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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 20 Feb 1964

Vol. 207 No. 10

Committee on Finance. - Vote 52—Health (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration.—(Deputy Dillon.)

There is a disadvantage in this debate on the Health Estimate, a disadvantage for which I am not blaming the Minister, in that it is rather out of date now and, because of that, the whole discussion must be of relatively little value. However, for what it is worth, I shall comment on some of the points contained in the Estimate.

I suppose it is a good thing that discussion on the Department of Health Estimate has tended over recent years to become less explosive and less controversial, the reason largely being that a considerable advance in thinking has been brought about in various ways directly and indirectly. The end of the whole thing will be, between all the different points of view that are held in this House, that eventually we shall find that the then Minister will have only the physical needs for a good health service such as hospitals, medical and nursing personnel, and so on, but also the legislation, which is about the only thing we need here.

I should like to take the Minister's first point on Page 3, which shocks me, that is, his reference to the Advisory Committee of the Surgeon-General of the United States Public Health Services on Smoking and Health which, he said, had highlighted the hazards, and so on. Then he went on to say: "I do not wish to labour the point." May I ask the Minister why he does not wish to labour the point? The Minister has evaded the implications of this development in public health for many years now. I have been asking questions for a long time here, since 1957 or 1958, on cancer and health. At that time, quite obviously we had nothing like the information we now have and it was probably forgivable on the part of the Minister to hold his hand and ask for further proof. Quite clearly, decisions in regard to remedial action in respect of this vast problem could not be taken in a hurry and could not be taken without mature consideration, nor could they be taken without irrefutable evidence that the decisions to be taken were completely justified.

For that reason, I understand the need for caution which has existed for some years. I do not think that anybody with any kind of objective approach to this very serious problem could now say there was any residual doubt in anybody's mind concerning the very definite relationship between smoking and not only lung cancer, which is the one with which I was concerned over the years, but heart disease and acute chronic bronchitis.

The Minister is now faced with a very serious problem indeed and one which will require from the Government as well as from himself a tremendous amount of courage if they are to deal with it as it should be dealt with by a conscientious Executive. It is quite clear that the pressure operating against action is formidable, and the method by which one should act is not absolutely clear. I do not pretend it is clear as to how one should proceed because the Minister has in the past mentioned the danger of creating a sort of cancer hysteria by over-publicising the relationship between cigarette smoking and cancer of the lung, heart disease and bronchitis.

At the same time, some steps can be taken in order to make it clear to the public that when they smoke cigarettes, they are taking very serious risks with their health, that, in the light of the most recent findings of the Royal College of Physicians of England and of the Advisory Committee of the American Surgeon-General, however difficult they may find it to do something about cigarette smoking something must be done, if they are responsible adults, responsible parents, if they are conscientious people who do not believe it is right so to abuse the human body as to bring about these likely end results, this dreadful disease of cancer, the very disabling disease, bronchitis or heart disease.

I know and the Minister knows—he has probably studied the problem more thoroughly than I have—that a difficulty exists. Occasionally the man in the street gets high-powered frights or shocks from the different reports which are published in the Press and I must say that, with the exception of one or two newspapers, the Press have handled the subject with remarkable fairness in so far as they are so dependent on the tobacco companies for their revenue. I think it got as good coverage from the newspapers as it was possible to get in all the circumstances. However, that publicity is short-lived. It is none of the functions of propaganda media such as the newspapers, television and the radio to run campaigns of this kind. This is the responsibility of the Department of Health. It is the sole responsibility of the Minister and his Government and it cannot be unloaded on to anybody else. Once these other people announce the facts as they see them, they have discharged their responsibility to the public.

I do not think the Minister has discharged his responsibility to the public. Smoking is a very difficult habit to break. I know because I had to do it myself. The Minister probably does not know because he is a non-smoker. He is a very lucky man. From the point of view of the smoker, it is a very hard habit to break because of the compulsion around him all the time not to break this habit. It appears to be relatively harmless. It appears to be possible to continue it within moderation. The average person, far from having any incentive to discontinue or reduce the amount of smoking, finds the compulsion is all in the other direction.

That is why I say it is a fair charge against the Minister that he made no attempt at all to counter the tremendous pressure on the average unfortunate man or woman who is trying to stop smoking. He made no serious attempt to help them. Because he failed to make a counter attack, to some serious extent, against universal, very costly and extremely clever, advertising carried on by the tobacco companies, I believe he is failing in a moral responsibility. He has a moral responsibility to the average man or woman who is in a difficult position trying to give up this habit. He is not being helped by the person upon whom he should be able to depend, the Minister for Health.

The Minister's usual gambit, so long as I have been asking questions, is to accuse me of being a dictator and wanting to impose my will upon everyone else. Obviously, that is not true. However, the Minister must know that there are many precedents for action by his Department, and by any Department of Health in any civilised and well-ordered society. They can decide that certain objects or certain substances are dangerous if consumed by the public in one way or another and for that reason the public are not permitted access to those substances, and to the various dangerous drugs of addiction. No one is permitted to have access to them or to use them, by a decision made by the Minister, and the Minister is not a dictator because he makes that decision. Whatever Minister he may be, he is merely doing his job, the job he is paid to do. He is telling the people: "I know more about this. It is an insidious habit. It is a dangerous drug. If you start taking it, you will find it difficult to stop. While it may look as if I am interfering with your authority as an adult to decide for yourself, I believe that in the public interest you may not have access to this particular drug."

I do not think the Minister can go so far as to attempt to stop cigarette smoking. That would never succeed, but he could make a serious contribution by curtailing the advertisements in the usual propaganda media, the newspapers, television and radio. Those advertisements are misleading in many ways, but they are misleading basically because they conceal from the consumer, or the prospective consumer, the fact that what they are trying to sell is a dangerous substance, a substance which could cause one of three diseases, lung cancer, chronic bronchitis, or coronary heart disease. All three are, in their own way, fatal diseases.

I do not expect the tobacco companies to take any altruistic interest in public health matters. That is not their business. Their business is selling cigarettes. It is the Minister's business and his responsibility—and I keep harping on this because it is important—a moral responsibility which he cannot escape. I do not think he has taken any serious, significant, steps to counter the tremendous flood of propaganda in regard to cigarette smoking. The only positive step he has taken is the propaganda to children in schools. That is better than nothing. It is better to have it than not to have it.

I do not follow the reasoning that says: "Let us not bother about the adults. They are hopeless. Let us look to the children." I do not agree with that even in theory, but let us say there is a case for looking to the child and seeing he does not become an adult smoker. One of the attractions of smoking for young children is that it is a prestige symbol. Most of us know that when you first smoke it is horrible. The first two or three cigarettes are most unpleasant, but to young people, smoking is a sort of status symbol in regard to having grown up. It seems to me that so long as adults continue to smoke, particularly on television and in public generally, it is very difficult to expect children to take advice which adults do not appear to be able to take themselves.

It seems to me that it is wrong for a parent to go to a child and say: "Do not do this; it is a bad habit," with a cigarette in his hand. The paradox is obvious. Obviously the proposition must appear to the child: "If it does not do him any harm, why should it do me any harm? If it is bad for me, why does he do it?" The best argument to use to the child is: "We are adults and we are continually telling children we know better than you. We do not smoke because it is bad or dangerous, and for that reason you should not smoke." The effect is completely vitiated if the person lecturing to others about smoking has a cigarette in his hand.

The present programme, while it is better than nothing, is not good enough. The Minister has said he cannot possibly compete against the tobacco companies' advertisements because of the cost. He certainly cannot, and he would be foolish to do so, but he has an alternative. He has the alternative that he can prevent the appearance of advertising on television, radio and newspapers. He has done that in regard to the sale of all sorts of dangerous drugs. So far as I know, no Irish newspaper is allowed to take advertisements for contraceptives, and for various other things which are prohibited by the Minister because they are not in accordance with the wishes of the community, or whatever it may be. There is no doubt that he can take that power. If he has not that power there is nothing to stop the House taking the power ——

Except the House.

Exactly. It is a matter for the House and the House should be given an opportunity——

There is nothing to prevent the Deputy from bringing in a Bill.

I propose to do that, but I should prefer the Minister for Health to do it because that would carry more prestige and influence. However, I hope I shall get an opportunity of doing that. If the House votes against it, naturally I shall accept the ruling of the House, but it is a matter which should be considered by the House. If the Minister would take on that responsibility, it would be very much more valuable than if I do so, but I shall be glad to do it. If the Minister feels he cannot, he can at least tell the tobacco companies that they must carry in their advertisements—I know this sounds a bit outrageous or outlandish but it is a clearly proven fact—a notice that what they are selling contains a dangerous substance which could lead to various forms of ill health. In that way the Minister would have an advertising campaign which would not cost him a penny. The cigarette companies would be paying for it. If the tobacco companies do not want to carry that truthful information in their advertising material, that merely corroborates what I have suggested, that the tobacco companies are deliberately concealing that fact from the public by the misleading type of advertising in which they indulge.

The Minister should, if he is not doing anything about advertising, try to see to it that the advertising material on television, radio and in the newspapers should not be directed towards the young people. For quite a while the people concerned with alcohol were doing this and it was quite disgusting, with all the hypocrites that there are involved in the liquor business, to see them appealing to the youngsters. For some time now the same approach has been made in relation to cigarette smoking. The Minister should lay it down that no attempt will be made by the cigarette companies to direct their advertising to the young people in an effort to make young people smoke. There used to be advertisements of young people gathered around smoking cigarettes and the appeal to them was that they were adult and grown up when they did so. The Minister should stop that type of advertising.

I know that the Minister is faced with the problem of where to get a substitute for the revenue from tobacco if he does seriously curtail the smoking of cigarettes. The Minister for Finance would be seriously concerned about that and it is a practical consideration. It might help if the Minister set up one of his many commissions to see how much the permitting of unlimited cigarette smoking to continue costs the Minister for Finance in lost man hours. The figures which I recently got in relation to the death rate from lung cancer show that it increased from 298 in 1950 to 648 in 1960, 682 in 1961 and 697 in 1962. I think the figures in relation to coronary disease rose from 209 in 1950 to 4,000 in 1960, 4,200 in 1961 and 4,500 in 1962.

We can ignore the 1950 figures and I shall go along with the Minister in saying that it was a low figure but one reason for that may be that diagnostic methods were not as good then as they are now. However, the 1962 figures, when considered with other recent figures tell us that the rates of heart disease and lung cancer have increased, pari passu with cigarette smoking, very much over recent years. To me that means that we have a very much increased preventable death rate because presumably those people need not have died. They were relatively young people, highly skilled in technological matters but this disease is the great leveller. Those people have been prematurely denied to us and to society and that is an economic consideration if the Minister wishes to think of it as such.

The most striking of our figures is the one which has been given in relation to man hours lost due to chronic bronchitis. That affects the public in a very definite way and it also affects the Exchequer. Not only are man hours lost due to this disease but there has to be some contribution from the Department of Social Welfare to pay these people while they are out of work. I know that cigarette smoking is not the sole cause of this disease but to the extent that it is the cause of it the Minister has a serious responsibility to deal with it. A case could well be made out that even if the Minister is not concerned with the morality of the situation he must be concerned with the economics of it. The case could well be made that the Minister for Finance would not lose as much money as he thinks he would if he took some serious steps to help these unfortunate people in their attempts to stop smoking.

I am amused and amazed at the Minister's suggestion that it is a form of dictatorship on my part to insist on a certain line being taken by the Department of Health because the Minister thinks it is in the public interest. The Minister is, as we all know, at present engaged in the Supreme Court at considerable cost to the public in relation to the fluoridation case.

Surely you do not suggest that I am responsible for the cost.

I hope you are not. You will find it pretty hard to stand it.

You had better address that remark to a former colleague of yours.

The Minister is surely responsible for the policy which dictates that, if the appeal is won, we are all going to have fluoride in our drinking water. I think the medical case for the fluoridation of water supplies is relatively equivocal so the Minister is on poor ground in his reference to my dictatorial intentions in regard to cigarette smoking.

I am glad to see that there is a continued drop in the incidence of pulmonary tuberculosis and I should like to ask the Minister if he thinks it is worth while going on with the mass radiography scheme. I had intended to find out how much it cost to find a single case of active consumption. This is a relatively big organisation and, while I never had any great enthusiasm for it from a strictly medical point of view, I felt it a good thing to introduce it when such a good case could be made for it. I wonder if it is desirable that it should still be carried on at the present rate. Is it a very expensive thing to find an active case of tuberculosis through the mass radiography service? As the Minister knows, one of the things that keeps people away, that they fear, is that they have got the disease; or is it the reverse of fishing in troubled waters? Is it that you will get people who are happy and pretty sure they are free of it attending and that the people who fear they are ill are staying away? Is it just a question of whether the Minister feels it is worth carrying on along these lines?

I was very glad to see that the rate of infant mortality is being reduced. However, the figures are still a bit high as compared with other countries, but the fact that they are being reduced is something. Again, my view on this is so well known as not to need repetition. When eventually somebody has the courage to introduce the Minister's excellent scheme for dealing with infant mortality, and indeed mortality among youth in general, we shall see the end of it. In relation to poliomyelitis, could I ask the Minister if he is quite happy about the oral administration of protective vaccine?

Not so happy, but I am accepting the best advice available.

That is all the Minister can do. I hope the oral vaccine is as safe as MRC tell us it is because one of the difficult things for parents is the tremendous number of injections the unfortunate child is asked to have. If we could reduce the number for such things as mumps, measles, diphtheria and smallpox, the better it would be for everyone.

Of the cases that occurred of children who died from poliomyelitis, to what extent were these cases vaccinated? Were there any cases among people who had the full course or part of the course, and would the Minister tell us whether any of the people who died had the full course? Could I also ask the Minister if he is in a position to say yet in what way he hopes to carry out this general scheme of anti-polio vaccination? Is it to be on the lines of the existing scheme, free to certain groups, or is there to be a scheme free to all sections?

In regard to mental illness, the problem is, as the Minister quite rightly says, a vast one. It is a great thing that he is taking such an interest in it. The extraordinary situation over the years, in all countries and not just here, is the indifference with which this reality in every society has been treated by every section of the community. The public have been terrified by mental illness and people who ought to know better, the medical profession, have been relatively indifferent to mental illness.

When I went through medicine, I think we had half a dozen optional lectures and a very short course. Certainly it was a very limited course in mental illness, and as a result I honestly admit I knew little more than the average layman. I think that is a shocking thing. It is wrong that Dublin University, for instance, have no course in mental diseases, that the courses which are being initiated are relatively new. It is a tribute to University College that they have established a course in mental illness and try to create an interest in it and, at the same time, endeavour to build up the personnel needed to encourage young medical people to go into mental diseases, to upgrade the status of mental diseases in the curriculum.

Certainly, in my time, the most neglected aspects of medical training were mental illness and, I suppose, tuberculosis. The Minister has made a significant contribution, a significant advance in relation to legislation on mental diseases. As far as legislation is concerned, it is the obverse of what happens in general medicine. In the general medical services, we have the hospitals, the nurses, the doctors and the equipment but not the legislation: in the mental disease field the hospitals and the staffs are very short but the legislation is good. At least, we have an important part of the armament needed in order to deal with this frightfully complicated problem.

There was a time when I have no doubt I would have been happy to dogmatise on what the Minister should do in relation to mental illnesses but now that I realise I have a very limited practical knowledge, I am not at all sure. In fact, all I know is that it is a frightfully complicated business and I think the Minister is making progress to deal with it and that I should not tell him how to carry on. When he said "next year", I hope he meant this year in relation to when the Commission is likely to propose what is the right line he should follow in his approach to mental disease. There is a wonderful change taking place in chemo-therapeutic methods of all kinds. They have been greatly improved but there is very much more that can be done for the mentally ill than was done in the past.

This, in turn, has repercussions in that the public are no longer frightened of the disease as they were in the past, no longer ashamed of the mentally ill. Being treated for mental illness has come almost to the level of getting an appendix out or of being treated for typhoid, though, of course, mental illness is less serious than typhoid. I agree with the legislation aimed at encouraging the idea of the voluntary patient. It is very much better than the compulsion in the past to have a development towards a person coming for treatment and, within reason, being able to get up and walk out as soon as he feels better.

This has done two things. In the first place, it has opened the doors of the mental hospitals which had been shut like prisons in the past. Secondly, it is becoming more and more necessary that the standard of treatment— not only the medical treatment but the physical care of the patients in the institution—shall be very good. The quality of the food served, the quality of the nursing, the quality of accommodation—all must be good. Clearly, it is like the case of a bad hotel, the patient will go once but will not go back the second time. This business of letting a person go to see what treatment in a mental hospital is like has a dual function. If the medical and nursing staff are satisfactory and if the general conditions are good, the patient will return if he has a relapse.

If the Minister is to produce, as he has done, this kind of progressive legislation, he must very urgently do something about the general quality of the building as well as increasing the personnel. The difficulty, of course, at the moment is that the staffs are terribly overworked and simply cannot give as much care to the patients as they would like. The ratio of doctors to patient is still far too high.

The serious point to be dealt with —and we will have to wait for the Commission on this—is whether the Minister will need as many hospitals as he thinks he will need. There is a general feeling to try to keep these people out of hospital if at all possible. First of all, empty the mental hospitals of the old senile dementeds put in there in the past—people not really insane, who could be more properly looked after in the county homes or the good type of old people's institution. Then try to see how many of these people could be treated as outpatients. That would save the Minister a tremendous amount of money. Instead of embarking on a very expensive hospital building and reconstruction programme, he might find that what he really needs is a wide extension of the clinic facilities he has already provided for in his legislation and which have developed to some extent over the past ten years in various areas.

This is a good development. The general feeling among psychiatrists and such people has been to keep them out of hospital, if possible, and to try to get them at the clinics as outpatients. That has obvious advantages. The cost of running a hospital is one thing; leaving the person with his family is another. This question of mixing them in with the general hospital patient gives them the feeling that they are just another ill patient, not an exceptional patient, and that there is no odium attached to being mentally ill.

What the Minister is up against is the provision of considerably extended clinic facilities. Prima facie it appears to me there is a great need for more accommodation. But I do not know whether a survey would show that that problem is quite as serious as we think. I sympathise with the Minister in his reference to the county homes. Whoever built them appears to have built the mental hospital and the prisons, because there is very little difference between the three. I do not know how we could do anything about them with their cut stone granite walls about five feet thick. If I had my way, I think I should use a bulldozer on them. I do not know how the Minister is going to make inexpensively any useful changes in the mental hospitals. Because of the appallingly tiny windows and their massive granite structure, I do not think they will ever look anything else except what they were intended to be—prisons of a kind.

This is a problem which has so many facets to it that it requires the advice of a competent commission. We shall all look forward to the advice of that commission. As far as I can see, the problem is not really one of hospitals. It must be dealt with before these people get to the hospitals. The real problems are the stresses that create these mentally ill persons, and these are social and domestic problems. There is the problem of what to do with them when they leave hospital in order to prevent relapses. If they go back to the conditions which created the initial illness, the Minister will have them back in hospital in a relatively short time.

The Minister's problem is not in the remotest way a building problem. It is a very much bigger problem. I believe it is the biggest social problem anybody could be confronted with. If the Minister is to attack this problem seriously and deal with the post-hospital care of these people, the number of social workers needs to be multiplied by dozens in order to help keep these people out of hospital. That means we must stop people going into hospital and prevent them coming back. It is there the greatest expenditure will be. Occupational therapy may be a very valuable occupation—I do not know—but I think training for alternative trades would probably be wiser than simply making them something which sometimes takes a long time to make and is of very little intrinsic value when you have made it.

On the whole, this question of the rehabilitation of the disabled person is again a very serious problem. Where one has 60,000 unemployed people, healthy, able-bodied people, obviously you will not get employers looking forward to employing a one-armed man, a blind man, a person mentally slightly unstaple or liable to get epileptic fits. You will have difficulties so far as the trade union movement are concerned. They have this responsibility to find work for their able-bodied people. How you are going to have a rehabilitation service that really works, I do not know, unless you have a society in which there is full employment. That, again, is a social problem.

There is one small point which I wonder if the Minister would look into. A temporary civil servant, who might be asked to have mental or psychiatric care, has only a limited period of leave for ill health. There are probably administrative reasons for it, but it is not a good thing. The Minister can take it that, medically, it is a bad thing that a doctor should be faced with a patient who tells him: "I do not know if I can come again because I have exhausted my ill-health leave period." It is not a simple problem, and I cannot offer a simple remedy. The Minister might consider treating temporary civil servants on the very generous basis which, to my knowledge, the permanent civil servant is treated in regard to ill health. He may be treated in that way at present, but I understand he is not. From the doctor's point of view it is an undesirable dilemma to have the patient telling him: "I must get back to work because my ill-health period has expired." Even if the person could be allowed to get whatever treatment he needed and not be paid but have his job kept open for him, it would be of tremendous help to the patient in any illness, and particularly in mental illness where depression has become an important factor in causing the illness.

The problem of the mentally handicapped child is the saddest problem. Prima facie the Minister's problem appears to be beds. I think his marginal increase from 2,741 to 2,897 is no achievement if he is really interested in making progress. If he really wants to provide beds for these children, he should make much more energetic efforts. The difficulty again is that there is a difference of opinion, apparently, on medical grounds as to whether mental deficients should be treated at home or go to a clinic; whether the better thing is to increase the number of clinics. If that is the answer—I do not pretend to know—it is a saving for the Minister. Listening to people talking about this, they give one the impression that above all it is important that the person, whether child or adult, should be kept in the home environment and allowed to go once, twice or three times a week to a clinic, which would be staffed by doctors and nurses, psychiatric workers and so on. That is a healthier way of approaching the problem than locking these children in institutions.

I do not know what the answer is but it would be a great help, from the Minister's point of view, if it were found that to increase the number of clinics in the community answered the problem to a very considerable extent because that would reduce very much the number of beds the Minister might have to provide. The great tragedy with children who are mentally deficient—and they can vary from one or two or three grades—is that the parent has to face the inevitability of the time when he or she will no longer be there. What happens to the child? Must it go to an institution? I hope the Commission which is considering this whole problem will provide a solution as soon as possible.

I do not know to what extent we may talk about the general pattern of our health services. Naturally, it seems to me that in order to get maximum efficiency, one must provide the prerequisites of a health service, the doctors, nurses, hospitals, clinics, dispensaries and so on, as well as legislation. It is the legislation we lack at the moment. Since there is a Dáil Committee sitting on this whole question, I suppose we could leave aside the general principle under which the services should be organised for the time being. My views are so well known that I suppose I do not have to reiterate them —that the 1947 Health Act was the best piece of legislation that we have ever put through this House and that the best thing in it was the mother and child scheme. I hope the Minister will re-introduce it in the future. He would certainly have all my support. Is there any hope of putting it through the House, I wonder?

This may invade the sphere of the Minister's responsibilities but I wonder would he even briefly think about it. He speaks of the difficulty of getting general voluntary hospitals to share facilities but is there anything he can do about the present medical curriculum in the universities? May he even suggest—I know he cannot interfere—to those who care for our medical curriculum in the medical schools that they should take a second hard look at the medical training for doctors in the universities. To me it seems the present position is absolutely invidious from the point of view of the unfortunate youngster who wants to go through medicine. The course becomes longer and longer through having additions added at one end while nothing is taken away at the other.

I know the Minister's powers are very limited in this respect but could he go to the extent of suggesting to these people that they should consider the whole question of medical education and see to what extent they could reconsider the course as it is at present and do something about, say, the two years of anatomy. That, to me, seems crazy when there is such need for physiology and need to take account of other changes in chemo-therapeutic medicine and the advanced means of acquiring knowledge of chemistry, physics and other subjects which are relatively lightly treated compared with subjects like botany and zoology which I think are over-accentuated. I know the Minister is in a particularly delicate position in this matter but I think somebody should do something about it in the interests of medicine generally and of trying to streamline the course and get a more accomplished and efficient doctor at the end of it. One of the difficulties here has been the fact, as the Minister says, that the authorities of the voluntary general hospitals are reluctant to share facilities. There has been growing up a multiplicity of tiny hospitals doing reasonably good work but virtually ignoring the fact that specialisation has become absolutely essential, a specialist being a person who knows more and more about less and less. That is the old aphorism but at the same time specialisation is absolutely inevitable. Where one has a multiplicity of relatively small hospitals, you will have all the doctors carrying out practically every operation from removing an in-growing toe-nail to dealing with a brain tumour and that is bad for medicine and for the doctors themselves.

Where there is a very highly-skilled surgeon, he should be in a hospital where he will get as much of his type of specialised work as there is in the country. That is a general trend in other countries but is it taking place to any substantial extent in Ireland? The only serious specialisation I know of is in brain surgery, genito-urinary work and in relation to anaesthetics which have certainly progressed in recent years. I consider there has been no serious attempt to streamline the working of the hospitals but there is no reason why the volume of work which these men do should drop. It would merely mean that they would do more of their own particular speciality and do it better. It is like tying a bootlace: the more frequently you do it the better you become at it. The same applies to an intricate operation. In the case of a team of surgeons, no matter how technically skilled they may be I think it is wrong for them to carry out complicated operations very infrequently, wrong from the patients' point of view, because I believe the essence of efficiency in this case is team work, working together, and in that way becoming so good at the operation that a patient is at minimum risk. That is the only thing that matters.

In that regard, as a specific proposal to the Minister, is there anything he can do regarding the establishment of an accident service in our cities? One reads every weekend the appalling news of road crashes and one notes the increase in the number of cars on the road and the increase in accidents of one kind or another. We are not geared, so far as I know, in our hospitals to deal with this question of an emergency accident service.

I do not like asking the Minister to talk sense to a bag of cats—and I do not mean that disrespectfully to the people concerned—but there are tremendous vested interests concerned. The increase in motor accidents, which will continue, is very serious. We should have special centres staffed by people of the highest possible calibre. The general rule is to have the main accident centre where you have consultant opinion and then satellite centres which can carry out any major or minor operation and then smaller subsidiary centres where minor work is carried out.

The important thing about an accident is that a vital decision may have to be taken in a hurry. Sometimes terribly important decisions have to be taken on the spot which should not be left to anyone but the highest level consultant. The problem is how to get such a person to stay on duty from Friday to Sunday morning. Somehow, it should be done. It is wrong that a registrar or a house surgeon or a house physician should have to take one of these very serious decisions. With the best will in the world, he has not the training to do it.

Maybe the Minister might have the temerity to suggest to these consultants that they should do something about providing some form of really high-level accident service. In the public interest, some steps should be taken to establish some form of efficient accident service in the country. This, obviously, must be taken together with the organisation of an ambulance service.

I have heard complaints about the ambulance service. I do not know whether they are as bad as people say they are. On the whole, I never had any trouble with them. In view of the many appalling accidents now taking place, is the Minister satisfied that the type of ambulance service which he has, based on the average local health authority, is sufficient for the needs of a serious accident where a couple of people are badly knocked out? Are the people who man the ambulance competent for the work? Would the Minister consider that he should try to establish some kind of ambulance service, based on a regional service, staffed perhaps by lay nursing and medical personnel—I do not know— who would be able to do the right thing at the time of a bad accident case? You can kill somebody by doing the wrong thing. If you lift a person with a broken back you can give him paralysis of the lower limbs and there are very much more serious things than that.

I am delighted to see some progress being made in regard to the county homes. They were the worst things I was aware of in our general service. In fairness to the Department of Health, it should be said that, generally speaking, the hospital section of the county home was reasonably satisfactory. As far as I know, the Department had to pay a certain amount of the cost.

My recollection of Mountmellick, unless I am mistaken, is that it was the second worst. It had one bath with verdigris on the bottom and one cold water tap. Longford was the worst, with an open sewer running across the yard. I am glad to see that they are doing something in a number of places about the county homes. Longford is not mentioned. Has the work been completed there or is it that they have not decided to do anything yet about it?

A tremendous amount needs to be done in regard to the county homes. It seems to me to be the test of a civilised society how one treats the aged. Anybody who is in any way complacent about our society here should go to Sweden to see the places there where the old people live. They are the most lovely hotels, effectively, of the highest quality, attached to hospitals and old people are living there with dignity. They are very happy to go into these old people's homes. Their relations come to see them.

It is no good to say now that you should keep the old people in the home. The Minister is a great believer in that and so am I but there are occasions when they cannot have any real comfort or the peace or isolation that they want. It is an evasion of our responsibility if we do not speed up the provision of adequate accommodation for our old people. One of the things that shocked me was the dreadful attitude to the old people. Their clothes were dreadful but, leaving that aside, there is the point mentioned by Deputy Tully of breaking up the family—the wife going in one direction, the husband in another direction and sometimes the children in a third direction.

It is difficult to know, when dealing with all these problems, whether the provision of adequate accommodation for old people should not be the first responsibility of any community, because their life span is short. I do not know if the Minister has visited many of these places. Unless they have changed very much since my time, most of these places are desperately cheerless—an old barrack-type building with inadequate heating, undecorated, very sparse and very spartan bedrooms. The cooking facilities are often terrible. I remember the Longford home particularly, where there was a big boiler into which everything was poured. The unfortunate nuns who were trying to run the place were working under the most primitive conditions. Everybody here praises the various Orders who look after the county homes and say they are doing wonderful work. They are doing wonderful work but there is no reason why they should be crucified doing it. It is like the teachers in the schools. I do not see why the nuns should be asked to work under substandard conditions.

I know that the Minister seems to be making some progress in regard to the provision of more county homes and I know that he is restricted by the interest shown by the local authorities which sometimes is pathetically inadequate. Their interest in their responsibility to old people is sometimes pathetically limp. Again it comes to the question of who is to pay, a question of the rates and of all that. As far as I can see, that is the basis of the Minister's difficulties.

I do not know what the Minister is going to do about the recruitment of dentists and doctors. The attraction away from the country is tremendous. The British, who are drawing away our people by the salaries they pay, are at the moment deeply concerned about what they call their own "brain drain" so that it is very difficult to know what the solution to the problem is going to be.

While it is a good idea to get young people to go into our various services, it is equally good to encourage them to travel and then to come back. That is where the Minister must use his strongest incentives, to try to make it worthwhile for these people to come back into our services when they have been away for a while and have gleaned useful information which can be of advantage to our people when they find employment in our various hospitals and in the general health services.

In my opening remarks on this Estimate, I should like to refer to the disabled persons' allowance. The disabled persons' allowance was created for the purpose of providing an allowance for those unable to work. I take it that the original intention was to make it freely available, so far as it was possible to those entitled to it, those people who were unable to work and who were never likely to be able to work. I find that in general the attitude of local authorities, who are the assessors as to whether a person is or is not entitled to this allowance, is to implement the Act in somewhat the same way as the Old Age Pensions Act is implemented, in that they have a very rigid means test as to whether it is payable or not. I do not think that was the original intention of the Act.

The Minister knows my views on the 1952 Health Act, on the previous Acts, and on the amendments thereto. I believe this was one of the things which was of considerable benefit to the public as a whole. I want to put to the Minister that the ordinary person who is entitled to the disabled persons' allowance and is living at home is usually unable to do anything and finds that he is a burden on the home. It seems to me that such a person who is living on a farm of 25, 30 or even 40 acres, or even has relations who are in a small way in business, should not be disqualified from getting this allowance. There is a far too rigid interpretation of the means test.

To take the other angle, if the relations feel that they could no longer keep the disabled person in the house, it means that he will have to go into an institution. Recently in a reply to a question here, the Minister stated the expenses of maintaining a person in an institution and showed that even in rural Ireland the expense was as high as £8 a week. Surely there is no sense in turning down persons over 16 years of age, when they can be given a £1 a week, maintained in their own home, happy and content and feeling that they are contributing to the house and that at least they have some small means of their own, and forcing them into an institution, which is what is happening.

I am not putting the blame on the Minister for this. I am just pointing out that it is the administration of the Act which is at fault. I do not think it is peculiar to my own constituency but is common throughout the country. It would be all right if the Minister indicated to the local authorities that they should not rigidly adhere to the means test. It would be of benefit not only to the country's finances but it would also represent a saving for local administration.

Another matter about which I want to speak is in relation to the retarded child. I spoke on this subject the other day on the Estimate for the Department of Education. As I know the position, mentally retarded children are divided into three categories. The first is the child who is unable to do anything for himself and who must be maintained, looked after and nursed constantly. This type of child is nearly always found in big families. Then there is the child who is able to learn a certain amount, not very much, but who is capable of being educated to the extent that at some period in his life he will be able to contribute something towards the nation's production and welfare and to his own wellbeing. Then there is the third type of child who under special provision is able to develop and carry on the same as ordinary children. I have seen proof of that in children I have seen at the Stewart Institute and at the St. John of God special school and in other places.

The second two categories are not the immediate concern of the Minister for Health and are not under his jurisdiction. The first type of child, however, is incapable of doing anything and needs to be maintained. It is really impossible to divorce the two categories, one from the other. As the Minister probably knows—he may dispute my figures which may not be absolutely accurate—we have in the 26 Counties some 24,000 children who are mentally retarded. This includes all categories from beginning to end. As I said, the greater number of those are not the responsibility of the Minister for Health. I do not think there is any shame in having that number of retarded children here. The rate in Germany is tremendously high; in the United Kingdom, it is very high, and I do not think our proportion per population is actually as high as in other countries. As far as my information goes, we are at the moment able to maintain fewer than 3,000 in our institutions or about ten per cent of the total.

I heard with interest the other day that the Department had taken over Woodlands in Galway which would be capable of maintaining perhaps another 300 or 400 children. We shall hope for the best anyway. If the Department of Health have not taken it over someone has, the Department of Health having facilitated and helped that someone. I take it that whatever relief can be given in that area will be confined to the particular area in the west of Ireland.

Now, time is passing, time does not wait for these unfortunate children any more than time waits for any man. I hold a medical qualification and, because of that, I am perhaps approached rather more frequently than the average public representative and I know that there is a lengthy waiting list in the case of the Sisters of Charity, the St. John of God, the Stewart Institute, and so on. I was told recently by the head of one of these institutions that he is constantly rung up by doctors asking "For pity's sake, can you take such-and-such a child in because the parents are absolutely driven distracted?" With the best will in the world, the answer has to be "No," because there is no accommodation.

There is a change for the better now in the incidence of tuberculosis and many of the institutions are closing down or being used for some other purpose. If the Minister could dovetail these institutions into a scheme for the purpose of accommodating these children who are incapable of ever doing anything, who have to be hospitalised, taken off their parents' hands, so that they can be looked after by those competent to look after them, by those who devote their lives to this very beneficial and humanitarian work, some progress could be made. The best approach would be to have an institution covering every three or four counties. If the Minister were able to siphon off certain groups from existing institutions, institutions in which there are educational experts, that would leave a good deal more room for other cases.

I notice from the Minister's statement that something on these lines has been done in one of the mental institutions. An area has been cordoned off where children can be taken. The numbers of these children are increasing. Very often one finds as many as two in one big family; one even finds two different types in the one family, one capable of being educated and the other not.

The problem is paramount and it ought to be approached at a national level. The Minister will tell me that he has set up a Commission. I have taken some interest in this subject. I have discussed it with a great many people who are actively concerned. They have asked me to raise the matter. I should have done so in any case, as I am particularly interested in the subject. People do not want the problem left in abeyance until the Commission reports. It may be that the Commission is manned by people who are well competent to make findings, but time is passing. I think the Minister said the report of the Commission is expected next year. If it is anything like the report of the Commission set up in relation to education, I do not know that it will advance us very far along the line of doing something practical. Perhaps the Minister would consider that aspect.

I was very anxious that Newcastle in County Wicklow should be used to cope with this problem. I gather it is to be used for another purpose because of the overcrowding in mental institutions in Dublin. The Minister could look towards the big ancestral homes that are being sold all over the country. I would prefer to see these turned into institutions catering for retarded children rather than see them falling into the hands of aliens. Many of these would be admirably suitable for development as institutions.

I should also like to remind the Minister that the inflow into institutions is continuous while the outflow is almost static. The Minister is as good an expert on gravity as I am and he knows that inflow without outflow invariably leads to difficulties. Very often children improve sufficiently to be removed from institutional treatment, after a good deal of tuition, and so forth, and put to useful work; at the same time, they are not fit to be removed out of the environment with which they are familiar and sent back to their original environment. Indeed, that could lead to a relapse into their original condition. I would suggest— perhaps it could be done by private enterprise—that they could be placed somewhere where there is land attached, land on which they could work under supervision, being minded by some of the experts whom they have grown to love and respect in the institutions. Recently I had the experience of seeing a band manned by retarded children. The way they watched the St. John of God Brother who was in control, the devoted attention they paid to his orders, showed they were dependent on him utterly and completely; it also showed that they will progress and prosper under such conditions.

The Minister mentioned private institutions and the encouragement, et cetera, he gives to their efforts. We are trying at the moment to do something at both ends of Wexford in regard to this problem and the question arises as to whether it will be possible to obtain the required personnel. I do not think we have sufficient personnel to expand. I believe that if some philanthropist came along with a couple of million for the purpose of expanding our institutions for retarded children, we would be faced with a problem from the point of view of personnel. The problem might not be of such great magnitude from the educational angle but, from the medical angle, I do not believe we would have the staff.

When it comes to replying, would the Minister indicate if there are any plans for training personnel? If I were to give him a couple of million tomorrow, would he be able to service these institutions? It is generally argued that a good matron will be able to procure the staff she requires. I am doubtful if the staff is there. We seem to be very backward in this matter. That may be due to force of circumstances, and so on. The subject has agitated the minds of the people only in comparatively recent years. There has been a good deal of evolution with regard to the treatment of mental cases and I think any available staff are very rapidly absorbed. Perhaps the Minister would give us a detailed reply on the subject of retarded children, the views he has on the matter, and the plans he has. I can assure the Minister the official record will be read with the widest interest by an increasing number of people in every part of the country.

I wish to refer to the difficulties into which we seem to be running in regard to staff. Those difficulties are no different from those encountered elsewhere. The position in England at the moment is, I understand, that they cannot get a European doctor to act as house surgeon in a hospital. They must rely entirely on Asiatics, Africans, and so on. That, of course, is nobody's fault. It is the evolution of the times. Previously it was easy to get plenty of people to study medicine. It was considered a good and honourable profession but not a very lucrative one. Now people are not prepared to go into professions such as the medical profession and work hard by day and by night while perhaps, a brother or other relation in business by taking up the telephone can make a few hundred pounds overnight.

It will become increasingly difficult to get people to enter not only the medical profession but the nursing profession. We have a particular problem in this country in that as the situation becomes more difficult in the United Kingdom and in America our trained personnel can be siphoned off to those countries and to the English-speaking world as a whole. In fact, many of our personnel are even going to Africa and places like that where they can be offered better terms than at home.

I do not know what the answer to the problem is. I have not consulted anyone who would be in a position to know whether we are running down in personnel in our medical colleges here or not but I do know we are running down in the supply of medical personnel who are prepared to stay here and work here. Some action will have to be taken by the State. I am not a person as the Minister knows, who is keen on advocating that the State should take over any more functions than it is absolutely necessary for them to assume but if our young doctors are going to pack their bags and clear out as soon as they qualify because they can get a better living in the United States or elsewhere, we shall find ourselves without sufficient doctors here. Perhaps the Minister would consult with the Irish Medical Association or the Hospital Doctors Association or other medical associations in this country to see if some kind of subsidy could be granted in order to encourage more people to enter and qualify in the profession, making it a stipulation of the State subvention that will be given for that purpose that the person who takes advantage of it will have to practise for a certain time in this country. Having been a doctor both in Ireland and in England —this applies to anybody who has worked in this country for a certain period as a doctor and has worked in England as well—I think I can say that if a person gets an opportunity of making a choice he will come back and work here every time. If they were anchored here in the way I have suggested, we might not lose personnel as heavily as heretofore.

The nurses' problem is a difficult one also in that they have to compete with the high scales of pay of other countries, the many opportunities that present themselves there, the many different varieties of nursing, the degrees of specialisation, shorter hours and better conditions. Nurses, who I always think give the most devoted service, do not work trade union hours. The natural tendency is that when they see people alongside them spending five or six hours in an office and pushing off to enjoy themselves for the evening, they do not see why they should have to stay in the hospital. I have no immediate answer to this serious problem except to suggest that as in the case of the doctors some assistance by way of subvention from the State might be granted for training on the understanding that the nurses who would be turned out in these institutions would stay here. It is much dearer for a student nurse to train in Ireland than it is anywhere else. It is very hard to get into the nursing institutions here. Many people who are not able to pay the fees are inclined to go away. If they go away, they are lost to us and they do not come back. Therefore, those who are in training here we ought to hold as best we can.

The Minister referred briefly to the question of smoking. A new feature has presented itself in regard to smoking. I think we can take it that the problem is a cigarette problem. A greater number of people tend to smoke cigarettes nowadays than they did before. We very seldom see people with the old familiar pipe as we did in the past. I am one of those who have always felt we must not be hysterical over smoking. It alone is not responsible for lung cancer. It is certainly a contributory cause. I do not know anybody who claims to know the cause except that it is an overgrowth of tissue induced by irritation in some form or another.

I am inclined to the view, which I have expressed on previous occasions in the House, that another very important contributory cause of cancer is oil fumes and nobody seems to be particularly concerned with trying to control oil fumes in any way. The statistics in the Royal Navy go to show that there was a tremendously high incidence of lung cancer among stokers in that service. Of course, nearly 100 per cent of ships are oil burning nowadays. Therefore, those fumes are constantly being inhaled.

The general public are also inhaling oil fumes and it must be as much a contributory cause as, perhaps, smoking. It is an irritant contributory cause. It has also recently been definitely proved by those who are in position to do so that coronary thrombosis is associated with smoking. I would be very much inclined to think that smoking is more inducive of coronary thrombosis than of lung cancer. There is no doubt that an extra strain on the heart is induced by heavy smoking. That, in itself, would contribute towards a coronary thrombosis condition. I do not know if any investigations have been carried out in this country, and I do not know if any statistics have been taken, but it is something the Minister might bear in mind.

The Minister made no reference to diet. I do not know whether the Minister is aware that in the United States of America very intensive research is going on with regard to the question of diet, and the relationship of fat to heart diseases, coronary thrombosis, and so on. One of the things which has helped the emergent countries perhaps more than anything else is the fact that in America there is a greater tendency now to go in for vegetable oils rather than butter fats than there was heretofore. That has helped to expand their economy considerably. The theory in the United States is that the high rate of heart disease is due to butter and protein fats and, therefore, vegetable oils are becoming much more popular. That is not confined to the United States of America.

The death rate in the Federal Republic of Germany from heart diseases is appalling, and tests are going on there as well. It is only fair that if those are the modern trends to try to deal with the difficulties and dangers that mankind has to face nowadays, the Minister and his devoted servants should give us an opportunity of knowing these things. The Minister should be briefed so that he could give us the benefit of expert advice on that subject.

I want to speak now about the difficulties and dangers created in this country by itinerants, or as they are more familiarly called, tinkers. Every Deputy will agree they are a very serious problem. I do not know what is the full function of Departmental officers such as medical officers of health in regard to itinerants. At present they are a positive menace in North Wexford. Groups of them stay in certain places and when they leave, perhaps after a fortnight, they leave behind them the most appalling dirt and filth. Are there regulations to deal with that problem?

It is a matter for the Minister for Local Government.

It is a health problem.

It comes within his ambit.

I am speaking to the Minister for Health who is responsible for the health of the community. One of the things that filth and mess and muck are said to be responsible for is the dissemination of anterior poliomyelitis or infantile paralysis. The other day I passed a place in my constituency, and the chaos and mess had to be seen to be believed. The Gardaí tell me they have no authority and can only tell the itinerants to move on. If they do not go, the Gardaí can do nothing about it. In Dublin city and its environs, the problem is probably a great deal worse because of the agglomeration of people. The problem should be taken up, and if the Minister has no direct responsibility, he should talk with his colleague, the Minister for Local Government——

I am continuously doing that.

How is it that they are still going freely and untrammelled around the country, making what I can only describe as a scandalous mess?

They are human beings, and I cannot corral them as if they were animals. They have the same liberty of movement as the Deputy or I.

From the Minister's intervention, it appears that he has no answer to the problem.

I could have an answer. Should I put them inside four walls?

The Minister could very easily pass legislation. I know I am not allowed to advocate legislation on an Estimate but I am suggesting to the Minister——

Am I to be a DMP man telling them to move on?

The fact is that under the existing law, itinerants can stay in public places and make a mess which is detrimental to the health of the public. The Minister holds the important office of Minister for Health—I understand he is likely to be there still next week—and I am asking him to do something about that problem which is a universal and a serious one.

The Minister for Health is not really responsible for that sort of thing. He is not responsible for what are known as environmental services.

But he is responsible for the health of the people. I am suggesting he should make use of that great brain of his and have consultations with the Minister for Justice, if necessary, and the Minister for Local Government to try to clear up what is becoming a public scandal.

As a layman I am probably at a disadvantage on an Estimate such as this. We have had the views of various members of the House, doctors particularly, on mental ailments and other forms of ailments. My concern is with physical disabilities. To my knowledge, at one time the medical profession did not look on physical disability as an ailment. They considered it a natural process, and so long as the disabled person's heart and lungs were all right, they were none of the medical profession's business. The proof of that is that it was left to what were known as "quacks" to help disabled people in the past. It is only of late that the medical profession have taken this problem seriously.

I understand the only doctors competent to deal with this problem are known as doctors of physical medicine. I am told there are not a handful of them in the whole country, and there are only two or three in Dublin. If it is true that physical disability is an ailment that only doctors of physical medicine can prescribe for, there should be more of them. Physical disability is a serious matter. Mentally afflicted people may be a social problem, but they may not be suffering. As a member of a local authority, I visit mental homes regularly, and in their own way those people enjoy themselves. They kick football and chat, and in their opinion they are not mad but we are. There is no evidence that they are suffering. As I say, they may be a social problem, but other than that they may not be suffering. Even a person with TB may not be suffering. He may not feel very strong, but he can live a normal life. However, we have dealt with the problem of TB to a certain extent.

Physical disability entails a life of suffering as anyone who knows anything about it can tell you—and I can assure you that I do. Let us visualise the normal body. It is made up of muscles and nerves, all of which are balanced. If machinery is not balanced, it will wear out in one part and throw the whole machine out of order.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, 25th February, 1964.
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