andMr. McQuillan asked the Taoiseach whether, in connection with the recent reported statement of the Minister for Industry and Commerce that the fact that Ireland did not accede to NATO was due to special circumstances, he will state what were the special circumstances referred to; and if any significant change in those special circumstances has taken place since the decision not to join NATO was made which would justify the taking by Ireland of a different stand in relation to NATO at present.
Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Membership of NATO.
2.
The Deputies are aware that the statement to which they refer corresponds precisely to what I said in Brussels on the 18th January last. They are also aware that the reasons why the then Government did not participate in the negotiations for the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949 are set out in the White Paper issued at the time by that Government.
As regards the second part of the question I would refer the Deputies to my remarks in this House on the 8th March, 1962.
Is it not a fact that the implications of the special circumstances refered to in regard to NATO were in connection with the right of Britain to hold the Six Counties? If we joined NATO in 1949, according to the Government's interpretation at the time, we would thereby be recognising Britain's right to the Six Counties. In view of the fact that the Taoiseach himself asserted in Ottawa in 1954 that that was the position, may I ask the Taoiseach now if the special circumstances have now changed in so far as that interpretation of the Articles of NATO is concerned?
As the Deputy apparently knew the answer to his question, he obviously did not need to ask it.
I am asking so that the public will know. Is it or is it not a fact that the Taoiseach himself has changed his mind in the past six months about the interpretation of the Articles of NATO and that he now feels that the Articles of NATO do not imply recognition of Britain's right to the Six Counties? Is that the position at the moment?
That is not the position.
Do we take it then that the Taoiseach stands by the decision taken in 1949 by the inter-Party Government, and supported by Fianna Fáil at the time, that support being reiterated in 1954 and 1955 by himself?
I do not think the public are under any misunderstanding about our position.
Would the Taoiseach say whether or not he considers valid now the reasons that were given in the White Paper in 1948-1949 as to nonparticipation in NATO?
The Deputy can study the reasons for himself.
Surely the Taoiseach is responsible for Government and national policy. Does he still consider those reasons valid? That is a simple question.
I am prepared to deal with any general question of policy in a considered statement, not in reply to supplementary questions of which no notice was given.
Would the Taoiseach make that statement here instead of in Bonn? Would he make some clear statement about the position?
It appears now there has been some radical change in the Taoiseach's attitude to NATO, or any similar defence organisation, in the light of his statement that he accepted defence commitments without any reservations at all. Arising out of that statement, would the Taoiseach say whether he has given an undertaking on Ireland's behalf to accept, if asked, the complete re-occupation of Ireland by British troops, by German troops or French troops——
Surely that does not arise.
——or the positioning of polaris missiles here, if they are asked for as part of his undertaking in regard to defence commitments?
In case the woollyheaded people who support the Deputy may believe that there is any substance in these questions, there is no foundation for them.
Can the Taoiseach speak simply and truthfully on a matter of this nature so that the public can understand it?
I do not think it is the Deputy's desire to have the public understand the situation.
Order. Question No. 3.
I want to ask the Taoiseach if he accepts without any reservation at all the defence commitments?
He has sold out— it is as simple as that.
We will be back again.