Ultimately, if members of this House are not entitled to be furnished with information by this and similar boards one can readily imagine the ordinary member of the public will get very short shrift indeed.

Does the Minister think that if he put in the words "subject to the consent of the Minister" that would set up a sort of class warfare between his Department and the officers and members of the board being created by this Bill? Perhaps he does but even if there would be some unnecessary friction it would be preferable to continuing this process of vesting functions, more and more of them in successive boards, each time removing a little bit of the effectiveness and value of the members of this House. Ultimately, we are watch dogs for the rights of citizens. It is humiliating and infuriating to be told that you cannot get information anywhere because one person has no function and the other will not give it.

Deputy Seán Flanagan has expressed views that are held by a very large number of Deputies. Day after day, week after week we have all come up against the frustration of trying to extract from State bodies information that we are told is obtainable by communicating with them. We could give several examples where such bodies have denied audience to members of this Dáil unless they were prepared to conform to terms set out by the body. It has certainly gone well beyond the stage which could reasonably be regarded as sufficient to excite criticism and create disturbance.

On occasions when the House acceded to requests from Ministers to set up boards such as the one contemplated in this Bill certain verbal assurances were given by the Minister seeking the support of the House but we found in practice that the verbal assurance was very far from observed when it came to the actual effort to meet these bodies. It is because of these very disturbing experiences that we are so concerned by yet another development and the creation of still another board which may remove from this House more and more of the duties, obligations and responsibilities normally attaching to public representatives.

We consider that the imposition of this levy on the milk producer is unjust and unfair and is depriving this section of the community of a facility that is afforded to every other section. The Minister for Agriculture should be the watchdog of agricultural interests in the Government. If this were part and parcel of a general scheme to pass back to various sections of the community charges heretofore borne by the State, whereby, for example, the industrialists would be obliged to pay a levy to assist in the marketing of their products, it might be all very well but we find that industrialists are helped, and rightly so; we do not begrudge them any facilities that the State affords them in the marketing of their surplus goods. It is a good thing for the country that there should be an expansion of industrial and agricultural exports. But, we do not see any evidence of any contribution being levied upon the industrialists in the same way as the agriculturist is now being charged to the extent of one-third of the cost of subsidising exports.

If the Government persist in their action in this regard it will aggravate the fear that exists in too many minds to-day. It is a mistaken fear but, nevertheless, it exists and must be rooted out if we are to make progress. The fear is there to-day that if these people work harder and produce more and answer the call from all sides, in the long run they will suffer a reduction in their incomes. That is the principle on which we opposed the levy in relation to An Bord Gráin and that is why we oppose it in relation to An Bord Bainne. We see in it a removal of the firm guarantee of price which farmers had for some years and which had a dramatic effect in increasing production. As well as that, the Government are absolved from their obligations in this respect, obligations that were borne under most difficult conditions by their predecessors. There was never a question of shedding the responsibility that the Government had to bear in relation to the problem.

We are fearful of the Government's pursuing this policy of taking away responsibility from the members of the Oireachtas, transferring them to outside boards and making these so independent a that they are not answerable to anybody. The effect is to take away from the lawfully elected representatives of the people the forum they have always had here for extracting by Parliamentary Question information in the interest of the public.

Before the Deputy proceeds along that line, I should like to point out that the matter to which he is referring arises relevantly on Section 48.

What are we permitted to discuss on this Section?

The milk levy.

I thought I was referring to the milk levy.

The Deputy was but he was travelling along lines which I do not want him to develop until we reach the appropriate section.

Concluding my remarks on this section, I, like Deputy Wycherley, would like to know from the Minister what will be the situation if there is no surplus entailing a levy. If there is an economically marketable surplus the levy will still be exacted to maintain the running costs of the board. If that is so, it is something which has not been levied by any other Minister in relation to his Department.

It has been levied for years on butter.

Yes, in relation to cold storage.

Yes, for the running expenses of the Marketing Committee.

But the Marketing Committee had duties other than marketing.

What other duties had they?

Did cold storage not come into it?

Yes, and included in the levy was a levy for the cost of staff.

Quite so, but that staff was performing duties other than the marketing of surpluses abroad.

They would be the very same duties. Supposing there are no surpluses. They then have the home market to cater for and the staff of the Milk Marketing Board will have to do the work that was formerly done by the Butter Marketing Committee.

Which is the very point I was making. That was always done without a levy.

It was not. There was always a levy for that purpose.

Was there not provision by the Department——

There are two levies in one: one for cold storage and one for the cost of staff and that has been collected for years.

And the Minister was responsible.

The money was collected on butter.

But the Minister was answerable to this House for it.

This is nonsense.

This is a fundamental point. It is not nonsense.

This is something for the administration of which the Minister was responsible to this House for many years. Now these duties are being transferred to this board plus some additional duties, so that Deputy Flanagan is quite right, that we are continuing this path of ridding the Government of as much responsibility as they can possibly jettison and put on the shoulders of others. It is for that reason we oppose this section which calls for the exaction of this levy on the basis that it was possible to meet the marketing of a surplus which in former years was done without the exaction of a levy on the producer.

That is not so.

Is the Minister seeking to deny that his predecessor subsidised in its entirety surplus butter and that there was no exaction of a levy on the producer?

You had no butter to subsidise. Give me one year in which it was done. We are not going to prove anything by making false or inaccurate Statements.

That is quite so.

As the Deputy knows, there was no surplus of butter since the war until the year 1956-57.

No surplus whatever?

No butter movement out of this country?

There may have been just a few cwts. and in the same year as any small amount went out we had to have imports.

First of all, the Minister said there were no exports of butter till 1956-57.

No net surplus.

Does the Minister contend that the surplus was balanced by imports of butter?

Is he positive about that?

Round about.

Let us be clear on this. After all, the Minister has the assistance of his officers.

I did not anticipate this kind of discussion.

Let there be no more cross-examination.

The Minister did not anticipate a discussion——

Of this kind.

Surely if we were to discuss dairy produce marketing, the Minister was briefed before he came into the House in relation to the contents of the Bill and in relation to everything associated with it.

My memory briefs me fairly well on the history of this industry.

Only to the extent of "about."

One cannot be exact.

The Minister does not accept Deputy O'Sullivan's "about."

I know he is wrong.

The Minister will have an opportunity of proving me wrong when I say the previous Government met the entire cost of subsidising surplus butter for export. There is no "about" in what I am saying. The Minister will have an opportunity of saying I am wrong, if I am wrong in that respect. It is for that reason I assert it is improper that we should accept a section that makes provision for the exaction of such a levy on the primary producer at this time.

Deputy Flanagan has put his finger upon the important point, that any levy that this board may make should be subject to the approval of the Minister.

It will be subject to this House.

Where is it provided?

In Section 62 of the Bill.

I shall tell you what is subject to the House, the amount of money the Minister looks for.

No. The Order that is made must be tabled here.

I want to make this case which I believe to be correct. Hitherto, the Dairy Disposal Board was part of the Department of Agriculture and whatever levy, or failure to make a levy, there was, the Minister was responsible for it to this House and could be cross-examined by Parliamentary Question, by motion, on his Vote or in several other ways. When this board is set up and they strike a levy, even if it is more than they are entitled to do, we cannot take any action on it. It is true that the Minister has to come to get financial sanction and that he can be questioned in that way, but he can say that the amount of any levy struck by the board is not a matter for him.

I cannot say anything of the kind because the Order imposing the levy will be placed on the Table of both Houses of the Oireachtas and time will be given to the House to discuss that Order.

The Minister can explain all this more fully when he is replying.

I am saying it now. It is in the Bill.

I want to emphasise that up to the present moment the Minister was responsible for the levies on the cold storage of butter. The day this Bill is passed and becomes law, this is the function of the board and it is part of the day-to-day operation of the board. We will be told that that is so and we cannot discuss the matter.

I would like to support the statement of the two previous speakers. In a nutshell, what it boils down to is that this board, as far as the levy on milk goes, has the function and the Minister is completely divesting himself of authority. It is only begging the question to say that they have to come to the House. Under Section 35, the board can, whenever they think fit, make an order fixing the milk levy or revoking the milk levy. The board will have, under this Act— and I have no doubt the Bill will be steamrolled through the House—the power to do what they want.

It is only begging the question to say that Section 62 covers this point. I have had experience of similar provisions to those contained in Section 62 under other legislation and there were many occasions when, in respect of actions taken by other boards, I could not even get a reply to a Parliamentary Question. I was told by the Minister that it was the day-to-day administration of the board and that the Minister had no function at all. what makes it so serious is that the milk industry is fundamental to the whole agricultural industry and the agricultural industry itself is fundamental to our entire economy.

It has been rightly stated here today that the duty of the Minister for Agriculture is to protect the agricultural community. I do not see there is any protection whatever for the agricultural community in introducing a Bill like this and the imposition of a levy as is provided for in this section. Perhaps some of the Government Deputies who may deign to speak on this section will argue that the Minister is conferring some kind of a favour on the agricultural community by imposing this levy.

What the Minister is doing is empowering the board to impose any levy they want on farmers. The Minister's argument is that the farming community have every protection and that he must come back to the House to get the money to finance the operation of this section. I see in it the old story where the levy is imposed first. In this case the money is to be taken off the farmers seven days after the last day of the month. At the same time, the Minister is trying to put across to us that the money must be voted here by the House. He forgets that this board can do what they like.

In other words, it is creating another monopolistic body. I think the Minister should find it easy to accept the view that the board should be under proper Parliamentary control. We spent most of yesterday debating another measure in which we were endeavouring to divest Parliamentary control. What is the point in having an Irish Parliament if it has no say? We are building up a political situation here where we have a series of boards who control everything. That is not the principle of a democratic State. I await with interest the Minister's views on this section. As far as I can read it, it is entirely in the hands of the board to do exactly what it likes about milk subsidies.

Whatever the merits or demerits of the levy that this board may find they will have to impose, I have never known a board more weighted in favour of the actual producers. If Deputies care to study the Bill they will find that the board is practically in the hands of the producers, apart from one representative from the Department of Agriculture, and I cannot see why, if there is difficulty about the price of milk, those people cannot settle it themselves without having it brought in here on a political issue.

I do not say that the board, as suggested in the Bill, is a really good one, but the issue of whether there will be or will not be a levy is another matter. I cannot see why this board, weighted as it is in favour of the producers, would be guilty of doing anything wrong about the price of milk. There is the provision under which the operations of the board must come before the House in certain circumstances and I do not see how any Deputy can be precluded from making observations in the House on the board.

Deputy Donegan is in a peculiar frame of mind today. How can he, representing a rural community, come in here and say that everything will be all right under this board? Is not that what we were told when previous boards were appointed—that the right personnel would be appointed to them? That is not how these boards have turned out. These boards that we set up here act in the most dictatorial fashion. Here we have a Fianna Fáil farmer from North Cork telling us that he is quite satisfied to hand over the important powers which this Bill confers on the Board without any worry whatever and says that when the nine appointees will be known they are bound to be men who will deal with the matter more effectively than it will be dealt with in this House.

Are they not the people concerned?

The Minister is safeguarding his own interests because here and there through the Bill in the various sections are subsections which give him the right to ensure that there will be a number of Party nominees on the job. We have too much of that here and it has been stressed again and again by various speakers in discussing the advisability of setting up such boards at all. I think it is completely out of place, judging by our knowledge and experience of the dictatorial boards that have been set up in the past, to say that everything will be all right as Deputy Donegan suggests.

When we set up a board such as the Milk Board, the Grain Board, C.I.E. or the E.S.B. we give them certain functions and a complete monopoly in a certain field. In the case of C.I.E. we removed the competition from them and threw a mantle of protection around them, backed up by State and public funds. We do the same for the E.S.B. and we shall do the same with An Bord Bainne that is now visualised. Whatever activities they are responsible for, whether the members of this House approve or otherwise, they will not be open for discussion here.

I completely disagree with the statements of the previous speaker that the fixing of a levy on milk should be a matter reserved entirely to the board. Section 62 is the usual section embodied in such legislation and, as we know, it means nothing except when the Government of the day is anxious to change legislation. It is quite useless so far as Opposition members are concerned to invoke the aid of Section 62 of this Bill. That is only a cover-up. As Deputy Sir Anthony Esmonde said, that section appears in almost every Act. The whole matter that we are debating here on the eve of Christmas, as so many Deputies have said, is that we are handing over power for the past number of years to this board that board and the other board and I think, that they have been found wanting in their activities. We were told by the Taoiseach the other day that he has no power whatever over the C.I.E. Board at present and that what C.I.E. does, and how they do it, is a matter for themselves and that this Parliament, this House and he himself, as Leader of the Government, have no function whatever. We must be very wary about these boards and I propose to well at some length on the setting up of these boards in tonight's debate if I have an opportunity of contributing to it. This is a big question and I entirely disagree with Section 35 of the Bill.

I want to direct the attention of Deputy Donegan in particular to the complete delusion under which he is labouring. He believes that this board, being largely representative of producers, can confidently be relied upon to protect the interest of producers and to ensure that no unreasonable levy will be made upon the milk delivered by the producer to the creameries. I do not think Deputy Donegan has read the Bill because if he looks at Section 42—he has the Bill before him—he will see that:

(1) The Minister may from time to time give the Board a direction in writing requiring it—

(a) to make and carry out during such period or periods as may be specified in the direction a scheme for the payment to the registered proprietors of creameries of allowances towards the cost of the cold storage, by or on behalf of the proprietors, of butter, or

(b) to suspend, or provide for the cesser of, as from a date specified in the direction, in whole or in part, of a scheme under this subsection and payments thereunder.

Under subsection (2):

The Board shall comply with a direction under subsection (1) of this section.

Section 43 states:

The Board shall purchase at the price which stands fixed for the time being under subsection (2) of this Section and is appropriate in relation to the purchase of all butter which——and the butter is then described.

Subsection (2) of that Section says:

The Government may from time to time fix the price of butter for the purposes of subsection (1) of this section or may fix two or more prices varying in accordance with either or both of the following, that is to say, the quantity of butter sold and the method of packing the butter, and may specify a date or dates as on and from which purchases shall be made at the price or prices so fixed and the Minister shall notify the Board in writing of the price or prices so fixed and the date or dates also specified.

Now we come to Section 44 which reads:

Wherever the Board sells butter which—

(a) is intended for consumption in the State, and

(b) is of a kind which conforms with the provisions in relation to creamery butter of the Dairy Produce Acts, 1924 to 1947, and the regulations made thereunder or is important butter,

the sale shall be made at the price which stands fixed for the time being under subsection (2) of this section in relation to such sale and is appropriate in relation to the sale.

Subsection (2) says:

The Government may from time to time fix the price of butter for the purposes of subsection (1) of this section or may fix two or more prices varying in accordance with either or both of the following, that is to say, the quantity of butter sold and the method of packing the butter, and may specify a date or dates as on and from which the price or prices so fixed shall apply and the Minister shall notify the Board in writing of the price or prices so fixed and the date or dates so specified.

Section 45 transfers the funds of the Dairy Produce Fund to the company but if Deputy Donegan studies these sections he will discover that the board, in fact, has no discretion in regard to the amount of the levy it is required to make. But the Minister is in the glorious position that he claims today the right to say if anybody asks him why did the board levy 2d. or 3d. per gallon on milk his answer will be: "That is none of my business; go and ask the board." But in the section of the Bill he has the right to direct the board to do a series of things which involve them in the obligation to raise from a source other than the treasury the funds necessary to carry out the Minister's direction——

But that does not include the milk levy.

These sections include a section in which the board is obliged to buy butter at certain prices and the butter will then be disposed of by the board. In regard to the domestic market the Minister will fix the prices at which the butter is to be disposed of in the domestic market but in respect of any butter over and above that the board must sell it wherever and however it can but it must raise sufficient to liquidate the losses after two-thirds of the losses have been made good. I do not think Deputy Donegan understands the Bill. What we are claiming now is, that in that section, where events which the board itself cannot foresee, can bring in a statutory obligation upon the board to impose a levy on milk, we in this House should be entitled to raise the query: "Why, or how, does the new board claim the right to levy 2d. or 3d. a gallon on creamery milk?"

We in this House should be entitled to raise the query why, and how it is, the Milk Board claim the right to levy 2d. or 3d. a gallon on creamery milk? The Minister says "No. Once you have passed this Bill no one in Dáil Éireann will have the right to ask that question. It will be a matter within the discretion of the board." I want to point out to Deputy Donegan it is not within the discretion of the board because the Minister takes power, by order addressed to the board, to fix the price at which it will but butter, and to fix the price at which it will sell butter on the home market and he leaves with the board the obligation of selling the rest of the butter, and all the other dairy produce which it may have had to purchase, for whatever price it can get, plus the residual obligation of making good any loss sustained by it in that operation after it has received from the Treasury two-thirds of whatever the total loss may be.

Now, that simply means that we are creating a board and we are telling the farmers that it is absolutely essential from the point of view of the national economy, and this is something with which I entirely agree, to expand production. I make the case that, if it is in the national interest to expand production and that creates a marketing problem, it is contrary to sanity to say to the people whom you are asking to expand production: "The more you expand the less you will get." I want to compare the procedure here envisaged vis-á-vis the creamery milk suppliers with the procedure we adopted in the 1956 Finance Act when we were dealing with industrial exporters, and I want to defend what we did.

I am always being challenged—even by my own supporters—with having no interest in anybody but the farmers. I should like to compare now what we did for the industrialists in exactly this situation. The industrialists said: "We have been exhorted to establish industries to furnish the home market, and we undertook to do that under high protection; but we admit that, paying the wages we do and with the equipment we have, with the limited market which the Irish home market represents, we have no competitors if you compare us with Northampton or New England and, therefore, it is impossible even to go out and secure permanent foreign markets; one of the heaviest charges we have to carry is corporation profits' tax and income tax."

Having heard all that, we made them this proposition: "We will take your industrial output as of a certain date and we are prepared to say to you, in respect of your entire export after that day, you will be free of all corporation profits' tax and you will be free of all income tax." When that scheme came to be administered it was manifest that one could not examine every pair of boots that was manufactured and apportion to one pair of boots the costs of the factory production. As I understand it, the rough and ready device was employed that the Revenue Commissioners said that, if, at the end of a year, a factory had made £10,000 profit and one-fifth of the output had gone abroad in exports and four-fifths had been sold at home, the industrialists would pay income tax on £8,000 of profits and, in respect of £2,000, they were tax free. What the result of that stimulus has been we have seen in the very steep increase in industrial exports. I know of one boot factory that was working one shift——

Are we drinking milk out of boots, or something, now?

No. The trouble is that the boot manufacturers will have plenty of milk to drink but, if we are going the way we are going, the milk producers will have no boots to wear. I do not want to give the Deputy a sharp answer.

Is the Opposition right in saying that Sections 42, 43 and 44 affect the milk output?

I cannot see it.

Ah! I think the Minister is fervently hoping that the Deputies behind him will not be able to see it. He creates the whole price structure. Please do not distract me for a moment from my theme.

That is what I was hoping to do.

The Deputy should remember that I was doing this before he was born and I do not fall for these tricks. Since he is a neighbour, I do not want to smack Smart answers across the floor to the Deputy, but I appeal to the Deputy not to try me too far. All I am saying is that I do not deny that the concessions we made in the Finance Act of 1956 were of a generous scale. But they had this result: a boot factory which, to my knowledge, was working one eight-hour shift three years ago is now working three shifts and exporting nearly half of its entire output. It is doing that because its release from tax on all these exports has made it economic to break into foreign markets. What astonishes me is that, when we are dealing with the manufacture of boots, or textiles, or tin cans, or any industrial product, we all approve of the 1956 Finance Act approach. When this Government came into office they not alone adopted the scheme we had introduced but they even extended it.

What has gone wrong with the minds of our people that when we approach farmers we do not say to them: "If you double, or treble, your output substantial benefits will be conferred upon you as a result of your contribution to the balance of our international trade." Not at all. We say we want higher production in order to expand our exports but, remember, with regard to every increase you make there is automatic machinery here to ensure you will get less for your output. What is more, you will get less, and there will be silence; no voice must be raised about it in Dáil Éireann, ever, any more. I often wonder am I standing in an Irish Parliament at all. Or are we all going daft?

The Deputy is on the Adjournment Debate now anyway.

How do you man?

Let him alone.

Listen, I can neither be induced, cajoled, nor persuaded——

Is this relevant to Section 42 or to any other section?

——nor persuaded to depart from the topic of the levy which we are now in process of imposing on the milk production of the dairy farmers of this country.

No one wants to stop the Deputy talking about it.

That is the purpose of this Bill, according to the Minister. From the moment this Bill passes through Dáil Éireann we are all to be stopped. That is the purpose. We are to talk no more about it. He said today that, once we have legislated for this levy, it will be nonsense to allow any Deputy further to discuss it in Dáil Éireann.

I did not.

The Minister did-to Deputy Murphy.

I did not.

I am sorry if I misunderstood the Minister, but that is what he said.

I did not say any such thing.

The Minister did.

The records will show. I could not say such a thing. I did say that if we legislate to give certain functions to a board it should not be the business of a Minister, or anybody else, to poke into the way in which that board transacts its business unless and until there is a discussion here, for instance, on the presentation of the financial accounts, or something like that. That is what I said.

It is just to that that we are objecting.

Nonsense.

This is like telling us that we can discuss C.I.E. after they have torn up the rails and shipped them to Czechoslovakia. There is no use discussing the West Cork Railway if the rails are in Czechoslovakia. There is no use my discussing in Dáil Éireann the levy imposed on milk in the months of March, April, May, June, July, August and September in November when the levy has been collected and spent. I want the right, when the levy is put on, to come into the House the following sitting day and ask the Minister for Agriculture why he has allowed a levy of 2d. or 3d. on creamery milk.

The Deputy can discuss it when the Order imposing the levy is made. That Order will be placed on the Table of the House and the Deputy, as he would say himself, can talk about it until the cows come home.

That is what the Minister tells us now. Earlier in the evening he told us that once we had conferred this power on the board, it would be absurd for us to claim the right of discussion here in Dáil Éireann.

I did not say anything of the kind.

In so far as we have clarified that position and retained the power to control that matter, I think a useful purpose has been served. Perhaps the Minister would point out to us the provisions of the Bill which require the Order to be tabled?

Section 62.

Section 62 says:—

Every order and regulation made under this Act shall be laid before each House of the Oireachtas as soon as may be after it is made and if a resolution annulling the order or regulation is passed by either such House within the next subsequent twenty-one days on which that House has sat after the order or regulation is laid before it, the order or regulation shall be annulled accordingly but without prejudice to the validity of anything previously done under the order or regulation.

Does that cover Orders made by the board?

It does, yes.

It may. If the board makes a levy on milk, is it requisite for it to make an Order or a regulation?

It can be discussed immediately in this House?

I understand that every Order laid on the Table can.

I accept unhesitatingly the Minister's word that that relates to every Order made by the board. But remember, our experience has been in regard to the other statutory boards that the Orders and regulations made by them have not been susceptible to discussion in the House.

I am informed that where a provision like this is included in the Bill for the presentation of Orders made and where there is a time limit fixed, such Order can be annulled by Parliament. I do not see what more freedom of discussion you want than that.

If the Minister assures me that any instrument fixing a levy on milk is required to be laid on the Table of the House and is subject to annulment by resolution of this House within a given period——

Yes, the very same as if the Order were made by myself.

Then the procedure here will not be analogous to that enjoyed by the other statutory boards?

It is the same as if I made the Order and placed it on the Table of the House.

Then the Minister will agree that he was mistaken when he said it would be absurd for us to discuss it?

I did not say that. I said that there would be no point in setting up a board if Ministers and others had the right to poke into anything defined by law as the business of the board from day to day. That is the statement I made.

On another occasion a Minister included a similar provision and assured the Dáil there would be prior consultation and that if an Order were made there would be a period of two months within which interested parties could make their observations. However, the board involved has refused to meet anybody.

I have heard that charge made here a few times. I would not be immediately concerned with undertakings given on these matters by other Ministers. However, having heard these charges flung across the floor of the House, I endeavoured in my intervention to make it clear that when you set up a board of this nature, set out clearly the powers and functions of that board, it is absurd for any of us to think we can be acquainted with all the day to day details and decisions made by them and based upon their judgment and responsibility.

In this matter we are not dealing with something like nuclear energy or something divorced from our ordinary pursuits. After having transferred certain powers to this board, the Minister has also retained certain powers. He has the authority to fix the prices in relation to the home market. Surely, what the Minister does in relation to the home market could have a very strong effect on the operations of the board relating to the market of the surplus?

Surely those are matters in regard to which I shall be answerable to Parliament at all times?

Of course, and quite rightly so.

I am not denying that.

The effect of what the Minister does in that case should have consequential effects in the levy imposed on the producers.

Of course it could.

Very well. If it is a consequential effect of a Ministerial action, then why cannot we discuss the levy on the floor of the House?

You can discuss the levy on the floor of the House when the Order is made.

But it is consequential on the Order.

If the Order is not made imposing a levy why should you discuss levies?

I am not discussing the making of an Order. I am discussing the powers still retained by the Minister.

The Minister for Agriculture, with the concurrence of the Government, fixes from time to time the prices at which butter will be purchased by the Butter Marketing Committee and by this board. Having fixed that price, he determines generally the price at which milk will be purchased by creameries. The board has nothing to do with those functions. They are Ministerial functions. The board's task is to endeavour to market as profitably as possible any surplus of milk products that may exist.

Now the Government say to this Board that if its export losses this year amount to £900, £9,000 or £1,000,000 that we will give them two-thirds of any sum that may be necessary to dispose of these surplus milk products. As Deputy Donegan has said, the Board is composed of people who have a deep interest in the industry and I am, in this measure, giving effect to the report of the advisory committee which was composed of people who were interested in the industry and who knew that, if we are going to go out and encourage the production of milk and then dispose of our milk products, it would not be reasonable to think that the industry would not make some contribution towards the effort to improve its productivity and its profits.

What Committee would recommend that a board should be set up to improve an industry and that the State should bear all the cost of that improvement? Do you think we would be taken seriously in that or that it would be taken seriously by the consumers of milk products who are, in the main, the people who are supporting the milk producers.

I could talk about all the matters mentioned here, about the utility of boards and about the injustice of handing over of delegating functions to these boards. The only thing I said in this House, and I would say it to myself, is that I would regard myself as being very foolish if I took part in a deliberative assembly as to whether a board should or should not be set up and then, immediately that proposal had passed into law, that I should start to trick with them, interfere with them and ask for information which I should know in advance would not be available to me once I had taken the original course.

I do not like people who try to have it both ways. There are a lot of people in this country who want to have the hide and the price of it. What I do say to-day and what I have said outside is that any man is entitled to his view as to whether it is a good thing to delegate these responsibilities and to hand them over to a board. Any Deputy can have his own view as to the wisdom of such a course but I also say that when Parliament makes a decision by a majority vote of this House we cannot expect to have it the other way the following day. If Parliament, having given powers of this nature to a particular board, think that they are too extensive, Parliament can easily rectify that. That is the reasonable way to approach this matter.

It is childish to come in here and ask a Minister for Agriculture when he is going to give effect to the report of such an advisory committee and then, when he is giving effect to it, to say that we do not want the board to have that much power. If any member of this House, no matter who he is or how experienced he is, thinks he is going to put that sort of stuff over on the public or that he is going to affect the public mind in a political sense by saying these things he is making the mistake of his life.

I do not mind if we talk over the Bill for the next seven days but there is no justification for all the repetition that we have had here to-night. I have made my point on this matter. It was recommended to me by the advisory committee but if it was never recommended it would still be in this Bill because I think if is fair. I shall go out to the country as a politician and, with my colleagues, meet the people who are affected by these provisions. When my point of view and the other point of view have been stated we should not have this futile and endless repetition which gets us nowhere.

There is one good answer to that and that is that it took a lot of repetition to get the Minister to his feet—not that we are any wiser than we were before he got up. The Minister defends the principle he has introduced and, in addition, introduces a third point, that of the impact on the public mind. Let me ask the Minister in what other Department of State in connection with the marketing of goods outside this country are the producers required to pay anything by way of a levy?

There is in existence in relation to industrial exports a body known as Coras Tráchtála. Is there any industrialist in this country who has objected to the fact that Coras Tráchtála operates under State funds and that industrialists do not contribute directly to the expenses of Coras Tráchtála? How could anybody in the agricultural community feel that this board would have less authority if the State carried the entire cost as it carries it for Coras Tráchtála?

I would ask the Minister to tell me if there is in existence in the State a single example of such a contribution, being exacted from other producers in the case of such a board. If there is, the Minister will have succeeded in the arguments he has advanced. He appears to be the solitary member of the Government who is prepared to put a levy on the people for whose welfare he is responsible, to put on them the burden of bearing a substantial contribution of the expenses of the board.

As Deputy Dillon pointed out we have very effectively given financial assistance to industrial exporters. They are secured, no matter what they-produce, against any reduction in their profits. Here, we find the same thing happening as happened in the case of An Bord Gráin; the producer has been told that the matter will not arise unless he works harder and produces more goods. You are removing the guarantee to the people that they have had up to the present and the result of the appeal made to them to produce more will be that they will receive a reduction on their investment. That is a serious things to revive in the minds of these people. After the assistance they have been given, after the markets that have developed for them and having got production up to this point, if we remove any of the guarantees that were responsible for bringing about increased production we may be inviting more trouble.

It is for these reasons that we object. If the Minister stands on the principle of a contribution being fair, on the principle that he attempted to explain to us a few moments ago that the producers would appreciate being given this responsibility, why is it that industrialists who are being assisted so well and who are availing of the facilities provided for them in marketing their surplus, do not resent the fact that they are not called upon to pay any direct levy?

Does not an expanding industry carry the expense of its own expanding selling organisation?

No. We provide, and have provided down through the years, through the Department of External Affairs, facilities abroad for the securing of markets——

To sell more Guinness.

To sell more Guinness, yes. Why not? To sell also more boots or anything that we can produce and sell profitably abroad. That was part of the function of our diplomatic service.

Be logical.

Now we are relieving the Department of expense and responsibility that it had in the past and we will ask Deputy Moher's constituents, Deputy Donegan's constituents and my constituents to pay one shilling out of three towards the cost of marketing whatever dairy produce our constituents produce.

There is a very big volume of public opinion both inside and outside the House at the present time that this Parliament has made a blunder in giving too much power to boards. The action of one board recently is responsible for a good deal of discussion.

Do not start "puff, puff" again.

I appreciate what Deputy Seán Flanagan said tonight and I am sure there are many men on his side of the House who would express the same views. He was able to express them in a much nicer way than I, as a farmer, can do. Nevertheless, he had the courage of his convictions and disagreed with giving power to boards.

The Minister gave me the impression early today that Deputies could not ask a question with regard to this board once it is set up. I am glad that he has clarified that position now and that we will at least be in a position to question the expenditure of the money which we are providing.

That does not arise on Section 35 which deals with the milk levy.

Having provided he levy, we should be entitled to question the expenditure of it.

Perhaps on another section, not on this section.

As long as the board is functioning properly, I do not think anybody would be looking for publicity. Deputy Donegan seemed to think that the board as set up was weighted in favour of the producer. There are only four producers out of nine members, three from the cooperative societies and one from the Dairy Disposal Company. The remaining five are representative of manufacturing concerns many of whom would like to buy the farmer's produce as cheaply as they possibly could—the chocolate crumb manufacturers, the cheese manufacturers, the dried milk powder manufacturers and I will not say anything about the Minister's nominee.

The constitution of the board arose on a previous section. It does not arise on this section, which deals specifically with the milk levy.

On a point of order, surely this section deals fully with the board? The board is mentioned in every single part of Section 35.

On a point of order, Deputy Donegan in defending the powers in respect of the levy pointed out that this board was heavily weighted in its membership to producers and that that reassured him that the board would do nothing untoward in reference to the levy. I take it that that is the matter to which Deputy Wycherley is applying himself to.

The Deputy may hold those views but I cannot accept that the composition of the board can be discussed on this section.

On a point of order, on the fixing of the levy, as it is the board who do it, surely Deputy Wycherley is in order in saying that the board would be unsympathetic to the interests of the producers?

Under subsection (3) (a) the board may, whenever it thinks fit, make an order fixing the rate of the milk levy and specifying the date on which the rate so fixed is to come into operation. In fixing the milk levy I do not think the board would in any way favour the producers because the majority of the board are not representative of the producers.

This Section relates to the imposition of a levy. The composition of the board is irrelevant on this section.

On a point of order, if the board has power to make a levy and we are discussing the probability of that levy being unduly burdensome, surely we are entitled to argue that the board as constituted is not likely to be leaning towards the producer?

The time to argue that point, with all respect to the Deputy, was on the section dealing with the composition of the board, not this section.

Surely we can argue that the power to make a levy on producers of milk is a power which we have good reason for viewing with alarm? The Minister was not present but very wide ground has been covered. His colleague seemed to say at one time that these decisions were not reviewable by the House; then he tried to reassure us that they were reviewable by the House. I am going to make a further submission that they are not reviewable by the House after Deputy Wycherley is finished.

The function of the board as set out here is, amongst other things, to make an order fixing the rate of milk levy. I do not see how it is open to the House, having already discussed the composition of the board, to suggest that the board would be weighted one way or the other on this section.

Could not you argue that they should not have power to make a levy at all on account of the way they are constituted?

You could have an amendment.

The Chair is concerned with the fact that the section before the House deals with the milk levy and the composition of the board does not arise.

It is a consolation to me to know that, the board having fixed a levy, we are entitled to question their activity.

Where did you get that idea?

I think we got that from the Minister for Agriculture.

Section 62.

The plain truth of it is that the Minister for Agriculture has not the faintest notion of what is in his own brief and is trying to pick it up as he goes along. His hearing is not too good and the width of the passage is more than the advice that frequently flows across. It is quite true that Section 62 provides that every order and regulation made under this Act shall be laid before each House of the Oirechtas but the process of arriving at the levy is a process of determining the price to be paid by the board for butter and then determining the price the board may charge for butter on the domestic market. When you come to the relevant section in which that is done you find this interesting formula employed in Section 42 which provides: "(1) the Minister may from time to time give the Board a direction in writing..." Then you look at Section 62. Is there any provision in Section 62 about a direction in writing being laid on the Table of this House?

That still does not cover the milk levy.

No. This is a very astute operation. The Order making the milk levy is relatively irrelevant. It is the situation created by a series of directions given by the Minister which creates the global losses which the Board must meet in making the levy.

This is dealt with under Sections 42, 43 and 44.

The making of the levy is consequential on what the Minister does by way of direction in writing under Sections 42, 43 and 44. In this section, if the Deputy will look at it reference is made to the Minister giving the Board a direction in writing.

And to the Government.

That is not covered by Section 62. I do not know what is the exact machinery envisaged in section 43 (2) which provides: "The Government may from time to time fix the price of butter..." They may fix the price of butter but it does not say by Order, and the subsection continues:

for the purposes of subsection (1) of this section or may fix two or more prices varying in accordance with either or both of the following, that is to say, the quantity of butter sold and the method of packing the butter, and may specify a date or dates as on and from which purchases shall be made at the price or prices so fixed and the Minister shall notify the Board in writing of the price or prices so fixed and the date or dates so specified.

Is there any instrument envisaged in that subsection which is caught by Section 62?

The Minister for Lands interpolates "No."

But the Minister and the Government are responsible to the House.

We were reassured by the Minister turning up Section 62 and saying every Order made under the Bill, whether by the Board or the Minister, must be laid before the House thus giving any Deputy the right of calling it in question. He sought to demolish Deputy Wycherley's argument, Deputy Murphy's argument and my argument in regard to the levy on milk by saying it has to be laid on the Table of the House. However, when you probe further you find out how the levy is arrived at. You discover it is arrived at as a result of a series of directions to be given by the Minister to the Board under Sections 42, 43 and 44 and that in none of these sections is there any reference made to an Order at all. Then you go to the point of the Government fixing a price but it is not fixed by Order. The way the Government communicates the price is not by including a statutory instrument of which everyone must take notice; it is by the Minister notifying the Board in writing of the price or prices so fixed. That fixation is done, I take it, by Government decision and, as all of us well know—certainly the Minister knows—Government decisions are not placed upon the Table of Oireachtas Éireann.

But they are amenable to the House.

Whatever relevancy there may be in the Deputy's suggestion, surely it is not relevant to this section.

Yes it is. The whole object of this discussion, into which the Minister has leapt to enable the Minister for Agriculture to have a cup of tea, is to find out whether this House retains effective control over the rate of levy which the board may from time to time make on creamery milk. The case was made at first by Deputy Donegan that we need not worry our heads, that this board was representative of producers and therefore it could be trusted to do whatever was right. That argument having been discussed at length, Deputy Donegan mended his hand and said he was quite mistaken in that belief because his Minister now told him that every Order made would be placed on the Table of the House and would be subject to review by this House. We then reminded him that might be a bit late in the day.

The Minister for Agriculture was trying to reassure us that everything affecting the price of milk or butter would be available to the House under Section 62. He had angrily asserted earlier in the evening that it would be wholly irrational to give a board such powers and then claim the right to review its powers in Dáil Éireann, but he then excepted from that generalisation such matters as were caught under Section 62 and said that that related to all Orders made by the board. However, when I look at Sections 42, 43 and 44 I find that a different procedure is provided for under these sections and that none, of the mandatory directions given by the Minister under these sections are subject to review or, according to the Minister, discussable in Dáil Éireann.

Is it not a fact that everything the Government and the individual Ministers do is discussed in Dáil Éireann?

No. There are heaps of decisions taken by the Government that are never laid on the Table of the House at all. It is perfectly simple to make all these matters subject to review by providing that a Minister should make an Order consequent on a Government decision, but he is not required to do that. All he is required to do is give a direction in writing to the board and on that the board must act. The net result will be of course that the board will have to make an Order in respect of a levy. At that stage it is open to any Deputy to call that Order in question but if the Act provides that the board has a statutory obligation to liquidate its losses through a levy after it has received an Exchequer grant of two-thirds of these losses, there does not seem to be much use in moving a Resolution in this House. Its losses will be created by the directive given in writing to the board by the Minister for Agriculture. Of course when it comes down to tin tacks, this is all an elaborate device to exonerate the Minister for Agriculture from blame in respect of the Fianna Fáil policy which is to levy an increasing sum on the milk producers in order to finance the export of any surplus they produce.

I have done this already myself.

I know the Minister has.

So it is not a matter of transferring it to anybody else. I have actually imposed this levy already.

The Minister told me earlier he was taking it off.

Yes, but I put it on.

The Minister is going back again now.

I have a reason for it. Even if there was never a board I would have done it anyway.

I am putting it to the Minister that in fact this device is that the expanding levy made on creamery milk is now to be the responsibility of the board and that they have got to raise the levy to whatever figure is requisite to meet any losses they incur. I wonder are we wise, are we going to get the increased output we are hoping for, and if we do not where are we going to go?

Is not the levy proposed in this section by the board, under written direction of the Minister, a device to lower the price of milk to the creamery farmers? The board is obliged to engage in the sale of butter abroad and within the State if the Minister so decides. The Government can fix the price of butter under this Bill. It is just a cunning device to lower the price of milk to the producers. In other words, the price being paid for milk is considered uneconomic for the purpose of the export of surplus butter. Now we are going back and imposing a levy which is just another way of reducing the price of milk to the farmers. There is no other way to view it. It may be described as a device to take a load off the shoulders of the Minister for Finance in providing the necessary subsidy for the export of butter. If you give farmers 1/6d. a gallon for milk and take 6d. back in levy you are in fact giving him only a shilling a gallon, no matter how you dress it up. Any Deputy who thinks otherwise is only hoodwinking himself. The Minister has told us, in the light of experience of other boards—C.I.E. being one of them—that the position of this board can be reviewed here and that orders and regulations will be laid on the Table of the House.

If I said he could not, the Deputy would not be satisfied either.

I have been a member of the House for 17 years. I have seen Orders laid on the Table and I have come to know the futility of questioning any of those Orders because by the time they appear the harm is done and there is no use crying over spilt milk. As far as I can see it, the whole question of dairying and milk production in this country has now become something evil if we are to believe the Government side of the House. We are asked to increase production in many fields, milk being one of them. Now it seems the more we produce, the greater damage we do to the State. In this Bill the Minister calmly divests himself of responsibility and throws it on the board.

That may not be discussed.

One of the things he hands over to the board is the power to impose a levy. That is only a dressing-up of a reduction in the price of milk.

How could you put a levy on milk without reducing the price?

It could not be done.

Nobody is denying it.

I have been listening to the debate since it began and I have not heard the Minister say that before.

After that, there is no knowing what might be said in this House.

The Minister has spoken about the revenue the board can levy from the creameries. It might run to 4d. or 6d., or as low as a 1d. a gallon, but it is a device to dress up a reduction in the price of milk to the farmers.

There is no device about it. It is a levy and it can have only one effect.

The revenue has to come from the producer and that ultimately means the farmer must sell his milk at a lower price.

It is a means of bringing about co-operation between the taxpayer and the producer to do something worthwhile in the national interest.

The board being set up under this Bill will have the responsibility for the export of milk products which will include cheese, powdered milk and cream. Will a levy then be necessary or is it contemplated that it will be necessary to support the export of these commodities and, if so, will a levy for that purpose also be raised from the creameries? At the present time cheese is subsidised in the same way as butter and if the export of cheese is to be expanded—it would be helpful to our economy if it were— will the board have power in regard to the exports of these various products to support them by subsidies and to recoup outlay on these subsidies by increasing the levy?

The levy which I imposed in order to meet the cost of the export of surplus butter in 1958 and 1959 was on butter. At that time we were not supporting chocolate crumb, milk powder or cheese. At present we are, in fact, supporting these products and the board will do likewise. That being so, the levy in future will be on milk and not on butter because milk will be convertible into all these products.

We have it all now.

The position is, therefore, that at the present moment the Exchequer supports the export of milk powder, cheese and chocolate crumb and now portion of the responsibility, at least one-third of it, will be transferred from the Exchequer to the milk producer.

No. There is no change. They will have to bear their share whether they are producing milk powder or cheese or chocolate crumb. The milk that is used for conversion into these products will pay any levy necessary in order to provide the one-third share set out here.

It is not doing that at the moment in respect to chocolate crumb or powdered milk.

We have agreed to contribute on the assumption that a levy would be imposed for that purpose. We have given those who are engaged in the production the option of supporting it.

Actually there is no Exchequer contribution at the moment.

We are committed to it.

I do not think we have paid anything yet but we will.

In respect to exports gone out? So it is true to say the Minister is at the moment supporting exports which hereafter will be borne by the milk levy. That will not be retrospective. Will the milk levy be charged with export burdens that have accumulated prior to the coming into operation of this Bill?

I could at any time myself impose a levy apart altogether from the bringing into existence of this board.

I do not want to press the Minister to go into details on what support has been vouchsafed but we shall assume that a certain dairy product received some measure of support since the 1st June last up to now. That, I take it, has been provided if such has happened by Treasury grant. It is not proposed to carry that charge forward and impose it in a levy when the levy under this Bill comes into operation. That is a finished transaction?

I think that is right. As I explained to the House the levy imposed by me some time ago to meet the marketing problem of the butter surplus was confined to butter. When that problem had been met, and when in the last year the situation developed in which we were not likely to have any large butter surplus, I announced the withdrawal of the levy. In 1960 it became apparent that if we were to continue the policy of a levy on butter only we would not be free, in fairness, to support on a two-to-one basis those industries that were engaged in the conversion of milk into chocolate crumb, milk powder and cheese. I felt that it would be better then to give these concerns an assurance that they too would be supported and I gave them that assurance and indicated the extent to which that support would be given. This assurance that I have given will be fully completed before the board contemplated in this Bill is set up and they will start off, I hope, on a clean sheet.

Then they will not be transferred to the new board from the Butter Marketing Board as existing liabilities?

No, I hope that we shall discharge the responsibilities which we accepted and any assurances that we gave the industries which I have mentioned.

They will be met by 100 per cent. Exchequer grants and after this board comes into existence——

I did not say that.

There is no other source.

I said that I am at all times free to impose a levy.

On milk?

It may be that before the end of the year there will be no milk available for levy—not until April.

I would not say so.

The Minister will certainly create a sensation if he starts to impose a levy on milk before the 1st April.

It would not be as attractive as at some other periods from the point of view of getting funds.

It would be very harsh. However, at present a liability in this financial year has been accepted in respect of the export of certain dairy products. I take it from what the Minister has said that liability is to be met by two-thirds as to Treasury grant and by one-third as to retrospective levy which the Minister——

Well, a levy which the Minister may make on milk to realise one-third of the sum to which he is committed in respect of these commodities for any period prior to the establishment of this board?

I do not like the idea— although I do not blame the Deputy for trying—of the Deputy stringing along a chain of words to which I would afterwards be committed. That is not what I mean at all. I do not want to go into any great detail now, as I have already given my reasons for extending Government support to chocolate crumb, cheese and milk powders. That support may not be for this year on the basis of the support that was given to butter for the simple reason that the question that the milk that was used for conversion into these products had not made its contribution in the sense that the milk converted into butter had. These are matters that will be cleared off before the board that is provided for here takes over.

The Minister must bear with his colleagues in the House. I know that very often he thinks that parliamentary discussion is waste of time and my mind goes back to the day when the Parliamentary Secretary behind where he is now sitting said it was high time that we got rid of the Supreme Court because it was "too interfering." He thinks that we are just interfering in these prerogatives but I think we are entitled to ask is it true that dairy products other than butter are at present being supported with 100 per cent. Treasury grants and is it not the truth that after this Bill comes into operation dairy products other than butter will be supported out of the milk levy as to one-third and by Central Fund grant as to two-thirds?

These other products are not being supported to the extent of 100 per cent. State grant but by a State grant which is influenced by the fact that they have not, as the butter has, contributed any part towards a fund for the subsidisation of these exports on a two-to-one basis.

Whatever subsidy they are getting at present, whether it is 70 per cent., 80 per cent. or 100 per cent. it is coming from the Treasury. Hereafter, one-third will come from the milk levy and two-thirds from the Treasury—is not that right?

That is right.

We are going to divide on this Section but I do not think that need deter the Minister from trying to give us as much information as we can get.

I am not trying to do anything of the kind.

There is another matter of purely factual information——

I think I am smothering the Deputy with information.

I am glad to hear that the Minister is so satisfied with his own performance but he must not press us to state frankly what our view is.

I was never too keenly interested in eliciting that.

Perhaps that is just as well——

I think it is.

——for the nervous system of the Leas-Cheann Comhairle. The milk levy mentioned in Section 35 appears to be payable on all milk purchased by creameries. What will happen in respect of these creameries which distribute a large volume of milk in the form of bottled milk for liquid consumption in the home market? Is the Minister aware that for the past five or six years a great many creameries in different parts of the country have gone into the bottled milk business on a pretty large scale. Will that liquid milk pay the levy the same as milk designed for conversion——

That liquid milk, as I understand it, should only be derived from registered dairy premises, even though it is handled by a creamery. To tell the truth, I have often had the greatest misgivings.

The fact remains that we have allowed the creameries under certain registration conditions to get into the milk distribution business on a pretty large scale. The Minister is as well informed as I am. They take in the milk at a different reception point and keep a register of the suppliers who have registered dairy premises, and so forth; but, as far as I read Section 35, it operates to collect the levy off that milk.

That would be equivalent to collecting a levy off milk intended for liquid consumption.

But that is what the Minister is going to do.

We are not.

You must under Section 35. The section says:—

(1) There shall be paid to the Board by every registered proprietor of a creamery or cream-separating station a levy on milk purchased or otherwise acquired by him, other than from another such proprietor, at a time in respect of which a rate for such levy stands fixed by virtue of an order under subsection (3) of this section, and the levy shall be of such amount as may be appropriate having regard to the rate fixed under the order.

(2) The amount of milk levy due by a registered proprietor of a creamery or a cream-separating station in respect of milk purchased or acquired in any month shall be paid to the Board not later than seven days after the last day of the month.

(3) (a) The Board may, whenever it thinks fit, make an order fixing the rate of milk levy and specifying the date on which the rate so fixed is to come into operation.

(b) The Board may, whenever it thinks fit, by order revoke or amend an order under this subsection including an order under this paragraph.

(c) An order under this subsection may fix different rates of milk levy in respect of different periods specified in the order.

(4) In this section "milk" means whole milk.

There is no provision here for refunding the levy to a creamery in respect of milk purchased for liquid distribution. So far as I can see, while there is power to make an Order under the subsection fixing the different rates of milk levy in respect of different periods specified in the Order, there is no power to make different rates of levy, or to exempt from levy, milk purchased or subsequently sold for liquid consumption in the home market. As far as I know, if this levy ran up to something like twopence per gallon, which would produce at present rates approximately £2,000,000, it would have a very grave effect on the creameries which were distributing milk for consumption and I do not think the Minister means to interfere with that trade. I should be glad to know if the implication of levying milk for that purpose has been considered.

I do not think there should be any difficulty about the point the Deputy makes. I know a number of creameries at the moment which purchase milk for conversion into butter and other products and which are also registered for the purpose of selling liquid milk. They have to keep records even now. They are two distinct businesses and the records they keep now should suffice for the purpose of any levy that may be imposed by the board on liquid milk purchased for industrial purposes.

That is not in the section.

It does not have to be.

Oh, yes, it does. The section says all milk purchased by them.

If the Deputy turns to the definition of registered proprietor in Section 2, he will find there what is intended.

He will find it in the Dairy Produce Act. That is not very enlightening without the 1924 Act.

The Section says:

"registered proprietor" means, when used in relation to a creamery, the person carrying on the creamery business in that creamery, and when used in relation to a cream-separating station, means the person carrying an the cream-separating business in that station;

That does not include the liquid milk business. It is under the Milk and Dairies Act that they do it.

Subsection (2) says:

The amount of milk levy due by a registered proprietor of a creamery or cream-separating station in respect of milk purchased or acquired in any month shall be paid to the Board not later than seven days after the last day of the month.

Subsection (1) says: "There shall be paid to the Board by every registered proprietor of a creamery or cream-separating station a levy on milk purchased or otherwise acquired by him ..." The fact that Section 2 says a registered proprietor means, when used in relation to a creamery, the person carrying on the creamery business in that creamery, then that is the person who buys the milk.

But he cannot have another business registered under another Act.

Where is that?

It does not have to be there.

He does not have to have another business. The person who buys the milk is the registered proprietor, and that is the creamery committee.

When he comes to sell the milk, he may sell it to a chocolate crumb factory, to a condensed milk factory, a dried milk plant, or he may sell it for liquid consumption. If he is buying milk to convert it into butter, to sell it to a cream factory, a cheese factory, or to another person who will engage in one of the activities entitled to support under the scheme, he must pay a levy on that milk. I understand the Minister does not wish the levy to apply to, say, 250,000 gallons of milk which he buys, pasteurises, bottles and sells for retail distribution in his own area. I know it is done in Monaghan on a pretty large scale. I know it is done in Limerick. I know it is done in Clonmel. In Waterford, I think it is done by a proprietary company. There are several places in which cooperative creameries are doing it.

The manager in one case is purchasing milk as a registered creamery proprietor. In the other case he is purchasing milk as a registered dairy under the Dairy Produce Act. There are two different persons involved here. The milk purchased in one capacity is not leviable—that is the milk purchased in his capacity under the Milk and Dairies Act. No milk purchased under that Act is leviable. It is only on the milk he purchases as a creamery proprietor that the levy will be imposed by the board.

If the Minister gives me his word that that is so, that must influence my mind, but certainly the section does not read that way to me. To me the section reads that if a registered proprietor buys milk the levy must be paid upon it without reference to how he subsequently disposes of it. Now the Minister says if he sends it to a chocolate crumb factory, to a dried milk factory, to a cheese factory or if he processes it himself into butter, the levy must be paid. But if he pasteurises it, bottles it and sells it retail, he does not pay the levy. Surely to goodness, the Minister is opening up the father and mother of a door to grave abuses in that regard?

I warned the Minister when he was embarking on the £15 scheme in respect of T.B. cows in the south that he was going to wind up in trouble. I think he has. Now he has plenty of trouble on hands. Think of what will happen here. The Minister knows as well as I do the almost insoluble difficulties created for the Department in trying to control the intake of this milk and ensuring that no stuff went into bottles that was not produced in registered dairy premises. The Minister and I both know, despite the utmost vigilance of our staff, that neither of us was ever satisfied that we effectively excluded unauthorised milk from being pasteurised and bottled.

How in the name of Providence, if a creamery is taking in 10,000 gallons of milk per day and is bottling 1,000 gallons a day, is the Minister going to satisfy himself that the levy is being paid on all the milk on which it ought to be paid? In the old days we used to have the rough measure of butter output. We multiplied the butter by 2¼ gallons and found out approximately how much milk passed through the creameries. Take the case of a creamery sending part of its milk to a cheese factory, on which levy must be paid, part to a chocolate crumb factory, on which levy must be paid, processing part of it into butter on its own premises, in respect of which levy must be paid, and possibly sending part of it to Dungarvan, Ballyclough or Tipperary for conversion into dried milk, on which levy must be paid, and, at the same time, pasteurising and bottling part of it and selling it in a neighbouring town, and in that case the levy need not be paid. Would it not be reasonable to suggest that sums running into thousands every year could go astray if creameries made returns suggesting that their sales of retailed bottle milk were far in excess of what they actually were? The money involved would run into a substantial sum.

However, I do not think that is the most important aspect of it. I do not think we should willingly legislate in a way well calculated to put temptation under a man's feet. And a penny a gallon when you are handling vast quantities of liquid milk—and this levy might even be 2d. per gallon—can run into a very substantial sum. I do not know what administrative machine the Minister can devise to exempt milk received by a creamery and subsequently sold for liquid consumption from the impact of this levy. I should be glad to know has he considered the machinery that will operate to achieve that. Will he just require the manager to make a daily return of the amount of milk sold? Will there be some system of check or is he simply going to let it rip and make estimates? There must be some machinery in his mind where such large sums of quasi public money are involved.

I cannot say any more than I have said. This business has been carried on for years by some creameries. They are registered under the Milk and Dairies Act for the public sale of milk for liquid consumption after pasteurisation and they are registered under the Dairy Produce Act, 1924, for the purpose of purchasing milk for conversion into industrial milk products. I have, been puzzled for a long time as to how this business was supervised and how they could be assured they were only accepting milk from registered dairies.

However, the question now arises as to the collection of any levy that may be imposed. The people who drafted this Bill were directed to exclude those who handled milk for liquid consumption. I take it the assurance I have given on their advice is correct and accurate. The question the Deputy referred to then arises. Could there be any juggling between the milk in respect of which levy must be paid and that purchased by them for liquid consumption? I do not think that that should present any insuperable problem. There are only a few firms engaged in that business and I have no doubt a means will be found of ensuring that the levy will be paid in respect of the milk on which it is due.

I must say I do not share the Minister's optimism at all. Deputies may say: "If you do not, why were you so calm about the segregation of milk from registered dairy premises? "When it was merely a question of selling bottled milk, the answer was that although we felt all milk for liquid consumption should come from registered dairy premises, the fact was present to our mind that all the milk sold retail from such dairy premises was being pasteurised. Therefore, if it was not entirely of the standard that might be expected from a registered dairy premises, pasteurisation would in large measure correct that.

Pasteurisation is not a complete answer.

It was a complete answer, I think, against the danger of the communication of sickness and disease through the medium of the milk.

When you discuss that with the medical people they do not agree with you.

If you discussed everything with the medical people and the vets—even with the lawyers—you would not sleep at night at all. By and large, I think that was substantially true. The plain truth was that sometimes, if you did not segregate the milk, it was not as clean as you would wish it to be, and was not fit for general retail distribution for consumer consumption. There is no doubt whatever, as the Minister has admitted by implication, that the operation of segregation was a doubtful one. But where you are satisfied there is no danger to public health, that is tolerable. We are all human beings and if you are putting within a man's reach the means of avoiding a statutory levy of 2d. a gallon on milk, and that might amount to 500 gallons a day, you are putting a terrible burden on any man responsible for the administration of such a system in his creamery.

There are several ways by which, if you suspect a man is dishonest, you can check up on him very quickly.

Perhaps you are right. I think the Minister had the same feeling with regard to the scheme of the £15 for the cows. You set up a scheme of this kind with the best intentions of the world and then you find some gigantic scandal building up. The papers in that case are going to the Attorney General and I presume that something is going to happen. If we never put that temptation in the way of people we would not now be facing the situation that some unfortunate men are going to be prosecuted, and, perhaps, convicted of crime. If they are, the fault is largely ours because we put in their way the temptation to which they fell. We are creating here another very great occasion of temptation.

What would you suggest? You cannot divide the creameries who engage in the sale of milk and those who purchase it for conversion into cheese.

I am always willing and anxious to help. I think that the Minister stands greatly in need of that assistance but I must confess that it is becoming rather a burden upon me because he is paid for it and I am not. I imagine that the wiser course would be to have a levy on all milk and then require the manager to furnish satisfactory returns of the milk sold for human consumption in his area and refund the money to him.

It is the same thing. That is no safeguard.

It may not be adequate and satisfactory.

I hope you did not have to think too hard to produce that one for me.

It is a better idea than any the Minister has. I do not believe that the Minister adverted to this problem at all until I directed his attention to it. The Minister has a brief a foot thick in front of him and, as I know from experience, it contains every detail that could possibly be raised on this Bill.

There is a fog in the House.

If there is it is created by the non-turning of the pages of the Minister's brief. I do suggest that the Minister has not adverted to this problem at all and I think that it is one of the problems that will have to be solved. The net result of it is that the Minister says he will not levy that part of the milk which the creamery manager buys for the retail trade. I think that is a pretty dangerous proceeding and I suggest that every creamery ought to be required to pay the levy and that there would be provision in the Bill, which there is not, to refund the levy to any creamery which sells milk under the appropriate licence for human consumption. Does the Minister realise that there is no provision in the Bill for refunding the levy to any creamery?

Why should there be?

In order to facilitate the fellows selling milk.

We do not want to collect any levy from those who are selling milk for human consumption.

Is there a provision in the Bill to collect the levy for milk that is to be sold for human consumption?

There is not.

If you read the section you will find that there is an obligation to levy. The real trouble is that the Minister does not know B from a bull's foot about it. He never heard of it until his attention was directed to it here in this House.

Question put.
The Committee divided:—Tá: 64; Níl: 39.

  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Kevin.
  • Booth, Lionel.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Carty, Micheal.
  • Childers, Erskine.
  • Clohessy, Patrick.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Cotter, Edward.
  • Crowley, Honor M.
  • Cummins, Patrick J.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Davern, Mick.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Donegan, Batt.
  • Dooley, Patrick.
  • Egan, Kieran P.
  • Egan, Nicholas.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Faulkner, Padraig.
  • Flanning, Seán.
  • Galvin, John.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Johnston, Henry M.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kitt, Michael F.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Loughman, Frank.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Medlar, Marting.
  • Millan, Anthony G.
  • Moher, John W.
  • Moloney, Daniel J.
  • Mooney, Patrick.
  • Moran, Michael.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • Ó Ceallaigh, Seán.
  • O'Malley, Donough.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • O'Toole, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Teehan, Patrick J.
  • Traynor, Oscar.

Níl

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Burke, James.
  • Byrne, Patrick.
  • Casey, Seán.
  • Coburn, George.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Esmonde, Sir Anthony C.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hogan, Bridget.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Lindsay, Patrick.
  • Lynch, Thaddeus.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Manley, Timothy.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Declan D.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Murphy, William.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Sullivan, Denis J.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Rogers, Patrick J.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Ryan, Richie.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Tierney, Patrick.
  • Wycherley, Florence.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Ó Briain and Loughman; Níl: Deputies O'Sullivan and Crotty.
Question declared carried.
SECTION 36.
Question proposed: "That Section 36 stand part of the Bill."

The Minister has explained to us that the system of the levy is being changed under this new device and that the levy is now to be on milk. Section 36 authorises the board to make a levy on butter delivered on sale or manufactured for some other person by the proprietor. Perhaps the Minister will explain to us the purpose of the butter levy envisaged in Section 36? I think I understand the purpose envisaged in Section 37.

The purpose of the legislation in Section 36 is, of course, part of the whole price support scheme for butter. In other words, provision has to be made for the cold storage of butter and at the present time a levy to meet that cost is being collected, to meet not only the cost of cold storage of butter but also administrative expenses that arise. These sections propose to continue these levies and have nothing to do with the supporting of our exports. It means carrying on something that has been the practice here for years. In the fixation of the butter price by the Government regard has to be had to the cost of cold storage and to the administrative expenses of the Butter Marketing Committee. In the fixation of the price at which butter is being sold regard is had to these two factors. This section and the sections that follow are merely a continuation of the practice that is already in existence though, naturally, it has now to be in a different form.

I remember when I was dealing with this matter there used to be an annual fight to persuade the Minister for Finance to make funds available to meet the cost of the storage of butter and, quite apart from the money that used to be provided to pay a subsidy on exports of butter, there was every year a substantial sum in my vote for the Butter Marketing Committee to meet the cost of the storage of butter.

I want to make this case to the Minister: Under this section we are placing an obligation on the Milk Board to collect a levy to pay the cost of storing butter. I would ask the House to consider what this involves. No creamery in Ireland that I know of wants to store butter. It would be much more convenient for creameries to sell their butter as they make it and up to 18 or 20 years ago that was the practice. The creameries sold the butter as they made it and if there was not sufficient butter in the winter, I think New Zealand butter mainly used to come in to fill in the gap of demand which was not met by current manufacture of butter during the months of perhaps January and February.

The community have grown into the habit of requiring that butter of Irish manufacture should be kept in store to suit the popular demand. I think it was the Minister for Finance, Deputy Dr. Ryan, who in his first Budget after the Fianna Fáil Party came back to office this time announced quite casually that in future that charge was going to be taken off the Exchequer and it was transferred to the retail price of butter. Am I to understand now that this butter levy under Section 36 will be included in the retail price of butter by the Minister when he is fixing the domestic price of butter? It will not be levied on the producer?

It will be, in effect, by the Minister's Order, levied on the consumer?

That is right.

It means about 1/4d. a 1b.

I am not sure; about 9/8d. a cwt.

A penny a 1b.

Nine and fourpence a cwt. is 1d. per 1b.

A penny a 1b. on the total consumption of butter in this country is the equivalent of four-ninths of a penny on the total amount of milk used. Four-ninths of a penny on the total milk used in the production of butter runs into a pretty substantial sum per annum. I often wonder are we following a wise practice in continuing that charge. I know that during the period of scarcity immediately after the World War there existed a difficulty that had never existed before and that was that there was no butter market in Great Britain. That meant if you wanted to get New Zealand butter you had to enter into a contract in New Zealand and if you did enter into a contract as of to-day in New Zealand butter you got no butter delivered here on foot of that contract for about two to three months after the contract was completed, because the butter actually had to come here from New Zealand. With the return to normal in the '50's, stocks of butter are now maintained in Great Britain to supply the British market and any other European market in which New Zealand deals, so that long delay is no longer an obstacle to purchasing supplies of New Zealand butter.

Our people, peculiarly enough, do not like Danish butter because Danish butter is manufactured from ripe milk. Although that butter commands on the London market a premium of anything from 10/- to 20/- a cwt. more than the price paid for New Zealand or Irish butter, our people do not like it; they called it "Dillon's yellow butter". The interesting thing about "Dillon's yellow butter" was that it cost a great deal more than the butter to which they were accustomed and they were getting it at a sacrifice price. However, popular taste is popular taste and we never got into the habit of eating Danish butter. New Zealand butter, as far as I know, is made by the same process as our own butter and is virtually indistinguishable from it, so there is no similar difficulty about filling a gap of supply for consumers with New Zealand butter.

Two matters fall to be considered. We are trying to expand our exports abroad arid for that purpose we ought to try to bring our processing costs as low as we can. We ought to operate the creameries to the maximum capacity and try to keep our costs of production as low as we can, thus reducing so far as we can any losses in which we may be involved in export markets.

Here is an economy we can make and it would run into a very substantial sum. The average consumption of milk for conversion into butter for the domestic market is 240 million gallons per annum, approximately. A halfpenny a gallon on that would yield £500,000 per annum. Is it worth considering the possibility of eliminating that heavy charge of £500,000 a year and bringing in New Zealand butter for two months while domestic production was not equal to domestic demand? I think that is worth considering. It is not that we shall be short of butter; on the contrary we shall be exporting more. Two courses will be open to us: we could either levy the incoming butter to equate the price, because we buy the New Zealand butter at world market prices, and use that money in relief of the levy on milk that will have to be made to pay the charge that falls on the producer when we are exporting our surplus productions. We could use that £500,000 a year to reduce the cost of butter to the consumer in this country.

In addition to that, there is a great deal of storage in the country, most of which could be advantageously used in connection with the dead meat trade because you have got to bear in mind that the storage is there and you must not encourage people to bring in expensive cold storage in one year and embark next year on something else which would result to them in very expensive capital outlay for which there is no profitable return.

If we were to save £500,000 a year by this advice, we could use the cold storage facilities for the storage of turkeys at Christmas or for a variety of other products for which could storage is required. With the growth of deep freeze, which is operating now in every provision shop in the country even in small towns, I think many of these cold stores could be profitably used as depots for frozen vegetables, frozen fowl and frozen fish.

I would be glad to hear from the Minister whether the insertion of this section suggests that he is taking an irrevocable decision about storing our own butter in order to provide a 100 per cent. supply for the domestic market or whether this substantial annual charge could not be avoided to the advantage of either the producer or the consumer, or perhaps to the advantage of both in the years to come.

There is nothing irrevocable about it. I can see the purpose behind the plan envisaged in this section. If we did not have in the past some means by which we could store our summer surplus of butter I cannot see very well how we could have maintained an even price, and given an assurance to the producers that we would try to maintain that even price throughout the year. I do not know what the merits are of Deputy Dillon's proposal but this levy is included in the price of butter to the consumer. I do not think there is anything wrong in that. What is proposed in this section and the sections that follow is really the continuation, under new auspices, of a scheme or practice that has been going on for years. I do not think there is anything wrong with it. I do not know what the board may have to say in regard to such matters when they come to examine the whole field for which they will be responsible.

As I have said, there is nothing irrevocable in this in the sense that if we saw more advantageous means of handling our milk production we would be inclined to accept them. This scheme seems to be admirable designed to see to it that the creameries would not be all rushing out to the market to sell at a time when butter was in flush supply. We are aiming at having butter all the year round at a uniform price. That is all that is proposed here in the way of financing a scheme through levies which are there at present and have been in the past.

The more I think of it the more daft it seems to me. We can leave Denmark out because of the quality of the butter which is somewhat peculiar. New Zealand is located in the antipodes. Their season of maximum production is our season of minimum production, so we do not compete directly with them. It does not seem to be in order that simply because the practice grew up—I believe it originated during the economic war—that we should simply jog along. It must be clear to us that it is costing us £500,000 a year.

What about the flush period in Britain?

Do not mind about the flush period in Britain.

It is the Danes flush period.

We do not compete with the Danes at all. Deputy Moher knows more about this than he appears to. The vast bulk of our exports are to Northern Ireland where the people have the same prejudices against Danish butter as we have. At present 80 per cent. of our butter exports abroad go to Northern Ireland and the remaining 20 per cent. to Great Britain and that only for a very short period of the year. Our period of scarcity is New Zealand's flush period. It seems to me that we have a system operating like a pendulum and that if there is an attempt to stop the pendulum, even though stopping it may save £500,000, we exclaim: "For God's sake leave it alone; it has been working that way for years." Is there any sane man whose own personal income is involved, and who saw a prospect of saving £ 500,000 a year, who would say: "Leave well enough alone. I am able to stagger along"?

It seems to me to be quite irrational. There is a certain risk involved but I suggest to the Minister that this is the kind of buck we should not pass to the board. I think this is the type of responsibility that the Dáil must shoulder itself. We started this business; we inaugurated it. There is no doubt that it is very hard to jog people's minds out of fixed habits. But £50,000 a year is a lot of money.

I have not yet heard anyone try to demonstrate that there is a flaw in my reasoning. If that is so, surely the prospect should provoke more interest in the Minister for Agriculture than he appears to show. I do not think it is enough for him to say that he is passing this over to the board to let them do what they please. It is very hard to ask the board to make a radical change of this kind the moment they take over. They are a new body. They will naturally go to lengths to try and avoid colliding with any vested interests in the country. Accordingly, if this is a thing we ought to do, I suggest the Minister should seriously consider doing it before transferring that responsibility to An Bórd Bainne.

I should dearly like to hear what some of the experienced Deputies who constitute the trinity behind the Minister are thinking on this matter. They are probably saying: "I suppose he is right as he usually is." I am encouraged by the affirmative nods of some of them. Unfortunately the Minister cannot see the nods or perhaps he would not feel very pleased if he did. I heard him make some observations to some of his older colleagues this evening that made me suffer vicariously on their behalf. Is there no Deputy interested in half a million pounds?

Except the Deputy himself.

A man who spent £4 or £5 million in a few minutes should not be so concerned about a half-million.

It is because I knew how to spend the £4 or £5 million that I am so concerned about the half-million. We were never afraid to spend money when we got value for it.

When you had it.

When we had it, we were never afraid to spend money when we could benefit the farmers of the country by doing so. I remember spending in one morning £1 million on the purchase of superphosphate of lime for the farmers at 9/- a cwt. and within eighteen months they were paying 28/- for it because my successor paid 24/- a cwt.

All this is hardly relevant.

I think I am entitled to make a rejoinder when the Minister intervenes. We were never afraid to spend money when the spending of it helped the agricultural community.

When you could get it.

I am proud of every shilling we spent and the records will be there for all the world to see long after Fianna Fáil are forgotten. That is what makes Deputies opposite as mad as wet hens.

But you left when you had spent it all.

Let us keep to the butter.

We shall try to. Is there no Deputy interested in £500,000? I think there is.

I do not think they are worrying any more than I am.

The Deputy is not worried in any case.

(Interruptions.)

In the case of Deputy Booth, so familiar with the economics of butter production, I should expect some throb but I shall not pursue that. I feel that in his heart he does sympathise.

The Deputy will sing a Christmas carol before he has finished.

I shall not, but surely I am entitled to express surprise that no member of the Fianna Fáil Party is prepared to get up and express in audible accents the agreement that they are whispering to and fro along the second bench of their Party.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 37.
Question proposed: "That Section 37 stand part of the Bill".

There is a problem here. Has the Minister adverted to it? This is the section under which the Minister is taking a power that the Milk Marketing Board had in the past to make levies on butter stocks in retailers' hands. Is it not?

Yes, on a change of price—wholesalers and retailers.

The Minister is taking power here to envisage the making of a levy on stocks in retailers' or wholesalers' hands. Does he mean to use that power or is it put in here in terrorem?

That was always done.

No, it was not. I remember that I did it one year and it cost me substantially more to collect the levy than I got out of it. A ridiculous situation developed in which I had to go around to every grocery shop in the country and count the rolls of butter on the shelves. Then we found the rolls disappearing under the shelves and we had inspectors who wanted to see what was under the shelves. We found it was not worth while.

I am told it does not apply to amounts under three cwt.

Well, that is some relief in the situation but even there you are faced with the position——

Is it not better, seeing there is a reasonable prospect of collecting the difference—a difference that is effective overnight—to make the effort to collect it?

I doubt it. My real belief is that if you could confine your activity to wholesale premises it is probably worth doing. There are probably quantities of butter there which are significant and, if a levy were made on butter, it is fairly reasonable to collect it; to go to retailers' premises rarely paid and set a premium on fraud. On balance, I doubt if it is worth doing at all but I should be prepared to agree with the Minister if he said that there is too much malaise created if you do not levy a substantial wholesaler and the public think he is getting away with murder. Of course, the public never think that if the price of butter comes down the wholesaler who is carrying stocks is very rarely required for the loss he has to carry on his stocks if there is a reduction in the levy that has been imposed.

I do not know if the Minister has power in this long section—which it is not easy to follow in detail—to discriminate, or is he required to levy on every butter trader. Subsection (5) says:

In this section and in section 39 of this Act "butter trader" means a person (other than a registered proprietor of premises), who carries on for trade or gain, whether alone or in conjunction with any other business, the business of selling, by wholesale or retail, butter.

Suppose you place upon yourself the obligation of checking the butter stocks of every retail butter shop in Ireland, does that not oblige you to make a visitation to every butter shop in Ireland? You may not collect a levy except on three cwt. or more but would you not be obliged to inspect every premises to know if they had three cwt. or more?

I hardly think so.

I think so. How would you find out otherwise?

Those who carry out this investigation will be guided by a list of fairly large retailers which they have prepared and it is on these people they will make the check—the people who would be expected to have at least three cwt. of butter. That would reduce the amount of investigation required very, very substantially.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 38.
Question proposed: "That Section 38 stand part of the Bill."

I should like to ask if the provisions in this section are similar to the provisions of kindred sections in other Acts of this kind?

I could not tell the Deputy what the similar sections in other Acts are. I am told that this is a routine provision. It provides for the recovery as a simple contract debt of levies due under Sections 35, 36 and 37.

There is nothing new in the section.

It is certainly not the ordinary procedure for the recovery of contract debts because it begins by passing the obligation to the debtor of proving he does not own, whereas ordinarily the person goes into court to claim the money and the first obligation on him is to prove that the alleged debtor owes him the money. In this case we reverse the procedure. The board can issue a certificate under its seal against anybody, whereupon he must post off to the court and protest that he does not owe anything to anybody. Mark you, if he fails to turn up, he will have a decree awarded against him because the certificate is prima facie evidence that the debt is due. I never could understand why these statutory bodies should be exempted from the obligation that devolves on ordinary citizens of the State to prove the validity of their debts. This practice is carried in its most extreme form to the claims of the Revenue Commissioners, who can put you in jail for debt. Is there any reason why a board set up by statute should be exempted from the ordinary obligation of demonstrating that someone owes them money before they are entitled to recover judgment against him? Is there any reason why a board should have that power?

There are similar provisions in other enactments, but I think this goes a bit far.

Can the Minister tell us any reason why this board should have this peculiar power?

I am told that it is the same section as in the Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Act except that the board is substituted for the Minister.

Certainly I never heard we had any power to issue a certificate against a retail shopkeeper which was prima facie evidence of his debt due. I was never conscious such a power existed. I can well imagine vis-á-vis creameries it was possible for the Butter Marketing Board to recover levies in this way because the records were there and there was a constant interchange of correspondence with the the Butter Marketing Board. We do these things step by step. This is roughly the same procedure conferred upon the Land Commission by this House at the time of the troubles in connection with the land annuities. This House was prevailed upon then to authorise the Land Commission to short-circuit the courts and to recover by handing to the Sheriff a certificate that the annuities were overdue. I know the number of abuses that arose in that connection were relatively few, but I have known one man to have a decree issued against him for another man's annuity and to have the bailiffs sent out to his house on foot of a document issued by the Land Commission without any reference to the court at all.

I admit this procedure is not so extreme. The board has to go to the court and it behoves the shopkeeper, the wholesaler, or the creamery to prove to the satisfaction of the court that the debt is not due. Mark you, if you go into court and are confronted by what is accepted as prima facie evidence that you had 27 lbs. of butter in the shop and your concern is that you had only 7 lbs., I find it very hard to understand why a board like this should have that preferential position. Is it just to save the board trouble? Can anybody help me?

Would the board not furnish invoices in the same way as an ordinary trader would? An invoice is prima facie evidence that the trader delivered the goods.

The certificate here is more than an invoice. An invoice would be evidence tendered in proof.

I admit this is much better from the point of view of order.

The Minister said there would not be a levy on every bottle of milk. If there were some matters in dispute as between creameries and the board, would a certificate from the board mean that the creamery would owe a certain sum of money as between milk used for manufacture into butter and milk used as liquid milk? Should it not be left so that the creamery would not have to come into court? Should the onus not be on the board to prove the debt?

These are levies on butter stocks.

The section says every sum payable by a person on account of milk levy. It is every sum payable by a person by virtue of this Act relative to milk levy, butter levy or butter stocks levy.

The Deputy is perfectly right.

It is not just butter levy alone. It concerns each sum which may be levied.

The Minister really believes it relates only to butter.

Subsection (2) of Section 21 of the Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Act, 1935, reads as follows:

In any legal proceedings by the Minister against any person for any money claimed to be due by such person to the Minister on foot of a levy under this Part of this Act, a certificate under the official seal of the Minister certifying that such person was liable under this Part of this Act to pay a levy of a specified amount on a specified substance in respect of a specified levy month and that a specified sum is due and unpaid by such person on foot of such levy shall be conclusive evidence as to the liability for and amount of such levy and prima facie evidence as to the amount which is due and unpaid by such person in respect of such levy.

The only change in this section, as far as I can see, is that the board is substituted for the Minister.

Conclusive, is it not?

It is not. Here we are, labouring away, trying to tread our way through a Bill of 64 sections of a very complicated kind. The Minister is sitting in front of a brief, certainly four inches thick. We direct his attention to the fact that Section 38 concerning the recovery of levies authorises the board to issue a certificate which is prima facie evidence of the existence of the debt and the Minister bluntly replies: “Oh! this only applies to butter.” Nothing could be further from the truth. Now, either the Minister believed that when he brought the Bill into the House or else he did not know what was in the Bill. It certainly makes the labour of discussing this legislation far heavier if the Minister will not read his brief. All I will ask him to do is to read out the page of his brief relative to each section. If he does not understand it, we shall. I do not think it right for him to say quite blandly to Deputy Jones “This refers only to the levy on butter.” It does not.

That is right.

It refers to the levy on milk as well.

There is no reason why it should.

Correct me if I am wrong. Maybe there is a misprint in my copy of the Bill. If there is, the fault is not mine but that of the printer. Let us spell it out. "Every sum payable by a person by virtue of this Act to the Board for or on account of milk levy." Are those words in the Bill or are they not? The Minister just told us they are not in the Bill.

What I wanted to say was this. As far as the milk levy is concerned, in this Bill we are making the Exchequer responsible only for up to two-thirds of the export loss. The board will be obliged to find the remaining one-third by way of levy. There is no means by which they can get that one-third except by levy. They are the people who will be responsible for determining the amount of the levy and for collecting it from the creameries. If some creamery were to refuse to pay that levy to the board, I suppose they would have the right to take action in order to recover it. The onus is on the board to provide one-third of their losses and they can only get that by way of levy.

As well as the question of recovery of the levy subsection (2) of Section 38 provides for the issue of certificates by the board. For instance, if a creamery owes a sum of money to the board, is that money held to be legally due immediately such a certificate issues?

No. It is merely prima facie evidence.

Is it to be taken as prima facie evidence in court that such a sum is due at that stage, even though there may be a dispute in the circumstances I outlined? For instance, in the case of a creamery engaged in the manufacture of butter or the sale of liquid milk or milk for processing into milk powder and so on, what is the position?

The board must have power, when it imposes a levy, to recover the amount of the levy in respect of whatever amount of milk is received in that creamery.

I think we are all going daft in this House. The question of the power of the board to recover the levy it is authorised to recover under this Bill is not in question on this discussion. It is the method of recovery. I may get it into my head in the morning that the present Minister for Agriculture owes me 72/6d. for a pair of boots, but no one is going to suggest if I issue a certificate that Patrick Smith of County Cavan owes me 72/6d. for a pair of boots, that that is prima facie evidence he owes me 72/6d. for a pair of boots.

If he produces an invoice, it is prima facie evidence.

I am talking about a certificate. I do not think it is prima facie evidence. I think I would be required to go into court and prove I had delivered to the person in question a pair of boots and that he was the person to whom I delivered the pair of boots. Is it not fantastic to say it is perfectly normal that somebody should have the right of going into court and establishing a prima facie case on the foot of his own certificate? If you confine that strictly to creameries, I could make a case for it. The case I would make is this. If Deputies will understand the relationship that exists between the Department of Agriculture and the creameries, there is no problem here at all, because there is the most intimate contact between them. They know one another so well that it is probably a short circuiting of procedure which the creamery would welcome. In drawing up the certificate there would probably be agreement. They would probably agree on the quantity mentioned in the certificate. It might be on some other issue altogether they would join in the appropriate court, if they went to court at all. But when you go beyond that and give them the right to similar facilities vis-á-vis shopkeepers, wholesalers, and anyone engaged in the trade, why should a statutory board have the right to short-circuit the procedure in court any more than anybody else has? What struck me about the Minister was his reaction. His reaction was “Why should they not?”

In what other way could they do it?

By going into court and suing me for £73.3s. 9d. levy due under the appropriate section of the Dairy Produce Marketing Act, 1960, in consideration of levy payable.

This is the first step in that procedure. Nothing more.

The board has to go to court.

But it transfers the burden of proof from them to me.

It has to produce its own evidence first.

But that is the only evidence it produces.

It does not transfer the burden of proof in a contest.

The certificate is prima facie evidence of the existence of the debt.

If I went into court to sue them I would have to prove the debt before any obligation devolved on them to refute it.

I thought the section was wider, but in fact it is narrower.

Does anyone think that desirable? I do not think it is. I do not see why the board should be put in any privileged position over and above any individual in proving a debt.

The board is equivalent to the State in this regard. It is a substitution for the Minister.

The Revenue Commissioners have this power in relation to a tax. This is in the nature of a tax.

Now we are travelling. I think Deputy Haughey gave us the Fianna Fáil mind. Why should you object? This is a tax. Pay it and like it. Why should not any Government have the powers of the Revenue Commissioners? Will Deputy Haughey come the whole way with me and go on to say that, if and when a decree is awarded under this, it ought to be open to this board to put the debtor in jail until he pays? That is the power the Revenue Commissioners have. Come now. Deputy Booth and Deputy Haughey are both very logical men. I heard Deputy Booth chortle with affirmative joy at Deputy Haughey's proposition. Will they now have the courage to come this further step?

What is the alternative?

Put him in jail. Make the so-and-so pay. It is just the same alternative as the Deputy or I have, if we claim a debt we have to go into court and prove it.

Unfortunately I permitted myself to be drawn into this to help you in your case. You are just drawing the thing out.

That is the typical reaction of the Fianna Fáil mind, that debate is just drawing things out and is a waste of time. The Minister assured Deputy Jones that this section had no reference to a milk levy. It has transpired in the course of the debate that it does apply to milk sales.

Go on with your filibuster.

Debate, according to Fianna Fáil, is filibuster. The truth is that you are spoilt by having an Opposition that is too responsible. If we were in half the dilemmas in which you found yourself recently over there, I have a good idea of how difficult it would be for us, if you were over here, to defend the Government. I heard some speeches made over there yesterday and I was thinking that if the Minister for Defence were over here, and we were over there, of the attitude he would take. Is there anybody here who is prepared to get up and propose that this board should have the same powers as the Revenue Commissioners, that a board of this kind should be exonerated from the obligations to prove its debt?

It is not exonerated. It has to prove its debt by furnishing a certificate.

The Deputy has not the right to prove his debt by furnishing a certificate.

I furnish an invoice.

You have to furnish a civil bill.

And so has the board.

Under this section the board's certificate is proof of the debt unless it is rebutted.

The board has to produce evidence in the same way as you and I have. We have to produce the invoice delivered to the man against whom the proceedings have been taken and who is present in court.

Would this board be in the same position as the Revenue Commissioners who might issue what is called a protective assessment?

If they issue a certificate saying that so much is due, is the onus put on the individual to come into court and to prove that it is not due? The board is dealing only with figures of returns which they believe they should have received.

A court would take a very serious view of anybody attempting to use a false certificate.

I started this discussion because I recalled seeing a similar section in some other Act and I raised this matter to ask a simple question of the Minister. I find, in point of fact, that the section in this Bill is not as wide as the section quoted by the Minister from the 1935 Act. At some other time I would like to know whether and what other Acts contained clauses of this kind but that is another matter. I do not think the section as it stands is going too far.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 39.
Question proposed: "That Section 39 stand part of the Bill."

Would the Minister advise us if there are any other obligations involved in this section? Is it to be relative to returns?

What about 39 (e) ? There is no time specified for compliance. You just have to comply. There is a period of three days specified in paragraph (b) but that is the only place there is a question of time being allowed. Three days is a very short time in which to comply and you are liable to a fine of £20 for the first offence.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 40.

I move amendment No. 8:

In page 21, line 57, and in page 22, line 1, after "Such", in each case, to insert "documents or".

This is a drafting amendment.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 40, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 41.
Question proposed: That Section 41 stand part of the Bill.

Could the Minister explain to us subsection (2) of this section which requires disclosure of information to the Minister or the Comptroller and Auditor General?

The Comptroller and Auditor General is responsible for auditing the accounts and he will have to get the information so as to enable him to do that work.

I never saw that provision before. Does it exist anywhere else?

I could not tell you.

It seems to me to be an odd provision if anyone is in the slightest way interested in the freedom of the individual. Section 39 and Section 40 give the auditor of the board extensive powers to examine records. The implication is that the information absorbed from those records is confidential and is not to be communicated to anybody except the board. It used to be the Minister for Agriculture. Section 41 says that "subject to subsection (2) of the section, information obtained under Section 39 or 40 or in the performance of the functions of the board by the board or a member, officer or servant thereof shall not be disclosed, without the consent of the person to whom or to whose business the information relates, to a person who is not a member of the board or an officer or servant employed by the board." Then it says:

(2) Subsection (1) of this section shall not apply in relation to the disclosure of information to the Minister or the Comptroller and Auditor General or for the purposes of any legal proceedings (whether civil or criminal) taken or proposed to be taken under this Act.

Does the Minister not think that there is something queer about getting access to records on a confidential basis, under Sections 39 and 40, and then claiming that they may be communicated to somebody with a view to instituting civil or criminal proceedings?

They would be released only where there was a matter of the disposal of a serious charge.

How does the Comptroller and Auditor General come into it?

He is responsible for auditing the accounts and if he requires certain information and asks for information you could not simply say: "You will not get it."

Then it is information to enable him to carry out the orders of the board?

Or alternatively for the purpose of legal proceedings, whether civil or criminal. I see the point.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 42
Question proposed: That Section 42 stand part of the Bill.

What is contemplated under this? What contribution is contemplated towards the cost of cold storage?

This provision is included to provide for the continuation of the scheme at present operated by the Minister. Already, creameries are paid an allowance during the summer months for cold storing the requirements of butter for the following winter. The cost of such a scheme would be met out of the proceeds of the butter levy provided for in Section 28.

That is specifically the matter we were discussing earlier in the evening as to whether it was desirable to carry it on or not?

Discussing this Bill is like constructing a crossword puzzle because I raised on an earlier section the question as to whether this whole system of storing butter was a wise system and whether we should not review it, to which the Minister replied; "Ah well, we are transferring all responsibility over to the board and we ought to let the board settle it." I made an eloquent argument that this was a matter we ought to determine before we hand it over to the board. If now transpires under section 42 that this is a matter that we are not going to transfer over to the board because the Minister settles the scheme. Section 42 subsection (1) says:

The Minister may from time to time give the Board a direction in writing requiring it——

(a) to make and carry out during such period or periods as may be specified in the direction a scheme for the payments to the registered proprietors of creameries of allowances towards the cost of the cold storage, by or on behalf of the proprietors, of butter, or

(b) to suspend, or provide for the cesser of, as from a date specified in the direction, in whole or in part, of a scheme under this subsection and payments thereunder.

Subsection (6) of the section says:

The terms and provisions of a scheme under sub-section (1) of this section shall, on the direction of the Minister, be amended by the Board in such manner as the Minister specifies in writing to the Board.

Subsection (7) says:

The Minister may give a direction under subsection (6) of this section to the Board from time to time as he thinks fit.

There is nothing at all inconsistent in that with what I have already said here.

Maybe I am stupid. If I am, I am sorry, but I understood the Minister to say to me that he heard my argument with interest but that, in view of the fact that he proposed to divest himself of functions in relation to that matter he thought it better to leave this matter to the discretion of the new board who would be responsible for it. Did he say that?

Let us have a look later at what we all said, not have somebody giving a synopsis of what we said.

Section 5, subsection (2) authorises the board to store butter. Section 42 gives the Minister power to direct the board to do it if he so wishes but the board has already authority to do it on their own. Presumably, if the Minister feels the board have not done something which they ought to have done he can direct them to do it.

Deputy Booth has come in late. I raised this matter on an earlier section and the Minister told me that he did not propose to consider the merits of this question because he was passing it over to the board.

Earlier on I did explain at length, I thought, that the Minister is responsible entirely for all matters, I might say, as far as the home market is concerned. This is an export marketing board that is being established. Ministers have fixed, will the consent of the Government, the price of butter. They have determined the price at which butter will be purchased by the Butter Marketing Committee. They have determined the price at which butter would be retailed. In the determination of these questions they have made provision for the cold storage of butter, the cost of cold storage and for other minor charges and all these were included in the price support system as far as the supply of milk was concerned. That picture is not changed. That picture does not change. The Minister and the Government will still be responsible for the determination of that matter. That is why there is this continuing provision made in these sections that we are discussing. There is this continuing provision for payment of the levy which is referred to here.

There is no levy or anything referred to here. Is not this section simply vesting power in the Minister to make a scheme which he may require the board to carry out for the cold storage of butter during the winter months, presumably to maintain a supply? I argued on an earlier section that that practice is costing us £500,000 a year, approximately, and that I thought the Minister ought to tell the House whether it was his intention to carry on that scheme or whether he would consider it desirable to effect the economy that could be made by permitting creameries to sell their butter as they made it and, if there was any gap in supply to meet the domestic demand in the months of January and February, to import butter.

If you were to permit the creameries to sell butter in that way do you not see the competition that there would be amongst them?

Not at all. Let them buy what was coming in at approximately what it cost them to produce butter at home. The Minister would thus save £500,000 in storage costs and accumulate a further not inconsiderable sum to meet the cost of production or the cost of the levy or to reduce the price to the consumer, whichever he likes to do. I think the Minister would save £500,000 and he would easily pick up, in respect of a levy primarily designed to maintain a table price throughout the year, another £100,000 for imports of butter. I do not think it unreasonable in the course of a discussion of this character to ask the Minister his reaction to that proposal with which he must be intimately familiar. He knows as much as I do about storage costs of butter, the procedure we operate and the alternatives that are available.

I was told within the last hour when I raised this matter that the Minister had decided to transfer all responsibility in regard to decisions relating to all future policy to the board. It now transpires under Section 42 that in fact this is a function the Minister will retain in his own hands. Does the Minister feel free to say that we are getting fair value for the £500,000 by the present system or would he think that, if a change would yield between £500,000 and £600,000 which could be used for the consumer or the producer, we ought to make the change ? That is a reasonable request to make, that the Minister would give us his opinion upon that. Surely the Minister is prepared to tell us whether he would consider the matter.

I commented on it, when the Deputy last raised it.

The comment the Minister made was that he had determined to resolve this matter because he had transferred responsibility to the Board, but in fact he has not.

That is not so. I have not made such a statement.

What was the statement? Does anybody know? I shall not accept this section if the Minister is not prepared to give us information.

Question put.
The Committee divided:— Tá: 61: Níl: 40.

  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Kevin.
  • Booth, Lionel.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brady, Séan.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick.
  • Calleary, Phelim A.
  • Egan, Nicholas.
  • Fanning, John.
  • Faulkner, Padraig.
  • Flanagan, Seán.
  • Galvin, John.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gilbride, Eugene.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Johnston, Henry M.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Kitt, Michael F.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Lemass, Seán.
  • Loughman, Frank.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • Carty, Michael.
  • Clohessy, Patrick.
  • Collins, James J.
  • Cotter, Edward.
  • Crowley, Honor M.
  • Cummins, Patrick J.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Davern, Mick.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Donegan, Batt.
  • Dooley, Patrick.
  • Egan, Kieran P.
  • MacCarthy, Seán.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maher, Peadar.
  • Medlar, Martin.
  • Millar, Anthony G.
  • Moher, John W.
  • Moloney, Daniel J.
  • Mooney, Patrick.
  • Ó Briain, Donnchadh.
  • ÓCeallaigh, Seán.
  • Ormonde, John.
  • O'Toole, James.
  • Ryan, Mary B.
  • Sheldon, William A.W.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Teehan, Patrick J.
  • Traynor, Oscar.

Níl

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Blowick, Joseph.
  • Burke, James.
  • Byrne, Patrick.
  • Byrne, Tom.
  • Casey, Seán.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Crotty, Patrick J.
  • Desmond, Daniel.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Esmonde, Sir Anthony C.
  • Fagan, Charles.
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Giles, Patrick.
  • Hogan, Bridget.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • Lindsay, Patrick.
  • Lynch, Thaddeus.
  • MacEoin, Seán.
  • McMenamin, Daniel.
  • Manley, Timothy.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • Murphy, William.
  • O'Donnell, Patrick.
  • O'Higgins, Michael J.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas F.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • O'Sullivan, Denis J.
  • Palmer, Patrick W.
  • Reynolds, Mary.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Rooney, Eamonn.
  • Sherwin, Frank.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Tierney, Patrick.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies Ó Briain and Loughman; Nil; Deputies O'Sullivan and Crotty.
Question declared carried.
Sections 43 and 44 agreed to.
SECTION 45.
Question proposed: "That Section 45 stand part of the Bill."

Could the Minister give any indication of the sum to be transferred to the board?

I would not know until the end of the financial year. We are still exporting butter.

There must be some money in the Dairy Produces (Prices) Stabilisation Fund. I would not expect the Minister to have the figures pat, but could he give us some idea?

I have not got the figures but I can say it is not very much.

Will the Minister make available to the board any moneys in the Agricultural Grant in Aid?

The Bill determines the financial obligations of the Government to the board when it is established. It does not matter where the money comes from so long as the Government honours its bond to the board.

Question put and agreed to.
Section 46 agreed to.
SECTION 47.

I move amendment No. 9:

In page 24, line 22, to delete "income and expenditure account,".

This is a drafting amendment proposing to delete certain words which are unnecessary in view of subsection (1).

Why do you want to take out those words?

I have given the reason. They are regarded as unnecessary because I am empowered, in consultation with the Minister for Finance, to decide the form in which the accounts will be kept by the Board.

I agree that from the Minister's point of view that is true but if these words were left in the Bill, when the accounts were laid on the Table of the House they would contain this information; if we remove these words the accounts will not contain this information unless the Minister so directs. It is significant that the Minister elects to leave in the Bill the statement of accounts and balance sheet certified by the Comptroller and Auditor General. I do not attach too much importance to the point——

I do not think it has any.

Well, it is a further account which would provide information for Deputies. Does the Minister contemplate requiring the income and expenditure account to be shown?

We feel that the words are unnecessary since I, in consultation with the Minister for Finance, have the right to determine the manner in which they will be shown.

I do not press the matter.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 47, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 48.
Question proposed: "That Section 48 stand part of the Bill."

Does Section 48 mean that the Minister will answer Parliamentary Questions?

I wanted information on more or less the same point. Some Fianna Fáil Deputies said tonight that, after all, the Minister and the Government were responsible to the House. The section said: "The board shall furnish to the Minister, at such times and in such form and manner as the Minister may specify, such information regarding its proceedings under this Act as the Minister may request."

We have had an amount of trouble in this House in recent times especially in regard to information sought by members in respect of State or semi-State bodies. I wonder would the Minister care to comment now on whether, if he is asked a question in the House as to the proceedings of this board, he will be in a position to give the information? As it now stands the section says that the Minister may get all the information he wants; therefore it is not unreasonable to suggest that he should be in a position to make that information available to Deputies.

It is not unreasonable that the Minister should expect to get the information he requires, seeing that the Exchequer may be involved in paying very substantial sums to meet the export losses but how a Minister would determine questions that would arise in that regard without having been furnished by the Board with the information is something I do not know. What bearing this matter of furnishing the Minister with information has upon the insertion of questions in the Order Paper is something I cannot see.

Will the Minister now answer the question?

Surely if the Minister says he requires this information and, as he told us, there is the consideration of the cost to the Exchequer, he must realise that the Government is not the Exchequer and the Minister for Agriculture is not the Exchequer. This House votes the money to the Government to give to the board. If the Minister wants the information, as he has said, it is not unreasonable that the Deputies who voted the money to him should get that information.

The annual accounts will be presented to the House.

Accounts, my eye! We had them before.

I want to support Deputy Corish. In relation to a measure such as this we have had quite a lot of experience in the past. In the past two years we had the spectacle of the Minister in charge of a Bill in this House giving an undertaking to the House that a certain statutory board about to be established would act in a certain way in relation to its statutory obligations. We found that undertaking was departed from when the Board was in fact established. Here is a section in which the Minister is empowered as a member of the House, elected by the House, to get certain information from a board being established and Deputy Corish has asked the Minister in charge of the Bill to give his view as to whether he, as Minister for Agriculture, is prepared to answer due and proper Parliamentary Questions by Deputies in relation to the activities of this board. I think that is a reasonable question to be raised by Deputy Corish and the Minister has not even attempted to reply to it. Is it in fact the Minister's intention in establishing this board that, when Deputies here ask for information concerning its activities, they will be met by a Ministerial reply that this is no part of the functions of the Minister, and that no information is to be given to Deputies?

Seeing that so many of my colleagues have been accused of having given assurances in the course of the discussion——

The Taoiseach did it and departed from them.

——on a similar provision I am desperately anxious not to make any commitment in that respect and to leave the House under no delusion. In fact, when Deputy O'Higgins was not present during the discussion this evening, we had several references to this matter and I tried to make it clear that, to whatever extent I am still responsible after the passage of this Bill into law for legitimately making information available to Deputies, I shall certainly discharge that responsibility.

Is it not clear that this is the very thing of which we are accusing the Minister? He seeks to get information which he refuses to convery to the Dáil. Surely that is most unreasonable. Surely the people who pay the piper should call the tune? Is it not the public that are being denied through the Dáil the right to get the information which the Minister has available and must get under this section? The Minister is flouting the authority of the people and it is a disgraceful attitude for him to adopt.

May I ask the Minister in regard to Section 48——

I thought the Deputy was interested only in three fresh subs?

That kind of insolence will get you nowhere.

(Interruptions)

We want to debate the Bill. We do not want that kind of stuff.

Impudence will get them nowhere.

On many occasions when Parliamentary Questions are addressed to Ministers, Deputies are met with the reply, in so far as State and semi-State bodies are concerned, that the annual report is available for inspection in the library. I want to point out that the greatest weapon that Deputies have, and the greatest safeguard that the country has, is the Parliamentary Question and if the Parliamentary Question is to be ignored in the House by Ministers Parliament will cease to serve any useful function. Ministers are making a complete farce of this House.

In order to have this matter cleared up once and for all, I should like the Minister to give a much clearer reply to the points raised by Deputy Corish. Is he, or is he not, going to give the House all the information required concerning the activities of this board should Parliamentary Questions be addressed to him concerning the activities of the board? Or will the Minister consider that the information that is being sought by a Deputy will warrant making enquiries direct to the board and agree that the information that the board places at his disposal will be given to this House when sought by means of Parliamentary Question?

I feel the House would be satisfied, and we on this side of the House will express our satisfaction, if the Minister will give us a guarantee at this stage that, when a Parliamentary Question is addressed to him concerning any matter relating to the board, he will look upon it as part of his responsibility—he stated he would do so a few moments ago—to obtain the information from the board and pass it on, instead of giving the evasive answers which have been given in the past when questions concerning C.I.E., Bord na Móna and other State and semi-State bodies have been asked by Deputies in an effort to elicit information. As I said, the strongest weapon we have, whether in Government or Opposition, is the Parliamentary Question. I can foresee Deputies being anxious to ask many Parliamentary Questions concerning the activities of this board because of the very important functions the board will be asked to discharge. It is for that reason that I now ask that we should be informed as to where we stand and I shall be glad to hear from the Minister what his attitude will be in relation to giving Deputies information relevant to the activities of this board.

No Minister can know in advance what questions he will answer and what information he will give. The Deputy's request is entirely unreasonable. All I can say is that I shall answer every question not inconsistent with the proper discharge by the board of its duties and responsibilities.

May we take it then that the Minister will not inform any Deputy who asks a question that he should write direct to the board? The Minister will look upon it as his responsibility to obtain the information and will give the information here by way of Parliamentary reply?

I do not mind if Deputies write to the board every day of the week.

This section empowers the Minister to get certain information from the board. In relation to any information he will get, will the Minister undertake to give that information to the House?

I will not.

The position then will be that the Minister will withhold from the House information he will get from the board under this section?

And he wants the House to give him the board.

My relationship with the board and the responsibilities of the Minister for Agriculture for the board are a different matter entirely.

Behind-closed-doors stuff.

The Minister says he will have no objection to any Deputy writing to the board for information. I am sure he will have no objection. I am equally sure Deputies will write to the board. The question is: will the board reply?

I could not tell the Deputy that.

But the board must answer the Minister. The Minister is the only person who can obtain the information.

There is too much of the Star Chamber about this.

This is a situation against which we must guard. I do not know whether the Minister would or would not answer a question with regard to the price of butter. That is a very vital matter at the present time. It always has been. Under Section 42 of this Bill the Minister is given power to give directions to the board. Under Section 44, upon which I unfortunately missed the discussion, the Minister will have power to tell the board the price at which butter should be sold. I want to safeguard the situation in which, if the price of butter goes up by 2d. per lb. and I ask the Minister a question here——

I will be responsible for that if it does happen.

I do not know whether or not the Minister will be responsible. He has told us nothing to-night.

There are sections in this Bill placing upon the Minister for Agriculture responsibility for all the matters that Deputies are asking questions about now.

Pity the Minister did not tell us about that.

I want to safeguard the position in which the Minister gives a direction to the board to increase the price of butter to a certain level and, when we ask him a question in this House as to why butter should be such and such a price, he replies: "That is a matter for the board."

At the time the question is addressed to me I must determine whether it is a question I can or cannot answer.

The Minister as Minister has a special position vis-a-vis a board such as this. This section says in no unqualified manner that An Bord Bainne will give him all the information he requires. What information? There is no qualification in the section. Surely, if the information is at the disposal of the Minister, it is not unreasonable that he should impart any information that might be requested from him by an ordinary Deputy by way of Parliamentary Question.

Accepting the Minister's statement that it will be his responsibility to fix the price of butter in the home market and that he is, therefore, answerable to the Dáil in consequence of his powers in that respect, is it not true that the fixing of the price of butter on the home market would have a very strong impact on the board in its effect on the diminution of the surplus for export. Where does the demarcation line come?

Without being critical of the Chair and the liberal practices of the Chair, I should imagine it would be possible, if such a contingency as that arose, to discuss the matter here.

But could we get the information which the Minister states he will be empowered to get from the board under this section?

The Deputy could not.

Could we get the information the Minister will be authorised to get, that is, the information as to the impact on the board of the Minister's actions?

The Deputy could get only such information as I might decide I was entitled to give having regard to the board's responsibilities and mine.

The present Minister will not always be Minister for Agriculture.

Deputies

Hear, hear!

I hope it will not be the case of the next Minister for Agriculture standing up and saying he has no information in the matter.

The Deputy is going to say that he knows that so long as I am here everything will be all right but he is trying to warn the House against what will happen——

This is the terrible price of trying to be polite to the Minister.

I feel reasonably satisfied from the reply the Minister has given that, if a reasonable question is asked, he will be prepared to answer it.

That is what a reasonable man would do, but we are not, of course, dealing with a reasonable man. If the Minister had made that statement half an hour ago there would be no trouble.

I am glad this section is in and I am glad the Minister has a function in the matter. We shall be entitled to put down questions and we shall expect to get the answers from the Minister.

One thing is certain: Deputies will not be able to accuse me in six, eight, ten or 12 months' time, if we are alive and here, of misleading the House as to what will happen with regard to conveying to Deputies information by way of Parliamentary Question so far as this board is concerned.

Sure, we just do not know.

Could the Minister give us any indication of the type of question to which he would feel constrained not to give an answer? There does not seem to be any great secrecy about the price of butter.

It would be easier for me to answer that if I saw the question and knew the circumstances.

Could the Minister not give the House some indication of the kind of question in a simple matter like the price of butter or milk products?

The ground would not be sure enough for me.

Might I say in respect of the day-to-day administration of State and semi-State bodies that the Taoiseach was asked some time ago whether he would be prepared to consider setting up machinery under which these boards and companies could be brought more under the control of the Oireachtas. On that occasion he stated that, if there was a desire expressed by the House in that regard, he would give consideration to making time available for discussion on the activities of such boards. The test of the matter will lie in what is the first question asked.

We had the experience of other boards being set up here, and when a certain line was taken by the Minister on the very first question put down, that line was followed up afterwards and very reasonable questions that should have been allowed were excluded from the Order Paper. The Minister should give very careful examination to the first question in order that the widest possible scope be allowed for subsequent questions. It is very easy for the Minister, or the next Minister, to say a precedent has been established and that the information cannot be made available.

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 49 to 51, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 52.
Question proposed: "That Section 52 stand part of the Bill."

This section says:

Every debt and other liability (including unliquidated liabilities arising from torts or breaches of contract) which immediately before the transfer date was owing and unpaid or has been incurred and is undischarged by the Committee shall, on the transfer day, become and be the debt or liability of the Board and shall be paid or discharged by and may be recovered from or enforced against the Board accordingly.

The Minister made some passing reference to this already. Can he guarantee to the House that every effort will be made to discharge any debts in existence before we transfer the obligation to the new board of meeting any expenses incurred?

That every effort will be made?

That the Exchequer will meet its commitments before the transfer of the new liabilities to the board?

Certain liabilities have been entered into in support of dairy produce of one kind or another during the last 12 months and certain liabilities may be entered into in respect of these things between now and the setting up of the board. May we assume that none of these will be transferred as a liability to the new board?

That is right.

Question put and agreed to.
Section 53 agreed to.
SECTION 54.

I move amendment No. 10:—

In page 25, line 36, before "Every" to insert "In".

This is a drafting amendment to clarify the wording of the section.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 54, as amended, agreed to.
Section 55 agreed to.
SECTION 56.

I move amendment No. 11:—

In page 26, to delete subsection (10).

This subsection is unnecessary because it is already provided for more comprehensively in the Customs Act, 1956, that every person who exports or imports goods in contravention of any enactment or any statutory instrument shall be guilty of an offence under the Customs Act, for which severe penalties, including forfeiture, are prescribed. Investigation of similar offences under the Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Acts has hitherto been conducted by the Revenue Commissioners and it is not proposed to depart from that practice.

Amendment agreed to.
Question proposed: "That Section 56, as amended, stand part of the Bill"

Could the Minister tell us what is meant by "milk products"? Does it mean milk, cheese and chocolate crumb.

They are all defined in Section 2.

There is no prohibition on the export of any of these things at present?

There is an export prohibition for quality control, not for quantity.

There is control on creameries in regard to the quality of butter exported but that does not apply to any ordinary individual transaction?

The Minister has this power at present and it is being given to him again under this section? It is the Minister for Agriculture?

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 57.
Question proposed: "That Section 57 stand part of the Bill".

I do not know the effect of this. It is legislation by reference. Could the Minister give us a short indication?

This section is complementary to Section 1 of the Bill and is referred to in detail in the notes on previous legislation which have been circulated with the Bill. Section 1 enables the provisions of the Bill to be brought into operation gradually, while this section makes corresponding provision in regard to suspension, by Order of the Minister, of the parts of the Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Acts which are being replaced in the Bill.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 58.
Question proposed: "That Section 58 stand part of the Bill."

What is the meaning of the section?

Briefly, its effect is to treat creamery butter consigned to the Board as butter consigned for export so that quality control, as prescribed under the Dairy Produce Act, 1924, for export of butter, will apply.

Question put and agreed to.
Section 59 agreed to.
SECTION 60.
Question proposed: "That Section 60 stand part of the Bill."

This is the usual provision, is it not?

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 61 to 64, inclusive, agreed to.
Title agreed to.
Bill reported with amendments.
Agreed to take remaining stages now.
Top
Share