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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 27 May 1964

Vol. 210 No. 2

Committee on Finance. - Vote 29—Office of the Minister for Education (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration.—(Deputy P. O'Donnell.)

Mr. Ryan

I am compelled to deplore in the strongest possible terms the chaos, consternation and upset which is being caused to children, parents and teachers in the Dublin area because of the brutal desk surgery that the Minister for Education is carrying out at the present time. An order has gone forth—perhaps to some extent pressure has been brought on the Minister—that a national school class in Dublin must not exceed the number 50 in the next school term. We on this side of the House have been pressing to have the classes cut down, but this was a medical problem, one to be cured, as it were, by the application of remedial steps over the years and not by the brutal surgery now being applied which is causing shocking disorganisation in a large number of schools in Dublin.

Some parents had listed their children for admission to their parochial or local schools a year ago and had the right to expect, in the absence of any information in the meanwhile, that their children would be admitted to these schools in July of this year. Last week, or a fortnight ago, thousands of Dublin parents were notified by the schools with which they had listed their children, that their children will not be admitted to those schools this year. The Minister's broad statement on the Estimate that there would be 80 or 90 additional rooms, if there were 80 or 90 additional teachers, is not making accommodation available for those parents who have toddlers of four, five or six years of age, who have a right to go to school and receive education in their own areas. Now the doors are closed to them because the Minister and his Department did nothing about it until the eleventh hour.

What are those parents to do ? Are the mothers to set off from their suburban homes and take two or three buses to some other part of the city in order to find a school where perhaps there are only 45 in a class and there is still room for another five? This is a colossal social and family problem which obviously cannot be understood by the bureaucrats or the Minister, who have displayed over the years a complete failure to appreciate the realities of family life or the difficulties of getting the educational facilities guaranteed by the Constitution for children in the city and suburbs of Dublin.

I hope the Minister will tell us how he hopes to resolve the problem of suburban schools in Dublin for many Dublin families who have children seeking entry this year into the local national schools. I appreciate that the provision of prefabricated schoolrooms is a step in the right direction. It would seem that the sensible thing would have been to give at least a three- or five-year period during which classes would be adjusted to 50, without permission to extend it beyond that date, or perhaps require that the classes be cut down by a small number of five or ten per year until they reached a figure of 50. But to require that classes, which in recent times have been running at 70 or 80 children, be cut down without alternative accommodation and additional teachers is imposing brutal cruelty on the children and on the parents involved.

If the Deputy will tell me where this is happening, I shall see that it is remedied at once.

Mr. Ryan

Suppose a junior class has been running at 65——

If such a class has been cut down, without alternative provision being made, I shall have the matter remedied, if the Deputy gives me the name of the school.

Mr. Ryan

I have received notice from parents that their children could not be received.

I guarantee to have that remedied if he tells me where it has happened. It should not happen. If a class is reduced, a new classroom and an extra teacher will be provided. If a class has been reduced in any school without that having been done, I shall have it remedied if the Deputy gives me the information.

Mr. Ryan

I shall give the Minister the information as it comes to me. I will pass on any information I get and hope that the Minister will prevent a recurrence of this situation.

What the Deputy states will not be permitted to happen.

Mr. Ryan

I am glad to have that declaration from the Minister. It will give some hope to parents who have received these notices during the past few weeks and who at the moment are at their wits' end. They are going to the local manager, to the clergy and to politicians in an effort to have their children admitted to schools where they have the right to expect they should be admitted.

These are other problems I should like the Minister to consider. There are cases where there are two or three children from one family attending a particular school. I know of such cases where in the past week or fortnight the parents have received notice that their next child, entered on the list a year ago, will not be admitted to the same school because of lack of accommodation, and because of the ruling of the Minister that the classes will be limited to 50. Parents have a right to expect that all their children will go to the same school. Now they will find that the most junior member of the family will have to go to another school.

It is accepted that infants and young children have to be brought to and from school in their early days and when there are older children in the family, these older children take the younger children to school. Now the younger children will find difficulty in getting into schools attended by their older brothers and sister. I am glad to have it on record that no child will be prevented from entering a local school.

I said where a class is reduced because of my ruling and children are put out of a big class, a new teacher will be provided for them in that school. What the Deputy said is they are put out and left out. Another condition is that the Deputy should tell me where all these cases are happening.

Mr. Ryan

The Minister is putting an interpretation on my words which I did not mean. I am not saying that children are being expelled from schools. I say there are cases where children were listed for admission to schools and now the parents are being told that they will not be admitted.

Can the Deputy let me have names ?

Mr. Ryan

The parents expected the children would be admitted in just five or six weeks, in July. They had a right to expect that because they had entered the children's names more than 12 months ago. In the meantime, they heard nothing until the past few weeks. Now they are told their children cannot be taken.

I cannot overcome the problem unless Deputies tell me where it is happening.

Mr. Ryan

I shall pass on all the information I have to the Minister and shall send him copies of the notices I have received. I shall leave it at that, in view of the Minister's assurances, but I would comment that surely the Minister should have expected such an eventuality. Was it not bound to happen? Then to say a month before it is to happen that he will endeavour to remedy it does not remove the months of worry for parents and children. They have been wondering whether or not they will get into a school. The parents have been worrying whether the child will be inhibited for the rest of his life by losing one year's education or, in years to come, that he may not qualify for the Leaving Certificate until he is 19 years instead of 17 or 18. These are problems the Minister should have foreseen.

Twelve months ago we made provision for prefabricated classrooms. I cannot see how the difficulties suggested by the Deputy can have arisen. There must have been misinterpretation by individuals.

Mr. Ryan

There is more than misinterpretation. Did the Minister not misinterpret what I said when he suggested my argument was that children were being expelled?

If the Deputy can give me one case in which this has happened, I shall see that it is remedied. I cannot make it any clearer than that.

Mr. Ryan

I am glad to have that assurance and I shall communicate with the Minister later today. I feel sure the Minister will not mind if I notify the parents concerned of his assurance to remedy the matter. There is another problem in relation to school attendance in Dublin on which I hope to get the Minister's assistance. A large number of children attending schools in Dublin must use public transport to get to them. There are cases where CIE do not appear to appreciate the necessity to adjust their schedules in order to enable schoolchildren to arrive promptly at school. CIE have been asked on several occasions to adjust the times of arrival of buses at schools.

In one Dublin suburb, they have been asked to arrange the arrival of the bus at the school three or four minutes before the school is due to open. Though pressure has been applied to CIE for years, the bus arrives daily one minute after the school is due to open and cases have arisen in which the children have been punished for being late for school whenever the bus arrives unduly late, as is bound to happen in the choked traffic conditions obtaining in Dublin at the present time.

I shall give another instance, and in these two cases there is little excuse because the terminus for the route is right outside the school door. The bus leaves the school daily about five minutes before the children come out of school and the next bus does not leave until 25 minutes later. CIE have been asked to adjust their schedules to suit the children concerned but they have failed to do so. I would ask the Minister to get his Department to approach CIE in an endeavour to get the company to adjust schedules wherever possible to meet the fair demands of schoolchildren.

Problems such as that which I mentioned last night of getting uniform school and lunch hours for Dublin schools may seem trivial to a Department so much out of touch with realities, with the problems of families in a vast city like Dublin. These problems are very real and very acute and where solutions would not be that difficult to find, and where it would not cost too much to implement them, the Minister's Department have an obligation to try to bring about that uniformity. It could be done through closer co-operation between the managers, the teachers and the Department.

Indeed, there are many problems in the educational sphere at the moment which need not arise if there were more co-operation between the Minister, the managers and the teachers. I should like to see in every county, large town and city, an educational committee representative of the Department, school managers, vocational committees, secondary teachers, national teachers, vocational teachers, in order that there might be a dovetailing of problems and of solutions for each branch of education. At present it is one of the most disheartening things about our educational system that there is so much reserve on the part of the different units in the system, that they are apparently unable to co-operate with one another in efforts to achieve reasonable solutions.

The Minister's plan for comprehensive schools had the attraction of novelty. The advertising world will tell you that to boast of something as being new or novel gives it an immediate lead over its competitors, though it does not mean it is necessarily good.

In this country we have a great deal of unused capital, of buildings lying idle for long periods of the day or in the evening, and a reluctance on the part of the managers of those buildings to make them available for other branches of education.

Dublin is dotted with national schools which close between 2 p.m. and 3 p.m. and remain closed until the following morning, while there are in some parts of the country hundreds of potential students for evening classes for whom accommodation or other facilities are not available. It seems daft in the extreme that the capital facilities available in the form of modern buildings are not made available in the afternoons or evenings for people who could pursue courses.

The Minister has a tremendous problem in trying to overcome the reluctance of the establishments of these places to change with the times, but with the compelling need for post-primary education, those with managerial responsibilities in relation to those schools must modify their outlook and make these facilities available. Likewise, vocational schools in many parts of the country do not operate on Saturday mornings. Many of those schools have well-equipped laboratories and other facilities which many secondary schools have not got and it would seem highly desirable that in areas where secondary schools continue to operate on Saturdays, their students should be able to avail of those facilities. My complaint is that views on the needs of post-primary education are not taken seriously. There is an unreal, a wrong approach here. If we are to spend money on education, we should see that it is spent wisely. If we come up against the difficulty the Minister apparently has of getting money from the Minister for Finance, we should see that whatever moneys there are will be used to the best and fullest extent.

The problem of reviving Irish as a living language has invariably been discussed at length on this Estimate. I do not propose to deal with it at any great length because I submit such lengthy treatment bedevils the Irish revival. Many interested in education seem to consider that the chief and principal aim of an educational system should be to revive or give life to a language, be it Irish, English, French or any other language. Of course, the principal end of education should be to improve children, to allow them to develop the talents God has given them. To bedevil it with any national aspiration, however broad or generous, is to defeat the whole end and object of education.

I am one of those who feel that two serious mistakes were made in relation to the revival of Irish. I do not think we shall ever get over them, certainly not in this generation, the generation that had perhaps the key to the revival of Irish. I think that key has been thrown away and the door locked. Whatever goes on behind the door will never produce for us a spoken tongue such as might have been available if the door had not been locked and the key thrown away.

Those who went to school in this country from 1922 to 1950 were familiar with the Celtic script and learned to read Irish with ease. Like any people who master a language, they were able to read not by spelling the words but by recognising the sight and the shape of the words. When the experts began to meddle with the script and with spelling, they deprived all those who went to school in the first 20 or 30 years of this State of the facility of easily reading Irish. Therefore, they denied to them, without a tremendous effort on their part, the opportunity to maintain familiarity with Irish.

There is no doubt that the lack of reading Irish and the lack of usage are principally responsible for the failure to make Irish more widely used. However, throwing the foreign "h" into words, instead of the seimhiú, and abbreviating words that we recognise by sight and by shape has made it extremely difficult for people of my generation to maintain a constant reading and association with Irish.

In one's everyday business and other activities, the opportunities to use Irish are extremely few. Therefore, the only hope there was of maintaining contact with Irish was reading for pleasure. It is no pleasure, certainly for people familiar with the old Celtic script and the old shape and size of words, to have to labour through the official script and official spelling now available. I suppose that Comhairle Cosanta na Teangan, a body which advocates the abolition of the "h", is fighting a losing battle against the bureaucratic and ministerial experts. However, it is the view of many that, even if the Roman script were to be preserved, it would be better to drop the "h" altogether and that, in the ordinary everyday teaching of Irish, the students would soon appreciate which letters should and should not have a seimhiú, without the necessity of sticking in the "h's".

I understand there is some firm in Naas which has produced a script which allows accents to be inserted while still maintaining the Roman script. Although this might mean a third change in the script and spelling of words, I believe it would be a happy compromise and would again open the door to those of the first generation in this free State of ours to provide easy access to current Irish writing.

Again, I understand that the official rule is that the Celtic script is to be dropped entirely in schools. If I am wrong in this regard, the Minister might correct me. However, I understand that the edict has gone forth that the Celtic script is no longer to be used. I do not know whether that is the position as of now or whether the rule will apply at some future date. Whatever be it—I presume the fact that the Minister has not refuted me means that what I said is substantially true—it baffles me that at the present time children in the infant classes of schools, and in the First and Second Babies, are using Irish readers with the Celtic script. If there is any wisdom in getting away from the Celtic script and in using the Roman script, and if a rule has been made that the Roman script is to be used in future, why on earth are we imposing on children in infant classes the obligation to master both in writing and in reading the Celtic script?

I much prefer the Celtic script. I am sorry the Minister ordered that only the Roman script will be used. I am sorry that this strange spelling has been brought in to deprive those of the first generation of the first opportunity of continuing contact with Irish. But, if it has been done, the Minister should see to it that further damage is not done by imposing two scripts and two forms of spelling on the children who are now starting school.

The reason I think serious damage has been done that can never be repaired is this. Those who were educated in the first generation of freedom here are the parents of schoolgoing children today. They find that, because of the change in spelling and script, they are strangers to the language which their children are trying to master. Instead of being able to assist their children and, in so doing, to refresh their own knowledge of Irish, they find their children spelling words in a manner for which they themselves would have been punished when they were going to school. They also find themselves pronouncing the words in a way which children do not recognise.

I have great sympathy for those who are against any effort to achieve a degree of uniformity in Irish pronunciation and spelling and I have a certain sympathy with the Department in their effort to do so. However, I think they have gone the wrong way about it. To those who want to preserve the music of parochial dialects, I would say that, for those who were reared in the larger part of this country where Irish is not the language of the home, it makes the mastery of the language extremely difficult if we intend to preserve all the different dialects.

I was taught while at school by native speakers from Kerry, Connemara, Donegal and Ring and each of these good teachers had a different way of pronouncing even the simplest words. I instance the word "agam". We can readily think of the different ways in which that word can be pronounced in the different dialects. We found ourselves being punished by a teacher from, say, the Connemara Gaeltacht because we were pronouncing some simple word according, say, to the Kerry dialect. That is most undesirable. It breeds a dislike for the language in the minds of the majority of our children outside the fior-Ghaeltacht. While, culturally, it might be the perfect thing to preserve for ourselves and for posterity the individualities of the different dialects, quite clearly the Department of Education cannot hope to achieve that. If they try to do it, they will only do damage to the whole cause.

I should like to say how much we welcome the provision of reference libraries in schools. This is a sensible step forward. Every credit is due to Comhairle na Leabharlanna and the others involved in this. It is only in its infancy and one would not like to quibble unduly with the texts that have been selected. I suppose it would be next to impossible to get complete agreement in choosing the—I think— 37 texts that have already been selected, but it is an effort in the right direction and, no doubt, with experience and changing times additions can be made to the books available. The next step is to try to get children to use them without slavishly accepting all that is in them. That is one of the drawbacks: children, I think, are inclined to believe the printed word whether in a book or in a newspaper and accept it as gospel truth, not to be questioned. I suppose that it is a matter for parents and teachers to impress on the children that all they read is not necessarily true and that every printed word is a challenge to them to think whether it is right or wrong.

In that context we must welcome the establishment of the Council of Design. It is one of the great ways of opening the child's mind to get him or her interested in design or in art. It develops their personality and it shows them opportunities for expression which perhaps are not available in other subjects taught in school. But if we are to benefit by art being taught in schools we must take the first step and the establishment of the Council of Design and the work they will do is a move in the right direction.

One could seriously criticise some of the stories and topics in the ordinary school textbooks. In many cases they have little real association with the everyday outlook and activities of children, especially in the city and towns along the east coast. It seems that the Minister might be able to kill two birds with the one stone if in more school books stories relating to traffic problems or discourses on the rules of the road were included. Unless one lives next door to the school, in going between school and home, children must master the traffic problem which involves many decisions. It means that they must adapt themselves to the decisions of motorists and cyclists and others. It would help, I think, to cut down the mortality rate for children on the roads if there was a dove-tailing of traffic topics into the text books.

I must associate myself with the remarks last night of Deputy Barry in regard to the granting of recognition for teaching service abroad. I am particularly concerned with the failure of the Department to give credit for teaching service in England. It was the Minister's argument, and I think a most unworthy one, that to give credit for teaching service in Britain is to give credit for the rejects of the British teaching service and that it might encourage our own teachers to go abroad in their early years rather than go direct into our own schools. Many of our own people go to Britain for one reason or another and if they teach there they gain valuable experience. If credit is being given for teaching service in Africa or in Northern Ireland—this is a new step and one which we in Fine Gael claim some credit for: we think our consistent pressure forced the Minister to give recognition in respect of teaching there—we should also give credit for teaching service in Britain.

To deny it is to stop the flow of some recruits which we cannot afford to do without at present into the teaching service. We cannot afford to lose recruits at least for a decade or more ahead. It is most unworthy to say or assume that we should only get the worst back from Britain. The Minister is a medical man. I do not know whether he ever worked in Britain but I think the majority of his medical colleagues did. For a long time it was next to impossible to get a medical appointment here unless you had practical experience in Britain or elsewhere. It might do our schools some good to have men with teaching experience from abroad. It would perhaps lead to a stronger clash of opinion between the Department and the Minister on the one hand and the teachers on the other but that might be a good thing, particularly if the teachers won.

The extension of the scholarship scheme in recent times is to be welcomed. We in Fine Gael believe that it has not yet gone far enough. Scholarship schemes have one disadvantage and that is they still leave the apparently less brilliant to help themselves. It is not an infrequent experience for children not to blossom forth into the highest standard until they are well advanced. In my own experience I have seen cases of boys at school who were average or below average but who went to university and perhaps specialised at some particular course and blossomed forth there and achieved honours, rewards and scholarships without difficulty, leaving behind them, in many cases, some of the most brilliant colleagues of theirs at school, boys who had no bother at all in winning secondary and university scholarships, some of whom afterwards in the university were lucky to scrape passes in degree examinations.

This was not entirely due—I know of more cases than one—to allowing themselves to be distracted by extrascholastic activities while at university. Perhaps the subject of how brains develop at different periods is worthy of medical study, but while you have the situation in which there is, apparently, a variation in the development you may be obviously closing up further educational opportunities for those who may appear to have less brains in their earlier days.

That is why I think we as a nation will have to accept that we are not fulfilling our obligations to our children in providing only primary education in our day and age. If in 1937 or in 1922, there was a moral and constitutional obligation to provide what is known as primary education, there is at least an obligation at present to advance the age for free education from 14 to 18. Even going to 16, I think, is not sufficient.

However, I appreciate the obligation which is imposed on us of always trying to fit our resources to our desires, but on account of the fact that the least we should be doing is going as far as 18, we must accept 16 as an interim measure. That, of course, will impose further obligations on the Department and on the resources of this country, but we must face them now, not arrive at a position in a few years time such as we are now experiencing in infant classes in Dublin in which children, because of ministerial edict, find themselves without schools at all. We must plan ahead and take steps in good time.

We are very disappointed, to say the least, with the proposal which the Minister and the Government have to provide grants for secondary schools. We, of course, allow for the fact that the only reason the Government are doing anything about it is that Fine Gael announced that it was part of their programme to provide building grants for secondary schools and, in an effort not to be left high and dry, the Taoiseach rushed in with a statement indicating the Government's intention to fulfil this obligation. Then the Minister went along to the Minister for Finance and he was told that he was being reckless and what he has now done is to pretend that they are giving building grants but they are taking them back with the other hand.

The capitation grants for secondary schools at the moment are inadequate and to reduce these already inadequate grants wherever the building grant is given is to walk backward, not forward. The Minister deserves no congratulations for modifying in that degree the facilities for providing building grants for secondary schools.

It baffles one's understanding of events to see the restriction of these grants to schools with more than 150 pupils. I should like the Minister to explain why it is that building grants will not be made available for secondary schools with fewer than 150 pupils. Why is it that it is thought the greater the school the greater it ought to be, that once it has achieved a figure of 150, it ought to multiply its size? Why is it that if it has fewer than 150 pupils it must be kept indefinitely small and certainly will not get any assistance from the mighty State which could give it?

We have made a mistake, certainly, in the city of Dublin over the past 20 or 30 years in building monster and monstrous schools with little character, utterly impersonal institutions which have lost a great deal of the direct relationship that ought to exist between not only the individual teacher and his class in a particular year, but throughout the whole line of responsibility in a school from the manager to the headmaster and the other teachers and right down the line. But to impose this monstrous growth on the secondary school system and to discourage the establishment or maintenance of smaller schools is an undesirable trend.

There have been a number of happy developments in the secondary school field in a number of responsible lay teachers establishing their own schools. One does not at all wish to see a clash between lay and clerical authorities in any field, particularly in the field of education, but because of their limited resources these lay schools have not the opportunities to collect capital that some of the larger religious Orders may have and it is grossly unfair to prevent these institutions which are doing great and valuable work with the co-operation, I am glad to say, of clerical authorities, from improving upon the services they are providing. It is accepted throughout the teaching profession and the various clerical Orders which are helping in the teaching world that they cannot expand quickly enough to meet the growing demand for secondary education. So, every encouragement should be given to all responsible people who are prepared to do their part and even if the part of any institution is seemingly small, the building grant facilities being offered to their larger rivals ought to be made available to them as well.

Last week, I asked some questions about Comhairle le Leas Óige. I asked the Minister to consider extending the activities of Comhairle le Leas Óige out into County Dublin. The Minister's reply was that the question of the extension of Comhairle le Leas Óige into the county was not a matter for him but for the County Dublin Vocational Education Committee, that Comhairle le Leas Óige was a subcommittee of the Dublin City Vocational Education Committee. I asked the Minister to dwell upon the problem which has arisen all around the fringe of Dublin. There is no part of the city boundary of Dublin that does not now run through streets and houses, with the exception of small section out at the Albert College in Ballymun but that, as we hope, will be covered with houses over the next three to five years, in any event.

So that we are not dealing with a situation in Dublin in which you have a city which is some miles removed from the nearest towns or other units of population; we have a situation in which for all practical purposes there is no difference between the man living in the city and the man living in the county. The man living in the city looks out his window across the road and sees his neighbour who is living in the county but on one side of the road the man has available to him and his children the facilities, services, and subsidies of Comhairle le Leas Óige, which provides grants for boys' clubs and youth clubs which provide training in trades and educational facilities in the clubs, but, on the other side of the road, his neighbour who is living in the same parish, who has the same interests, whom he meets on the same bus going to the same job every day of the week, finds his children, if they attend the same club, may not have the facilities and subsidies provided. Or we have a situation in which the only available club premises in a parish may be situated in the county area just ten yards across the administrative boundary but all the children in that particular club may come from the city area and, as things stand at present, Comhairle le Leas Óige would not be doing right to give any subsidies or facilities to that club because it is situated in the administrative area of Dublin County.

Quite clearly that is a ridiculous situation. I know approaches are being made to the county authorities in an effort to resolve the difficulties but the Minister must know from his long experience of public bodies in this country that it is very difficult to get them to move quickly. He may be able to do a service by knocking their heads together and, certainly, so far as Dublin city, Dublin county and the Borough of Dún Laoghaire are concerned, having one common organisation of Comhairle le Leas Óige, or what you like, in order to achieve uniformity of facilities and grants for youth clubs, which must get help because our vocational schools are unable to cope with the colossal demands made upon them. That is generally accepted. There are some children who are unable, particularly at the end of their working day, to settle down to the discipline which must exist in a vocational school. The atmosphere in clubs may be more relaxed. It is a mixture of entertainment and instruction. It is desirable that the good work being done by these voluntary organisations in youth clubs should be encouraged and that they should not be stifled by the unnecessary, archaic, administrative difficulties which appear to exist at the present time.

I was also compelled recently to address a question to the Minister on the enforcement of the School Attendance Act in Dublin. The Minister promised me at the time that he would see what steps could be taken to make the Act enforceable. I would urge him not to delay unduly in this matter. We have had the embarrassing situation of a responsible priest, who has worked very hard on school attendance committees over the years, threatening to resign unless action was taken to make the Act enforceable.

It is not for the sake of persecuting the parents who do not send their children to school, because in many cases it is the parents of these children who need training just as much as the unfortunate children themselves. In many cases there is mental deficiency or lack of discipline in the parents themselves. They are to be pitied and one does not want to see them unduly punished. In most cases they come from an improverished background which, possibly, has had this effect on them. Obviously, it is essential that the children be protected. I would be the last to advocate any interference with parental authority, but where parents are failing in their obligations in relation to education, society must step in to help the children and the parents to see that educational facilities are used by the children so that their lives will not be blighted in the same way as their parents.

The problem is not particularly difficult. The courts have been requiring the attendance of the father and, because of his absence on his job or down at the labour exchange, the school attendance officers have difficulty in effecting service. Like anybody else, they do not wish to work in the evenings. If that be the kernel of the problem, it should be a simple matter to provide for alternative service. I would press on the Minister to take the necessary legislative or other steps to see to it this is done.

The system of making appointments in vocational schools leaves a great deal to be desired. I think the Minister is of the same opinion as many of us in this regard. I know whenever there is a vacancy in Dublin, not only are the members of the vocational committee canvassed but other members of the corporation and Dublin members of the Dáil are pestered by applicants. I have no objection to speaking to persons seeking to improve themselves, but I do not think it desirable that appointments to these schools should require that candidates be obliged to take themselves around from Billy to Jack in order to secure appointment. We should have reached the stage where candidates could be selected by an expert committee.

I am appreciative of the fact that, while this canvassing goes on to a colossal extent, as far as the Dublin Committee are concerned, it does not play any great part in their ultimate decision. No candidates have been appointed who were not fit for their jobs. But it is unseemly, undesirable and unfair that these responsible, qualified people must take themselves around because of the notion that the man in public life is all-powerful and all his decisions are affected by the people who canvass him. I should hope there will be a change in that system.

I should also hope that the day is not far distant when there will be a change in the system of appointment to the National University. It is quite daft that candidates for appointment to the university must present a few hundred copies of their references and qualifications and that they, too, feel obliged to take themselves around to members of Government bodies and senates in order to get appointment, or that a professor of economics, a professor of Latin or a professor of mathematics should have a say in the appointment of a professor of gynaecology. That system is out of keeping with the moral standards of the 20th century. It is to be sincerely hoped an opportunity will be taken, when proposals are made in relation to higher education, to do away with this archaic system which again, I must admit, has not worked too badly and, in the main, has not given us bad appointments. But, again, it is undesirable. The right people are sometimes put off by the notion that they will be obliged to take themselves around, to peddle their academic wares in order to get appointment.

I should like to conclude by referring to the unwanted baby of the Department of Education. I do not put it last —the Department do—but in the sequence of my remarks it might not have been appropriate to mention it earlier. I am referring to the National Library. I am amazed that notwithstanding the increase in the cost of books, on one hand, and the increased amount being spent by the Library in acquiring manuscripts of Irish texts on the continent, there has not been a much larger allocation for the purchase of books.

From figures I got from the Minister, we find in 1943-44, during the war, at a time when books were not generally available or were of poor quality, £2,210 was spent on purchasing new books. We find that just 20 years after that in 1962-63, we spent only £4,643 on the purchase of new books. In the meantime the price of books has at least trebled and the Library has been spending a great deal of money and effort on the purchase of microfilms of Irish texts from libraries abroad. That is first-class work, but it is only being done at the expense of cutting down on the purchase of new books. Perhaps this is deliberate policy because of the lack of accommodation in the Library; but it should be possible to find somewhere in the city or elsewhere accommodation for books which at present cannot be got at because the place is choked with books. At the same time, many modern publications are not being acquired because of lack of funds. By the time we have a new Library, we may not be able to get some of these modern books except at excessive cost.

I wonder would the Minister advise me on this, or perhaps I should put down a separate question? I see that in the year 1947-48 £23,320 was spent on acquiring new books for the Library. This is more than ten times the amount usually spent for the acquisition of new books, and I am curious to know what might have been purchased at that time to explain such a large allocation. It is estimated it will cost £1¼ million to build a new National Library. A site has been acquired for it. I know the experience in the past has not been the happiest as far as meeting the demands of a new building are concerned. I hope the day is not too distant when we will build that new National Library.

Now is the time to do it, before the cost becomes even greater, in order to provide the facilities for study and research the Library can give, to provide the space for books so drastically needed at present and so as not to provide any further reason to discourage the acquisition of new books, which appears to have been the policy since the War.

There is another point. The figure for 1962-63 was £4,643. But ten years before that the figure was about the same. In 1951-52, it was £4,944 so that, in fact, we have not increased the allocation for new books in the National Library for more than ten or 12 years. Clearly, with the change in prices in the meantime, there is no justification for a coninuation of this policy.

Labhair mé ar Mheastachán an Roinn Oideachais cúpla mí ó shoin agus, dá bhrí sin, níl sé beartaithe agam óráid fhada a dhéanamh anois ach ba mhaith liom cúpla pointe a luadh.

Táimid, mar a déarfá, ag an gcrosbhóthar maidir le cúrsaí oideachais i mbliana mar táimid ag tnú le tuarascáil an Choimisiún um Ard-Oideachais agus leis an dtuarascáil ón Choisde atá ag obair fé choimirce OECD. Nuair a gheibhtear na tuarascála seo cinnfear ar na rudaí atá le déanamh agus socróidh sé sin an bealach in a mbeidh oideachas ag dul go ceann glún amháin ar a laghad. Dá bhrí sin, ba chóir dúinn ansmaoineamh a dhéanamh fé chúrsaí oideachais i rith an tréimhse seo.

Thárla sé tré thionoisc stairiúil go leagtar cúram na Gaeilge ar an Roinn Oideachais. Dubhairt an Teachta Ó Riain tamall ó shoin nach cóir go mbeadh cúrsaí Gaeilge measctha le cúrsaí oideachais agus aontaim leis sin. Tá oideachas agus an Ghaeilge róthábhachtach iontu féin chun go mbeidis measctha ar an mbealach sin. Is rud an-thabhachtach é i gcúrsaí na Gaeilge go mbeadh múineadh na Gaeilge dhá dhéanamh i gceart agus níl Roinn ar bith eile a bheadh oilte chuige sin ach an Roinn Oideachais ach tá an-chuid cúramaí seachas an Ghaeilge ar an Roinn nach bhfuil baint acu le h-oideachas, agus tá súil agam go ndéanfar athrú ar an modh oibre sin san am atá le teacht.

Aithnítear go forleathan anois ar fud an domhain gur maith an rud do thír ar bith airgead a chaitheamh ar chúrsaí oideachais mar go dtugann sé brabús ní amháin i gcúrsaí oideachais, i gcúrsaí shóisialta ach i gcúrsaí eacnamaíochta chomh maith. Glacaimid leis an dtuairim sin sa tír seo anois agus, dá bhrí sin, tá gach seans go mbeidh an-fheabhas ar ár gcóras oideachais i gcionn cúpla blian. Is mór an sólás do dhaoine suim acu i gcúrsaí oideachais go bhfuil an Dr. Ó hIrighile mar Aire Oideachais ins na blianta tábachtacha seo agus go bhfuil an bhunsraith á leagadh síos i gceart. Is eagal liom nach ndéanann an tAire go léor bollscaireachta faoin méid atá ar siúl aige. Tá sé ró-chiúin faoina rudaí tábhachtacha atá déanta aige maidir leis an mbunsraith atá leagtha síos aige.

Deputy Patrick O'Donnell, whom I see opposite, criticised the Minister for not dealing with the question of the Irish language in his introduction to this Estimate. As far as I can remember, the Deputy in his contribution made no reference to the Irish language, beyond one which he had been making before, about which I have been complaining and to which I shall go back shortly. The White Paper on the Report of the Commission on the Restoration of Irish is due this year and we shall have presumably a full debate on the whole matter, but, apart from that, I have a feeling that there is a sign of maturity in the fact that the Minister did not go into the question of Irish. We are now beginning to realise that the revival of Irish is not merely a matter of passing the load on to the schools, to the children and to the teachers. There is a great deal more to the problem than just that and, in so far as the schools are concerned, they have been doing a good job. The improvements we want can be achieved in a context of educational improvement rather than in the context of the revival of Irish. The key to the revival of Irish lies to a large extent outside the schools, granted that the schools continue to do a good job in the teaching of Irish.

Deputy P. O'Donnell regularly complains about what he calls official Irish. He has no meas on that at all. Undoubtedly, officialese in any language, Irish or English, is not attractive, but what Deputy O'Donnell refers to is, I think, anything that differs in any way from what is spoken in the Gaeltacht and, to a large extent, what is spoken in his own county. I suggest to him that he should think again about what we are trying to do. We are not trying to teach the children of Dublin to speak in the way the children of the Gaeltacht, be it Donegal, Connemara or Kerry, speak or about the same subjects. They have completely different interests and completely different things about which to talk. They have a different mode of expression and a different phraseology in those parts of the country. It would be unwise, therefore, and misguided to try to impose on the rest of the country the language, the mode of expression and the limited vocabulary of the Gaeltacht.

Then I am against Irish.

Deputy O'Donnell may be, but I do not think he has really realised what we are trying to do in regard to the revival of Irish. It is certainly not our aim to impose the Gaeltacht on the rest of the country. As I said before—I repeat it now—it is time it was realised that Irish is the heritage of the whole country and not just of the Gaeltacht, or the few specialists, or those with vested interest. It is the heritage of the whole country, north and south, and it should not be allowed to be dominated by, or allowed to get into the hands of, a small clique, be they from the Gaeltacht or outside it.

To get back now to the subject of education, many references have been made in this debate to the Minister's proposal for the establishment of comprehensive schools. Anybody who has given any thought to this matter must realise that what the Minister is doing is of vital importance to the future of education here. It must also be realised that one does not do this kind of thing overnight. I am disappointed that we have not had more progress, but I know that probably nobody is more disappointed than the Minister. One does not do these things overnight if one wants to do them right; one must take time over them, especially at the beginning.

There have been one or two suggestions—they may have been somewhat vague—that this proposal for comprehensive schools was, in fact, just a by-election gimmick and the Government and the Minister had no intention of really doing anything about it. I would point out to anyone who says this, that any Deputy with any knowledge of the Minister would not believe it for a minute. If Deputies are not satisfied with that, putting it at its lowest level, the Minister and the Government are politically committed to introducing comprehensive schools, and anyone who thinks they will not be introduced is sadly mistaken, and the sooner the better as far as I am concerned, and I am sure as far as the Minister is concerned.

I have the greatest hopes for the effect of the comprehensive schools, not only on the children who will attend them but on our whole post-primary educational system. It is generally recognised—and a study of history shows—that as the economy of a country progresses, the educational system, if it is to contribute to the further expansion of the economy, must do more than provide the three Rs for children. Some attempt must be made when the children are finished with the courses they are doing to have them qualified for something. As the standard of industrial development grows, it has been found that the type of education most useful is one which enables the children to be adaptable, to have open minds, able to change from one system of work to another.

It is also found that those who have been trained for a particular trade or craft have been less able to adapt within changing economic circumstances than those who receive the kind of general education which, as I say, enables them to be adaptable and to have open minds. That is a factor which we must take into account in our educational system because fortunately our economy has now reached the stage where this is becoming an acute problem for us.

I have suggested before, and I want to mention again for consideration by the Minister, the possibility of students completing a course in a particular subject in, say, two years, or maybe one year, and being able to get the necessary certificate in that subject and then going on to concentrate on other subjects. The present system, to a large extent, operates as a test of memory more than anything else. It seems to be rather a waste of effort to be spreading the study of particular subjects over six years in the secondary schools which, if a concentrated effort were made, could be completed in one or two years. Perhaps fewer subjects could be taken at a time. All subjects do not lend themselves to this but in particular I think the study of languages does lend itself to it. It is something that might be considered not only in relation to the Irish language but to modern continental languages.

I believe from inquiries I have made that with the most up-to-date teaching methods, without undue cramming, a very satisfactory knowledge of a modern continental language can be obtained by a student in a secondary school within one year, or at the most two years. It might be worth while to allow the student to drop certain subjects while concentrating on, say, French or German, to complete his knowledge of it at an early stage and enable him to use it thereafter and not be struggling with it. He could then go on with the subjects he had dropped.

The old refrain one hears from many people, including myself, and which I want to mention again, is the necessity for greater integration in our educational system. I know there are grave practical difficulties, due to various historical and other reasons, but we cannot afford to see our very limited resources being wasted as they are in some respects because of duplication in our educational system and unnecessary competition between the different branches of that system. I do not want to develop that matter, but I should not like to let this occasion pass without referring to it.

The Minister is to be congratulated on the record rate of school building achieved under his administration. That is very satisfactory, but I sometimes wonder if we are mistaken in our approach and if, in fact, when one looks at some of the dreadful structures which are used as schools at the moment and the conditions in which the children have to work and study, this should not be regarded as an absolute emergency. I wonder if we would not be justified in tackling the worst cases with what is now called system building. I know it is said the lifetime of these buildings is short but this is a major emergency, and is it justifiable to contemplate the continuance of the conditions to which I have referred for—I have not worked out how long—at least 15 years, I am sure?

It is not right either, apart from the physical difficulties of the building programme, that the cost should be imposed on this generation. I am speaking of the taxpayers of 1964. I think there is every reason from the practical as well as the economic and social point of view for treating this as an emergency and dealing with it as an emergency, if necessary on a short term basis. The overall aim should be to eliminate the shocking conditions in some of our schools, and the primary schools in particular, at the earliest possible opportunity. It is clear that the Minister is well aware of this and, indeed, has been very successful in the efforts he has made, but he has been limited to some extent in what he can achieve by reason of the fact that, in the main, the buildings being erected are of a permanent nature and of first-class standard. That may be a somewhat mistaken policy.

Another matter to which I want to draw attention again is the fact that quite a number of secondary teachers who are qualified in certain subjects are teaching other subjects in which they are not qualified at all. I do not know what would be involved in remedying that situation by way of the number of teachers, the cost, and the availability of teachers, but it is something which I feel should be eliminated, and something which should be an aim of our educational policy. In our primary schools, we are one of the few countries in the world which now recruit trained teachers only. While we recruit trained teachers in our secondary schools, that is misleading because although they are trained, they sometimes teach subjects they are not trained to teach. In my opinion, it is something we ought aim at eliminating.

It would appear that there is agreement on all sides of the House that our ultimate aim should be to provide education up to and including university level for all children who can benefit from it, whether the parents can afford it or not. It is easy enough, however, to talk about this, but what intrigues me is that so few people who talk about it ever refer to the problems involved or how they are to be tackled. Eventually, you are going to reach a stage where you have to ask: "Where do we draw the line and say which child can benefit and which child cannot?"

Most, if not all, of us are agreed that we do not want an eleven-plus examination but we must lay down some criterion by which we will decide which children will benefit and which will not. The trend, I would think, is towards a decision at or around the age of 15, but whatever method we use, we then come up against the problem of what do we do with the child who barely fails to cross the line we have drawn but whose parents are willing to pay for the child's further education. Do we allow the child to go on or not? I say we should.

Why should we not?

Then the question arises: is the child to pay the full economic cost of that education or merely what he would pay in present circumstances, because they are two very different figures? In other words is the State to subsidise the education of a child in respect of whom a decision has been made that that child cannot benefit from further education? I mention these as some of the problems—there are a number of others—to which we should be devoting ourselves but when I hear people talking glibly about providing free education for any child who can benefit from it, I wonder to what extent have we thought about it, how serious are we, or are we facing up to the problems involved.

It seems to me that the practical considerations involved, like the groundwork of providing more teachers and more schools, are being done by the Minister for Education to a degree that far surpasses anything we have achieved before. In his opening statement, he gave details of the increases in the number of teachers, of the reduction of the teacher-pupil ratio and the plans for even greater output of teachers, particularly primary teachers. All these steps are absolutely essential before we can think of providing free education for any child who can benefit further from it and who cannot afford to pay for it. Even assuming we reach that stage, we still have a number of other problems about which I have heard nobody comment or suggest how we should deal with them. This is the kind of thing which should be the subject of discussion in the debate on the Department of Education. We should try to chart the course for the future. We are fairly well agreed in general on what we want to provide for the children but few, if any, of us are clear on how we are to do this.

I want to conclude by repeating one of the points I made in Irish, that is, that the present Minister for Education is much too quiet about his achievements, that he has in fact achieved some most impressive targets and the targets at which now he is aiming are even more impressive. I suppose we are most impressed by achievement and many of his achievements are discovered purely by accident. I want to suggest, not just as a member of the Minister's Party but as somebody interested in education, that these matters should be known and broadcast much more widely. For many years many people have suffered from a sense of inferiority in regard to our educational system. God knows, it has many defects and we all want to remedy them, but when compared with other educational systems, it is far higher in the list from many aspects and some of the things which the Minister has done have placed it even higher on the list internationally. I want to see that these achievements of the Minister are much more widely known in order to give heart to those interested in education and encourage them to go on and look for greater improvements.

I always listen to Deputy Colley with considerable interest. When he starts talking, he says things he believes and they often interest me considerably. He spoke today about the deplorable schools in this country. He said that he could not but believe that there should be a crash programme to remedy that situation. I wonder did it ever occur to him that that situation very largely derives from the decision of the Government he is supporting to postpone social capital investment? That was their declared policy and that is what they have done.

A record number of schools have been built.

But a protest from Deputy Colley on the deplorable schools in existence would call for a crash programme to eliminate those that are no longer tolerable and to put an end to the situation to which the Minister was referring this morning, for which he had to issue an order that a situation in which there were 70 or 80 children in classrooms in Dublin must stop, and he is prepared to provide temporary schoolrooms and teachers, to reduce the maximum number of children not to 20, not to 30, not to 40, but to 50 per class. God help the national teacher struggling to do his or her best teaching 50 children in one classroom. I agree with Deputy Colley that it is a shocking thing in this day and age that we should have grossly inadequate schools in many parts and that in the capital city, there should be up to 80 children in certain classrooms and that we are now hoping only to achieve next July a situation in which the maximum will be 50.

I want to ask the House this question: what would we have said if we had been told in 1957, when the total Government expenditure was a £108 million a year, that seven years later when the expenditure of the Government is £215 million a year, a prominent Government Deputy would feel called upon to say that we had a crop of deplorable schools in the country unfit for children to be educated in, that there was gross overcrowding of classrooms in the city and that our educational facilities for children were still far short of what any of us would wish them to be? If we had felt that would have been the case, we should have said it was necessary that Government expenditure be substantially increased or doubled, with the provision having been made as a very early charge on this increased outlay for adequate education of the children. It is in contemplation of that immense Government outlay without that kind of provision having been made that I view the future with considerable apprehension.

I am delighted to hear Deputy Colley proclaiming that his Party now accept the principle that education should be available for all children, the best we have to offer in primary, secondary, technical and university education in accordance with the capacity of the child. Mind you, I have never heard that, until now, pronounced from the benches in which the Deputy sits.

The Minister has said it a number of times.

I have never heard it until now. If the Minister has said it before, it has escaped me until now. I have said it at Árd Fheiseanna of the Fine Gael Party and I have heard members of the Government holding it up to ridicule. It is a source of satisfaction to discover they have accepted it as a target towards which we have to work. One of the interesting things about the Fianna Fáil Party is that once they are reluctantly forced to accept a new ideal, their second line of defence is that "nobody tells us how we are to do it". They then proceed to erect difficulties which appear to present insurmountable problems. So long as they are allowed to sit there, nothing further needs to be done.

Deputy Colley wants to know how one is to determine whether a child is fit for higher education or not. There are many ways of doing it. Mind you, the Minister for Education apparently professes in his comprehensive schools to have worked out some method of determining whether a child should go on to secondary education or technical education. I am not sure which particular method the Minister has chosen but there are several. One is a system of examinations; another is a system of teacher appreciation of a child's general gifts; and a third is a process of consultation between the teacher and the parents. I make no apology for saying, as an average layman, that the method depends very largely on the expert advice of experienced schoolmasters and headmasters who have been dealing with children and know which is the best method.

I agree with Deputy Colley that the eleven-plus is a grotesque anachronism. I am happy that we have never adopted it in this country and I hope we will never adopt it either. I would be quite prepared to try, experimentally, a series of different methods in order to arrive at the best method of determining the best capacity of the child. I think it was Deputy Ryan, this morning, who spoke of a facet of the problem which all too often is lost sight of, that is, the child who scintillates in an examination in the very early stages of his career very often does not prove to be a star in the university and technological field, whereas a child, who is known as a plodder in primary or secondary schools, when brought into contact with technical or university education, often distinguishes himself. There are many men who fall into that category, written on the pages of history.

That is one of the reasons why I say I recoil from any suggestion that a system of examinations is the only satisfactory method of suggesting the child who can benefit from university or technological education. I, personally, prefer a system of intelligent detached estimation by those experienced in the education of children, preferably in consultation with the parents of the children. As I say, everything depends very largely on the advice of those experienced in the teaching of children.

I am quite prepared to experiment with a variety of tests in order to find out which worked best. I do not believe in the world the necessary experiments have yet been carried out to give us a satisfactory answer to that question. I should think, at some time in the future, we in Ireland might find our own way to realise the best method and be told by some of the modern educationists of the New World that we were pedestrian and antediluvian. But time would demonstrate like the pundits of Columbia University, those who claimed to know all about it were proved to know very little about it. In Ireland some of those who are modest in their claims will be vindicated by the ultimate end.

I have no feeling of inferiority about our outlook on education. I think our outlook on education in Ireland is probably as good as, and probably better than, that of any other country in the world. I have a deep sense of inferiority about our performance and it is for that reason that I venture to intervene in this discussion. I want to make some specific protests. One is that I believe we should resolutely keep before us, as a realisable ideal, the hope that we shall in time be able to provide that every child in this country will receive the best we have to offer in primary, secondary, technological and university education, without reference to the financial circumstances of the family into which that child was born. I have no difficulty in saying to Deputy Colley that where a process of consultation between parents and teachers does not produce a unanimity of view as to the capacity of the individual child, it would not be reasonable to say that the State should be charged with the responsibility of providing for its education on terms which the best advice that we could get suggested would not benefit him. On the other hand, if that child's parents are prepared to provide the cost, I see no reason why the State should attempt to assert any claim to interfere with parents' discretion in the education of their child.

When I speak of making available the best we have in primary, secondary, technological and university education to all children, I have present to my mind that in Great Britain today, it is, I think, true to say that 80 per cent of students in all the universities are in receipt of substantial State aid. I think if we fail to understand or realise the extent to which the world is rushing forward in this matter of universal education, we are in great danger of getting left hopelessly behind. That is why I say that education should have a much higher priority on the charges of our national resources than it appears to have.

I have the horrible feeling that unless we are prepared to match as quickly as we can from our resources the standard of education being provided in Great Britain, the United States and the Continent, both in the technological field and in the intellectual field, our young people will find themselves hopelessly handicapped. In so far as they remain here with us in Ireland, it will mean a drag on our national development. In so far as they have to go forth into the world, it will mean that they will find themselves inferior to all those with whom they will have to compete. If that situation were allowed to develop, it would be an awful tragedy for this country.

One of the first and most readily acceptable things we could provide would be secondary education. In the city of Dublin, or in the city of Cork or Limerick, or in any large conglomeration of population, it is mainly a question of providing premises and teachers. I say quite deliberately it is much more important, in my judgment, to have golden teachers and wooden schools, rather than have wooden teachers in golden schools. If one realises that, one will see that in large conglomerations of population, secondary education can be provided very much on the basis of non-residential schools.

We need not exercise ourselves excessively on the category of expenditure to be involved in providing premises in which to teach. Where you are attending a day school, all sorts of premises, provided they conform to a certain minimum standard, can be advantageously used for secondary education. The provision of teachers may be a problem. I think it is long overdue, as the Minister should recognise, that those teachers who started their teaching careers in Great Britain and now want to come home should be allowed to do so on terms which would make it possible for them.

When we get to rural Ireland, where I feel the necessity is just as great, I want to renew to the Minister the suggestion I have made on several occasions before, that is, that we should face the problem of the scattered, small and essentially inadequate primary schools that abound in rural Ireland. Instead of such one-teacher, or one-teacher and junior assistant mistress school being allowed to continue, with the co-operation of the managers, we should seek to establish, in selected areas at first, parochial schools with adequate bus services to bring the children from outlying areas and parishes to a central parochial school. Instead of building five or six schools scattered about the parish, we should help the local manager to build one large school to cater for the whole parish at a suitable centre. To such schools would be annexed all sorts of facilities which we cannot contemplate when we are dealing with four, five or six schools.

I have seen in a number of primary schools in rural Ireland a secondary school associated with it, very often beginning as a secondary top and then developing into a full-scale secondary school. I can imagine that in such a parochial centre as I envisage, the problem of supplying a secondary school would be greatly minimised if we were, in fact, building one parochial educational centre which would provide both primary and secondary education together. As Deputy Colley has suggested, we have to begin somewhere. I believe if we began in this modest way, we could very quickly spread over the whole country a network of secondary schools that would put us on the high road with the idea of making at least available to all our children the best we had to offer in primary and secondary education. We might very easily discover that some of these relatively small parochial secondary schools would have a very high standard of excellence.

I can remember when I was young in rural Ireland there used to come into the town where I lived a group of men and by their conversation and by their sophistication—and they were all small farmers—you could pick out the pupils of a man called Master Cryan. He operated one small educational centre in a relatively remote area on the Sligo border. In those days, we did not segregate so ruthlessly primary and secondary education. Rural schoolmasters took a pride in expanding their own programme. Master Cryan operated in his own school a primary and secondary top of his own. He educated two or three generations of men, and for 40 years after he died, the produce of his work was abundantly clear for all to see. I imagine there would emerge in rural Ireland, on the basis of parochial schools such as I have here mentioned, small secondary educational establishments which might become quite remarkable centres of education.

I remember, in connection with the school to which I have referred, run by Master Cryan, that the children came from 30 and 40 miles away and lived in neighbouring houses in order to attend his school. Its reputation spread far and wide and the people appreciated the quality of the education he gave them.

Therefore, we should not be discouraged by the thought that secondary schools based on the parish would be small and relatively insignificant. They might become splendid educational centres in the rural life of this country. It is important to bear in mind always that you could concentrate in the one centre a teacher group catering for primary and secondary education of the parish which would create in its own modest scale an academic atmosphere to the great advantage not only of the pupils but the teachers as well.

I am amazed at the development which is reported to me in regard to the Government proposal for grants towards secondary schools. I do not think the Minister will deny that the Government rushed into this announcement by the rather crude method of pushing aside the Minister for Education: the Taoiseach himself made a declaration on it on the eve of the two by-elections, saying that the Government had decided to make grants available. It was, of course, consequent on the publication of our programme on the approach of the by-elections in Kildare and Cork.

I assume that meant the Government were to give 60 per cent grants to secondary education development in order to give it fuller scope. I am now told there is a proposal to reduce the capitation grants of schools who receive these new grants. Would the Minister please correct that if I am misinformed?

It is a matter of the principle involved in dealing with schools who do not get building grants. Part of the capitation grant was intended to meet building costs and our aim was to make this differentiation.

The Minister is making a terrible mistake. This is one of the obtuse and idiotic Department of Finance calculations.

It was not to save money; it was to maintain the principle in relation to schools that did not get grants.

That relativity can be traced back to the remote history of the original capitation grants which were notionally designed in part to provide for the teachers, in part for the sweeping of the chimney, in part for repairing the building, in part for a variety of other things known to no one except some venerable figure in the Department of Finance in charge of all the files back to 1863. There is a new departure to help the secondary education system, to build new schools and repair existing schools comparable, but not as good as, that in Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

There was a decision taken by the Board of Education in 1863, qualified by a decision in 1894, followed by an Order in Council—I can see the memoranda, all of which could contribute admirably to the social history of this country. I suggest that these memoranda be photographed and copies sent to the National Library because, with the passage of those old warriors in the Department of Finance, this type of erudite memoranda will disappear altogether, despite the great contribution they make to the social history of the country.

I can see the folder now, with the purple ink on the submission to the Government, with the memorandum annexed to it. A prudent Government would thank the Minister for Education cordially for the splendid historical background to this proposal and ask him to send copies to the National Library for inclusion in the social historical records of the country and then say: "The decision is that there will be a 60 per cent grant for schools building or for schools expanding."

I suggest the Minister should return to the Government and say this is a grotesque idea which would knock the heart out of anybody who wants to avail of this grant system. What is this distinction? What we want is to improve the facilities that already exist. Therefore, the sensible thing to do is to develop this thing about the element of capital in the capitation grant and simply give the 60 per cent grant for development, leaving the capitation grant as it is. I say to the Minister, and I invite his careful consideration of it—I understand that schools with fewer than 150 pupils are not to have access to it——

Yes, or schools incapable of getting up to that figure. The Deputy spoke against small schools.

I did not refer to small secondary schools. I spoke in terms of small, inadequate national schools.

The principle is the same in regard to the post-primary school.

Surely there is a difference between a school locked up on the side of a mountain, with one teacher struggling to educate seven pupils and a secondary school——

There is differentiation

I assure the Minister there is not. I was educated in one of the best schools of this country and we never had more than 70 pupils.

That was a long time ago. There are more pupils going to secondary schools these days. We are modern now, building schools capable of handling a wider range of subjects.

There is a philological question to be resolved. It is not my intention to denigrate the schools with 600 pupils, large staffs, great organisation.

The minimum number for qualification for grants in Northern Ireland is 400 pupils.

As I said to Deputy Colley, we might develop in this country systems of education which would become the envy of the world. The systems they work in Britain and the United States of America are not infallible.

They are infallible when the Deputy is beating me with them; they are not when he is not.

I am not beating the Minister. I was educated in a school which did not accept more than 70 pupils, which had a long waiting list for them. My son was educated in a school which did not accept more than 130 pupils and which also had a long waiting list. I know of equally distinguished establishments in the country where there are 400, 500, 600 students. Such schools are run on a different system with large staffs, organised on quite a different basis. I do not intend to make little of one system or the other but I think it is a mistake for the Government to take a decision that one type of school or the other is unsuitable. It may well be that one type of school best suits one type of boy, that one type of school best suits a particular type of education, but I most earnestly impress on the Minister that it is an illusory belief that a school, to be good, must be big.

I urge on the Minister that there are many schools in this country with perhaps only 60 or 70 pupils where splendid education work can be done but where they are at present harrassed by the want of certain essential equipment, certain facilities, without which they cannot do the best and with which they could do splendidly. How does the Minister intend to meet the case of the Protestant grammar school? Can the Minister make a special exception in their case?

I intend to make exceptions, where necessary. I am limiting it only until it takes shape. I must think of the range of subjects available.

So that, in a school of fewer than 150, where a good secondary programme is being provided, they would be admitted to the grants?

On my decision, fitting in with this general scheme of national planning for education.

Where a school is providing a good educational programme, I take it that they will not be debarred from access to the 60 per cent grants for extension and improvement?

They will not?

Not absolutely. It would have to be considered. It is a new scheme.

I sympathise with the Minister more particularly when I recall the circumstances in which the scheme was promulgated by the Taoiseach—I think simply because he did not want Fine Gael to be in the field with this proposal without his matching the proposal. I do not think he had the faintest notion of what the scheme meant. The Minister is now laboriously trying to work it out. Very well. I shall not fault the Minister for the follies of the Taoiseach. It reminds me of the similar proposal for grants for farmers' houses which also was produced to match a proposal in our programme. When one rang up the Department of Local Government or the Department of Agriculture, the only answer was, in effect: "Nobody knows what is in this scheme. We are waiting to be told ourselves." I suppose the Minister for Education is in much the same position.

I am not. I know what is in it. I know what I want. The Deputy and I disagree but I know what is in it.

It now emerges from what the Minister appears to say to me that if a school is providing a good school programme, its eligibility for the grant under this scheme will not depend exclusively on the number of its pupils.

That is correct? I do not believe anybody in Ireland knew that.

Except a few people, when the Minister gave an assurance as to whether they would qualify.

We now know that it is not on numbers alone but on the quality of the educational programme that they provide——

Mainly to fit in with a national plan for post-primary education. I think this must be done.

So long as a good school which is providing good education presents to the Minister a proposal for expansion or development or further equipment, it may expect to have its application for grants under this scheme considered on its merits.

I think any school would be capable of expanding if they believe they will be able to get more students. We are just short of accommodation.

It is not fundamentally a question of numbers but of the quality of education——

And the provision of education in the various regions. There is nothing in the scheme intended to limit, if you take that broad principle, but there is nothing in the scheme intended to allow the haphazard development of a rash of very small schools where big schools would provide a wider range of education.

I understand that the exclusive criterion is not one of numbers.

That is right.

I listened with great interest to what Deputy Ryan and Deputy Colley had to say with regard to the revival of the language. I find it difficult to conceive of a debate on education here in which reference is not made to the language revival. I want to re-affirm what I have often said in this House and elsewhere. I do not believe there is any hope of reviving the Irish language unless and until we can persuade the majority of our people to want to revive it. That was the purpose in which I was involved years ago when I was young. The enthusiasm that inspired us did produce a very striking and remarkable revival of the language, not only as a spoken language but as a beloved language amongst our people. It was the voluntary character of that movement and the extent to which it bound to its service those who loved the language that achieved the measure of success we then had. I am convinced that, in the past 30 or 40 years, we have gravely prejudiced the language in the hearts of our people by the introduction of all the elements of compulsion that have come to be associated with the revival movement.

I listened with great interest to Deputy Colley because, as he rambles along, he often inadvertently reveals facets of wisdom which he finds himself unable to suppress. He was speaking about education generally and saying he thought it quite possible that, in many cases, children ought to be allowed to go for their certificates in certain subjects and get them and then pass on to others. This is precisely what I have always urged on the Minister for Education. I have urged that the children going for their Leaving Certificate should get their certificate in the subjects in which they pass and should get their certificate in the subjects in which they got honours. I have urged that they should not be denied certificates in those subjects for no reason other than that they failed in one subject, whether it be Irish or anything else. Let them get the certificate which shows their capacity.

The odd thing is that, when Deputy Colley proceeds to philosophise about education in general, he comes round to that position, though if he were here now and I said to him that he had arrived at a position which is virtually identical with that which I and my colleagues frequently press upon the Government, he would be quite shocked at the thought of it. But that, as far as I am concerned, is one urgent desideratum that should be available to the children of this country. Think how desirable it would be if we could say to them, in effect: “Irish is not a block in the way of your further education. Irish cannot and does not operate to deprive you of your Leaving Certificate, which is an essential qualification for many firms of employment in this country. However, Irish is, and we intend to make it, the high road to further and better opportunities for further education. We will associate it with scholarships and help of every kind because our aim and desire is to see growing up in this country a generation of young people for whom a comprehensive knowledge of Irish will be the hallmark of higher education.” I am as certain as I am standing here that if, ten or 20 years ago, we had conspired together to make Irish the hallmark of higher education in this country, today children, instead of reacting against it, would be clamouring for the opportunity to study it and parents would be urging their children to acquire this hallmark of superior education by helping to forward their education by a system of scholarships associated with a high degree of proficiency in the Irish language, whatever other faculty or course of studies they were following, either at school or in the university.

I frankly confess that, in the present situation, I am beginning to doubt whether we have not lost the battle. However, I should still make the effort. I still think it would be worth trying to revive the old spirit of enthusiasm and to encourage it by every inducement we can employ.

Mark you, it might be a good way to begin. As Deputy Colley asks: how do we test whether they are to go on to higher education or not? As a preliminary to the wider achievement of a higher education for all, would it not be a good test to say to children: "If you are prepared to burn your own little modicum of midnight oil to become proficient in Irish, you can take off your parents' shoulders the burden of the cost of your education, and if you attain to a high standard in Irish, you will get State aid to carry you through secondary school and the university. Provided each year you maintain a high standard in Irish, you can do medicine or commerce, or economics or anything you like. So long as you pass your examinations and maintain your standard of Irish, you can come out at the other end with whatever degree you aspire to and as a fluent reader and speaker of the Irish language."

Imagine if we had done that 25 years ago and we now had 10,000, 15,000 or 20,000 young professional men and women in the country with the common bond that they were all fluent, intelligent speakers and writers in the Irish language scattered through all the professions and able to tell their children: "My education did not cost my parents a penny. I got it all because I was able to speak Irish as well as I want you to speak it." Conceive the impact that would have on the whole revival movement instead of the continual rasping and grinding of complaint that children can be deprived of the right to get university education and of access to a wide variety of jobs because they failed to get their Leaving Certificate because they were not good at Irish. It seems to me incredible that is not manifest to everybody. I can never understand why we have never been able to combine on all sides of the House to operate a scheme of that kind. If we had done so a quarter of a century ago we would have an inestimable treasure of Irish which I think no subsequent development could ever destroy. Can anyone claim that we have it as a result of what we actually did? I do not think so.

I listened this morning to Deputy Colley and Deputy Ryan on the subject of the Irish language. I think Deputy O'Donnell and I are in much greater accord on this subject, but I think this is fundamental. We must ask ourselves when we come to this question of standard Irish, what are we trying to revive? Are we trying to revive the Irish language as a living language or trying to produce a kind of Esperanto?

That is what Deputy Colley said he wanted.

I want to make this perfectly clear: if the aim is to impose on our people a Celtic Esperanto I am not in the slightest interested. It is dead before we begin. Who wants a Celtic Esperanto? Are there not enough daft languages in the world already without adding another one? Esperanto, at least, is claimed to be comprehensible to everybody; nobody claims that a Celtic Esperanto is comprehensible to anybody in Ireland or anywhere else. It seems to be utterly cracked seriously to propose that we should all combine to teach our children a language which nobody understands, no living creature. If you went down and spoke standard Irish in Kerry, Cork, Galway, Mayo or Donegal or in Ring nobody would know what you were talking about. If you wrote it to any child who was educated in the Gaeltacht none of them could read it. Lastly, but not least—and this is a fundamental—I do not know if the House realises but I would ask the Minister for Education to correct me if I'm wrong—I think the classic works of Canon Peadar Ó Laoghaire are being withdrawn and re-written in Esperanto. Is that true?

Not in Esperanto.

No, but in what the Minister calls standard Irish.

Artificial Irish.

Can anybody imagine—

An attempt was made to kill the language. If Irish got the support that we were trying to give it, it would be a living language going from mouth to mouth. We are trying to keep it going until it becomes a living language. Does the Deputy object to that?

I do not object to any—

But this very mockery is bad.

Is it mockery to make intelligent comment?

It is one of the strange things associated with this whole business of the language movement that somebody gets some particular quirk into his mind and anybody who does not accept that as the law of the Medes and Persians is instantly branded as malicious.

But the Deputy is mocking it.

Yes, I am mocking a language that nobody speaks, that has no literature, that is like a mule, with no prospect of progeny and no respectable ancestry. When I hear Deputy Ryan speak of teachers in his youth, some of whom said "agam", with the accent on the final syllable some "agam", with the accent on the initial syllable, and others "a'am" and punishing pupils for using the Mayo form if the teacher used the Kerry form—I think that is a reflection on the teachers and not on the richness of the language. I never met or experienced a Donegal person who was not able to understand Mayo Irish or a Kerry person who could not understand a Galway person. They could tell you where the man was from but they would understand him. There was a richness and flexibility and diversity in the language which had for us, who were learning it, its charm and joy and we would sometimes use a Donegal form in Mayo for the purpose of evoking a correction from the Mayo speaker to show we could hit back and say: "That is because you come from Mayo." They never failed to understand. There was richness and diversity and nobility about it and it was a living language, an evolving language. It was a thing that had grown and was growing.

A great effort was made to destroy it.

When I first sat for Donegal, I had constituents who spoke no English. I doubt if there are any left there now——

How do you speak of a language being dead if it is the language of some of the people and they have no other?

A great attempt was made to destroy it.

By whom? By the old national school system?

No, by the invaders and their language. The language is being widely destroyed in the country.

Listen to me—if only I could persuade the Minister to understand what is necessary. You cannot stop the radio; you cannot stop television. If you want to keep the language living and to spread it throughout the country, you have to have something strong enough to challenge those influences and there is nothing else strong enough but love. If the people do not want it, everything else is being shovelled into them and there is no power to resist the challenge of what is borne on the aerial waves of the world but a passionate love which will bespeak the service requisite to get the language to survive.

I want to say now—and I am not trying to make difficulties for the Minister—you cannot generate love for a language which people do not believe is our own at all. You will get Deputy O'Donnell to speak Donegal Irish because he heard his father and his grandfather and his people speak it and he will speak it whether he is in Connemara, Kerry or Ring; you will get others to speak it similarly whereever they come from because it is their language. They feel it is something belonging to them. It is not a utilitarian thing. There is not any utilitarian argument for the revival of the language. There is no better utilitarian argument for reviving the language than there is for playing Beethoven's nine symphonies. Anyone who wants to say a living language should die must be prepared to add "and if you have no ear for music, tear up the symphonies and throw them away".

It is only when we formulate and clearly and resolutely face the real reasons why we want to preserve the language and are prepared to proclaim and defend them that we can really put our hands to this job. Difficult as it was 40 years ago when the radio and television were unknown throughout rural Ireland, the difficulty is far greater now and I put it to the Minister that there is only one power strong enough to combat these influences that are operating and that is a real, genuine love for the language. I do not believe our present policy is evoking that love. Neither is compulsion. I warn the Minister most solemnly that it is my profound conviction which I believe the event will vindicate that you cannot love a language which does not belong anywhere, which has no ancestry, which is merely, I think, fairly, described as a Celtic Esperanto. I think the Minister is perpetuating a terrible mistake in allowing himself to become dominated with that concept, the source of which I know, which was a daft idea of a temporary Minister for Education and which has hung like a millstone around the necks of all his successors.

The language that can survive is the language that is spoken, still spoken, by the native speakers of this country and it is still possible to save it but on the lines we are at present unhappily travelling we cannot succeed. The Minister for Education, himself, when he is obliged to concede to me here in public that the very works of Canon Peadar O'Leary are being withdrawn from the schools and re-written—and re-written!—in this bastard Celtic Esperanto, knows in his heart that it is an outrage on the language. To think of all the works that we have come to associate with modern Irish and to think of them all being suppressed, withdrawn and re-written in order to make a rising generation forget that those who wrote them wrote them from their hearts in a language that they knew, leaves me breathless and incredulous and makes me wellnigh despair of a hope which I refuse to relinquish that, despite mistakes and follies, we can still revive the language. Our only hope is that, whatever follies, may be committed, I do not think it is reasonable to doubt the desire on the part of most of us to see the language restored. It may be a slender hope that that desire will give birth to prudence but, at least so long as it remains, we may continue to hope that some of the follies that are undermining the language movement will be corrected yet.

There are two other matters I wish to refer to. One is a detail; the other is a matter of considerable importance. I agree that the national school programme is at present about as comprehensive as we can advantageously make it but I do suggest to the Minister that it would be of material value if some of the reading in primary schools in rural Ireland were associated with a rural reader on modern lines of Baldwin's Rural Reader. I agree that Baldwin's Rural Reader was appropriate to the circumstances obtaining at the beginning of the century. It ought to be possible to work out a reading book for the schools of rural Ireland which would direct the attention of children to the attractive aspects of rural life around them which would serve the same purpose as Baldwin's Rural Reader served in the days of their fathers and their grandfathers. I am not asking for the revival of that specific book but for a rural reader on those lines. I do not know whether the Minister has ever seen Baldwin's Rural Reader?

I have been looking for a copy and I cannot get one.

Have you asked the Department of Agriculture?

They have it and the man who did it was Professor Hussey of Glasnevin and I know what was paid for it—500 guineas. I asked another quite distinguished man to recast it into a form that would be suitable for a reader. Unfortunately, circumstances made it impossible for him to undertake it because he was bound by contract to another firm to work exclusively for them. I cannot mention civil servants' names here. I will be very glad to give the Minister the names of one or two officers of the Department of Agriculture who have intimate personal knowledge of the business and who must be able to provide him with the raw material.

Finally, I want to make reference to the teaching of history in our secondary schools. It is an admirable and splendid thing that our children should be taught the history of this country. We are building up in this country a magnificent school of historians who are providing splendid material for history but some of the history textbooks provided in the secondary schools of this country are a public scandal because they appear to be written and illustrated for the purpose of fomenting hatred and bitterness and resentment about events long past. Some of these books would suggest that the Catholic religion was persecuted in Ireland and nowhere else in the world. They would blot out of the memory of children that there were such people as St. Thomas More, St. John Fisher, that there were such people as the Martyrs of Tyburn and that at the time religious persecution was stampeding across the face of this country there were thousands of men and women in all parts of the world suffering for their faith and that, while it so happens that the Government that was persecuting the faith in Ireland was an English Government, at that same time they were martyring their own people with just as much zeal as they were martyring ours.

I do not want to go over every facet of Irish history. We fought the British for seven centuries to establish the fact that we wanted to run this country for ourselves, and in large measure we have succeeded. Our parents have been in jail and have been executed. Our grandfathers have been persecuted. But they were persecuted for a cause, and in the circumstances of the time, compared with the outrages that have been perpetrated on humanity in the past 20 years, what happened here was relatively insignificant. That we should try to pour into the minds of our children hatred, resentment and detestation of our neighbours for the wrongs of a century ago is utterly deplorable. We can surely exhort their admiration and emulation of those of our people prepared to make great sacrifices for their principles without exciting hatred of those who put them to the test. I can think of St. Thomas More and St. John Fisher without going into hysterics about Henry the Eighth and Thomas Cromwell. It is their names which survive in glory, whereas the Lord Chancellor of England at the time is known only to those interested in Tudor history. How much preferable it would be that the sacrifices made by our people would excite emulation and pride rather than hatred and resentment.

It is a deplorable thing that the story should be presented that there was no national feeling in this country prior to 1916. Recently, I had the privilege of speaking at a debating society of secondary students in this city. The tenor of most of the speeches was that prior to 1916 there was no national feeling in this country. I felt contrained to say to them: "Listen; I knew your fathers and your grandfathers. Do not let anyone persuade you that they were low-down, ugly, self-seekers. They were not. They were splendid men and women, who preserved the national traditions of this country and without whom no national traditions could possibly have survived. Do not run down your own." Some of the youngsters said to me afterwards that it never occurred to them they were making little of their own grandfathers when they advanced the thesis that there was no national feeling or dignity prior to 1916.

Let us teach our children to be proud of the past, to be understanding of those who persecuted us and to realise that, in the times that were in it then, persecution took place not only here but took place very often in their own countries, too, and all over Europe. It might be much more profitable to recall to the young people today that, bad and all as what happened in Ireland 100 years ago was, it pales into insignificance with some of the horrors that this sophisticated generation has been in a position to present to the public gaze.

I would ask the Minister to instruct the officers of his Department to look again at some of the textbooks approved by the Department for history and to lay this injunction on them: "Go through them; eliminate no facts; do not seek to doctor or alter the story, but strike out of them every sentiment of hate. Teach the children to be proud of our past, but to abandon all talk of hating those whose motives they do not understand." Horrible things have been done in this country. They are best forgotten, or certainly forgiven. If horrible things were done, there were also great glories. They are the things to dwell on. Hatred corrupts the souls of those who hate, and the teacher who encourages a child to learn hatred bears a very heavy load of responsibility. The Minister must bear his share of it. I should like to think that, if he bends his mind to this aspect of education, he will be able to correct it where it may have gone wrong and see that the past is taught in right perspective, to encourage our children to be proud and to suppress all thought of hatred.

Deputy Dillon referred to patriotism. If there is any lack of patriotism, it is probably now. I accept that there was patriotism long before 1916. It is now there happens to be a lack of it. I was in Armagh last week for a convention of the Old Fianna—all men who hold the 1921 medal. On the way back, we visited Clones for ten minutes. Many of the men were wearing their Tan War medals. Some of the people started to sneer and jeer at them. Were it not for the patience of our men, there would have been a big melee in Clones and it would not have been so peaceful as it was alleged to be.

During the course of this debate each year, the emphasis is on the advancement of education, especially higher education. I should like to see the standard of what I might call lower education being raised. It is all right to talk about the 20 per cent who aspire to higher education, but we always must have the people to sweep the streets, dig the land, and clean the lavatories. Whether you like it or not, 70 per cent to 80 per cent will always want to get out to work when they reach 14 years of age. The average person who aspires to a higher education hopes to make full use of it and to get employment where it will be to his advantage. Most people have a materialistic outlook in respect of education, and we cannot blame them for that. The majority will probably find they have nothing to gain from a higher education and they will probably be employed at trades or manual work.

I should like to see something more done for the children in the primary schools. A good deal of time is wasted in the primary schools. Children are taught subjects for which they have no use when they leave school at 14. The most important subjects are reading, writing and spelling. Children's minds should not be burdened further. When they leave school at 14, their education in reading, writing and spelling is often very poor. If you ask the average boy or girl of 12 or 14 years of age to write a letter, he or she just cannot do it. They turn out a patchwork effort, with half the words misspelled and the grammar upside down. What we should teach children is to be able to write fairly well, to read and to spell, to enable them to make their own way in life when they reach the age of 14. Irish should be taught orally, in my opinion, and there should be no written Irish. It is a complete waste of time. If it is the desire to teach the written language, then teach it in the secondary schools or in the advanced educational spheres, but not in the primary schools.

I mix with the working classes. They are the people who elect me here. I do not hide myself; I live by this business and I must, therefore, mix with these people every halfhour of the day. I never hear a word of Irish from one end of the year to the other. Yet, those people wasted a great deal of time learning something that was forced on them. But, once they leave school, they never speak a word of it. I have nine children, four of whom are still at school. I have never heard any of them use a single word of Irish. I never hear a word of Irish spoken by the children I meet outside. I am in the corporation every day, interviewing people looking for houses. I never hear a word of Irish from any of them from one end of the year to the other. A great deal of valuable time is being wasted in teaching Irish to children in the primary schools. I have no objection to Irish, but why not cut out written Irish and teaching through the medium of Irish? Why not concentrate on teaching the children what they really need, ability to read, ability to spell, ability to express themselves orally or on paper? Teach them oral Irish, by all means, but cut out the rest. If that is done, then the children will leave school knowing something.

I happen to be very fond of biography. Perhaps that is what inspires me. Perhaps that is why I am in public life today. I am certainly not here because of any higher education or any degrees, but I probably have a great deal more "savvy" than many of the fellows with high degrees. "Savvy" is what should be taught in the schools, working out the reason why. I believe our children are taught to be nothing more than so many parrots. Repeat this! Repeat that! Why not ask them to explain things? Why not ask them for reasons for things? That is how they should be taught. They should be taught to reason why. Mr. Billy Butlin left school, I believe, at ten years of age and went only as far as third standard. As he said himself, he could not spell "psychology", but knew all about it. Under our educational system, exactly the opposite is done: the children are taught to spell but they are not taught what the spelling means. They come out with parrot learning.

The last two years in the primary school should be devoted to encouraging the children to think intelligently and in a practical way. They should be encouraged to debate amongst themselves. There should be lectures to enable them to cultivate the habit of reasoning. It is not just good enough to give that kind of education to the 20 per cent. As far as I can see, the 20 per cent make it their business mainly to cod the other 80 per cent. It is up to our education authorities to teach the 80 per cent to have enough "savvy" not to let themselves be codded by the 20 per cent. These children should be equipped with the sort of education that will be of use to them in life, not just what they will forget completely as soon as they leave school.

With regard to the tinkers, we have had a great deal of trouble here in the past year or two. In my opinion, the responsibility in this matter is the Minister's. These tinker children are illiterate. They have admitted that on television. Now, as the law stands, a child may not leave the primary school on his or her fourteenth birthday but must remain on until the end of the term. The Minister is very quick, when a child leaves school on his fourteenth birthday, in getting that child sent to a reformatory until he is 16 years. I had myself to appeal to the Minister on behalf of some of these children. The practice is most unfair. These children can get work when they are 14 years. I know of cases where children in employment were taken out and put into a school, not because they were in the habit of mitching from school but because they left when they were 14 and did not wait until the end of the term.

The Minister ignores completely the tinker children. Now, if these children were put into a school for a few years, educated, and taught a trade, the tinker problem would be very quickly solved. Most of them, when leaving school, would probably want a job. The only way in which the parents could get the children back, once they were placed in schools, would be by establishing themselves in some permanent residence. As things stand, the tinkers are always travelling and naturally they will not get a corporation or local authority house, since they will not stay in it. The problem could be solved if all these children were put into schools and given a trade. If something on those lines is not done, this problem will be with us forever. We should aim at solving problems, not perpetuating them by pampering these people with places for their cars, and so on. I believe the Minister has the solution in his own hands.

My real point is that we should raise the standard of education in the primary schools. Teach the children to reason why, to think intelligently, so that they will not be codded by those who are alleged to know more. It sickens me sometimes reading the things people write to the newspapers. I shall not go into it further. If they had the ability to reason, they would not make the statements they do. Maybe the wise guys want things that way.

The Minister is probably aware that Dublin Corporation are about to build 3,000 extra dwellings in Finglas through the medium of system building. We hope to go into actual production 12 months from now and the dwellings will be erected in half the time traditional housing takes. In the next few years, 3,000 additional families will take up residence in Ballymun. There will be no schools. Will the Minister please get cracking now, because we shall not wait for the schools? We do not want the children to be without schools, as has been the case in the past; many children did not start school until they were eight years old in Finglas area because there was no room in the schools for them and they would not be taken in. Now that the Minister is aware of the position, will he please get cracking himself and put up pre-fab schools for these children?

One of the best yardsticks of the success or failure of an educational system is the conduct and the disposition of the end-products of that education. If we adopt that standard and norm, and apply it to the average youngsters leaving our schools, then I think we find that our educational system passes the test fairly creditably. One will see some strange characters walking down the principal streets of Dublin, Cork, and elsewhere, and come up against rowdyism here and there, but Clacton-on-Sea has not come to Crosshaven as yet, and we must be thankful for that, and we must, I think, be thankful in large measure to the educational system for the relatively lawful dispositions of the young people here. That is not to say, however, that we should overlook the point that quite recently it was stated, I think, in the district court, by a police officer that there were regular gang fights amongst the youngsters here in Dublin and that these fights were becoming a growing practice. In a way that can be traced back to our educational system here.

I sympathise greatly with the teachers who have to live in daily dread of having a civil bill slapped on them if they engage in any form of disciplinary action against their pupils. I should be glad if the Minister could extend some sort of protection to the teachers in that regard. I know of many cases where parents proceeded against teachers because their children were punished reasonably, sensibly, and for good reason. It should be possible for the Minister to give some legislative protection to teachers in that type of situation.

I sympathise greatly with middleaged teachers in secondary schools at the moment. We must realise that the past two generations are really apart from the generations that went before them. They have facilities for travelling abroad, amassing information and assimilating educational matters in other countries. Television, radio and other such media have changed the children of the past two generations and put them literally centuries ahead of the generations that went before them. It must be very hard for middleaged teachers to try to understand these young children who are under their care. The Minister should exhort them to try to understand the children under their care because I know that some teachers, and more especially middle-aged teachers, are inclined to regard the children who talk about "pop" music as minor savages who have no sensibilities. That can be regarded as their type of culture which we do not understand or appreciate, but we must remember that Deputy O'Donnell and I—and possibly the Minister—danced and sang to the strains of "Yes, we have no bananas" and "Horsey, keep your tail up." I see nothing in "pop" music which is more objectionable than those immortal strains to which some of us conducted not only our amusements but our romances.

The teachers should inculcate into the children some discipline and some respect for their elders. If we look at the bus queues, we see it is a matter of the survival of the fittest—and the children are the fittest. Women with baskets and small children are brushed aside ruthlessly by young people who are still at school or who have just left school. If one remonstrates with them, one gets very small change. One would also come to the conclusion that Lady Chatterley's Lover must be included in the curricula of the schools because of the language used by some elements.

There has been a great deal of talk about secondary schools. The Minister should realise that in cities like Cork, Limerick and Dublin, entirely new residential areas have been built up over the years, which could well be served by good small secondary schools. I appeal to the Minister not to adopt size as the standard when approaching the question of establishing secondary schools. A small secondary school with, say, 50 pupils, could admirably serve a suburb in Cork city. That would be of assistance to the children because they could get the individual attention they might not get in the bigger schools. The Minister should, so far as possible, try to encourage the setting up of day schools rather than boarding schools.

Boarding schools are all very well for boys and girls who live in areas not served by good secondary day schools. The Minister must appreciate that it is a primary duty of the parents to educate the children. In my view, the happiest child is not the child who is constantly under the supervision of a rector or a mother superior, but the child who goes to a day school and comes home and discusses the educational qualities or deficiencies of the teachers with intelligent parents. It is natural that the children and parents should have as much time together as possible. Small secondary day schools are the answer to that problem.

I should like to associate myself with Deputy Ryan's remarks about the shortage of schools. I do not associate myself with his remarks about surgery and the Minister cutting the children out of school at the last minute. I do not think that is happening, unless it is happening in Dublin. I accept Deputy Ryan's statement, of course. It is very important for the Minister to provide more schools as quickly as possible, and more teachers. I have a question down for next week about a school at Bishopstown in Cork. Another school is needed in the suburbs of Douglas and Ballinlough. There is need for more schools and more teachers. Undoubtedly in some schools the classes are too big and unmanageable. That is a bad thing not only for the children but also for the teachers.

I appeal to the Minister to give candidates for the Leaving Certificate and their parents some peace of mind, if at all possible, by reaching some arrangement with the secondary teachers under which the papers for the Leaving Certificate will be examined by the secondary teachers. The parents are appalled by the thought that the papers will be examined by someone who does not know the course, and cannot possibly know the course, on which the examination will be set and cannot, therefore, mark the papers in the same way, and up to the same standard, as the secondary teachers. The Minister will be doing a big injustice in the Leaving Certificate this year——

I did not go on strike. How does the Deputy say I am doing an injustice?

I am sorry; I shall put it this way. I do not want to go into the rights or wrongs of the dispute but the big injustice under which these children will suffer—whoever is the cause of it—is that in three or four years time, when a child who gets the Leaving Certificate in 1964 looks for a job in competition with a child who gets the Leaving Certificate in 1965, the employer can easily say the certificate for 1964 is suspect because of the manner in which the papers were examined. I think the examiners the Minister will get will not be able to mark——

There are other States where the teachers are not allowed to mark examination papers.

There are a few small aspects of the educational scene which I should like to bring to the Minister's notice. We live in a material age with outside influence more and more beamed on our children through television, films, imported books, and the opportunities for travel abroad now available to our children due to improved travel facilities. There should be some emphasis on spiritual values and spiritual matters in our educational system from primary to university. We hear a lot of talk about technology and the various skills we must give to our children. We are thinking along the more material lines.

It is possible even in a Catholic country like this that we might forget that the fundamental and real aim of education is that man should attain his eternal destiny. Frankly, I feel that in many of our schools, even with the best intentions, they turn out young people who have not got a proper appreciation of the spiritual values necessary if man is to attain that spiritual destiny. There is a great need for technologists but I do not think that should deflect us from producing more and better teachers, both for secondary and primary schools.

In regard to the curriculum in the primary schools, the Minister should not only encourage but insist on more time being given to physical culture. As far as I know, there is no insistence on that at present in our primary schools. It is one of the most important aspects of the curriculum. There should also be an insistence by the Minister on instruction being given in our secondary schools, if not in our primary schools, on people's rights and duties. It is very important that young men and women coming out into the world should know the rights they have under the Constitution of the State and also their duties to their fellowmen. If instructions were given in these matters—particularly in these days, because we find people insisting on their rights but forgetting about their duties—it would make for a better community. There should also be instruction on the economic losses that flow from the child's industry, or lack of industry, when he or she goes out into life afterwards because while we hear a great deal about the rights of the workers, we hear very little about the dignity of labour and the importance of work.

A fair amount has been said about extending university and secondary education to all. The only thing I am afraid of is that while the idea is sound, it could become so popular that we could go too far. I do not think we can really afford to do all that one would like to do in that regard. I do not think that the university should be thrown open almost indiscriminately to pupils from secondary schools. In that way you would get a debasement through dilution. Some American educationalist described it as the law of raspberry jam: the wider you spread it, the thinner it becomes. I would ask the Minister to bear that in mind and not give in too easily to the demands which are very popular for university education for all. He should keep his head in that regard. On the question of pressure groups generally, there is no doubt that in regard to the Irish language the Minister — and all members of the House—within a short period will be made the but of many pressure groups. I would again ask him to keep his head in this matter and maintain an even keel.

(South Tipperary): The Minister has told us that he is providing £14 million for primary schools in the coming year and he gave us further figures of 14,000 national teachers and 500,000 pupils. On page 3 of his statement, he said that during the last financial year grants amounting to £3,093,000 were sanctioned towards the cost of erecting 112 new schools and of carrying out extensive schemes of enlargement and improvement to 142 existing schools. This, he said, constituted an all time record. That is a very desirable thing and I must commend the Minister for it. I particularly commend him for his expenditure on national school libraries. Last year £20,000 was provided for 640 schools and in the coming year, he is providing £35,000 for 1,200 schools. That is a development on the positive side but we must not forget that we have about 700 unfit national schools and in my county at present there is a parents' strike in progress because of the unfitness of the national school. I remember some months ago seeing — I think, in the Sunday Independent—close-up photographs taken by a photographer equipped with a good camera and an electronic flash, of rats in a school in Sligo.

The question of overcrowding is primarily a problem of the bigger centres, particularly Dublin. The Minister is providing, as a temporary measure, 100 prefabricated classrooms and 100 extra teachers. One cannot help asking if this problem arose in a day, or a week, or a year? If the Department were doing its job efficiently, surely it would have apprised the Minister of this impending problem and the crash ad hoc programme to build prefabricated houses to meet a situation which we are now told is an emergency would not have arisen.

I put down a question here about a year ago inquiring as to the water supply, lighting and sanitation of schools in my constituency. This is the substance of the Minister's reply in the form of a footnote:

(1) When new national schools are being erected it is the practice to have them wired for electric lighting, etc., provided ESB current is available.

(2) It is the policy of the Department to have all new national schools provided with a water flush system of sanitation wherever water is or can be made available.

(3) The Department records do not, in relation to many of the existing schools, contain information as to the method of lighting and the form of sanitation.

This is 1964. Imagine a simple piece of information like the form of sanitation and lighting in a school not being available in the records of the Department of Education. It is an astonishing admission. In fact, only a simple Department would make the admission. I cannot conceive any other Department in the State answering that question so naively or honestly. In my dealings with other Departments, I have always found them able to evade answering questions of that nature. I could be told, for instance, that that particular work is the business of the manager or the Board of Works. These are simple matters about which any inspector of schools could inquire on his annual visit. It is astonishing that the Minister, who is a medical man, has to come into this House and admit that his Department has not that information in respect of many schools under his administration.

It seems foolish to speak of more exotic things when one finds that even these elementary things are not known in the Department, much less corrected. However, surely the time has arrived when teaching, even in national schools, should be something better than talk and chalk. I mentioned my thanks to the Minister for providing a library service but I should like to know have we provided in any of our national schools such a thing as a lantern projector. Have any educational slides been provided by the Department of Education to be sent round to schools as an extension of the library service? There is an educational programme in our television service. Is there a single national school as yet equipped with a television set to avail of this educational programme? Has any attempt been made, for instance, to give a television service specially tailored for national schools during school hours? These are matters to which I should like to direct the Minister's attention in the hope that in the future, he will, as he has done with the library service, try to progress along those lines. Something should be done. It is a development which should not entail very great expenditure and would be well worth examining.

On the question of the vocational schools, the Minister mentions that we have 1,826 whole-time and 1,896 parttime teachers. Here there is a departure in that he plans to introduce Intermediate and Leaving Certificate type certificates. Some form of test is very desirable. Like most people, I do not think that examinations should be the be-all and end-all of an educational system. They can have detrimental effects if pursued to extremes, but I have never been satisfied that we have got value for money in the field of vocational education. I am not acquainted in any way with the bigger schools in Dublin or Cork, and I am quite prepared to accept they are very well worthwhile institutions. However, some of our little vocational schools in the more rural parts of the community and in some of our towns are very inadequate as judged by end results. That is not meant in any way as a reflection upon the administration. It is a reflection on the system.

Therefore, the introduction of a test is a good development. Teachers will be empowered to insist that the pupils going to the schools will enter for these examinations. The system has been too loose and casual. A young boy or girl, who finishes in the national school and is hanging around looking for something to do just drifts into the local vocational school. In many cases it is used merely as a means of escaping from parental supervision. They come in from the country to the local vocational school and may or may not go to school. They may dally around the streets. It is impossible for any teachers to get worthwhile results from a system which seems so loosely geared.

This matter should be emphasised. We are spending a considerable amount on vocational education. In the report of the Department of Education for 1958-59, the cost of secondary education is given as 8d per hour and vocational education as 1/10d per hour, and the financial statement for 1960-61 works out as follows: For secondary school pupils, £36 7s 6d; for vocational school pupils, £96 15s 0d, and for national schools, £35 7s 7d. On a per capita basis, as far as the State is concerned, this is an expensive form of education from which we are getting rather inadequate return. Therefore, I think the Minister should attempt to introduce some form of rational programme culminating in an educational test. This, I hope, will in time receive recognition from the public, and amongst employers, as a very laudable development.

As regards educational trends I have already pleaded for a greater emphasis on mathematics, basic science and modern languages. As the curriculum must of necessity be limited, I was prepared to advocate emphasis on these things and less emphasis on the classical languages say, Latin and Greek. As far as I can gather, there has been a slight improvement in the attention being paid to modern languages. There is evidence of improvement in the field of mathematics. As regards the basic sciences, chemistry and physics, there is a definite improvement and the Minister has broken new ground in providing some financial help in these fields. I daresay that is why there is a definite improvement in the field of chemistry and physics. As regards Latin and Greek, there has been little change. The switch I would like to see taking place from such subjects as Latin and Greek—from dead languages to modern languages, if you like—has not taken place to any great extent.

I should like to follow that pattern a little further and try to compare it with the pattern elsewhere and to examine our secondary education here as against that in England and Northern Ireland. I find for modern languages the figure in England is 2.9 per cent; in Northern Ireland, it is three per cent; and in the Republic, it is .9 per cent. For mathematics, the figure in England and Wales is 5.93 per cent; in Northern Ireland, it is 4.7 per cent; and in the Republic, it is 1.5 per cent. The figures for basic sciences are: England and Wales, 9.8 per cent; Northern Ireland, 6.6 per cent; and the Republic, 2.1 per cent. The figures for Latin and Greek are: England and Wales, 1.1 per cent; Northern Ireland, .7 per cent; and the Republic, 13.0 per cent. It would seem that we are still placing too much emphasis on such subjects as the classical languages and placing insufficient emphasis on the teaching of modern languages, mathematics and the basic sciences. It is desirable that we should try to divert our educational trends more towards modern languages, mathematics and the basic sciences. I should like to ask the Minister to try to use his good offices with the teaching authorities up and down the country towards that end.

The Minister has provided £4 million for secondary education. I understand a survey team of the OECD is at present conducting an investigation into the question of investment in education. That organisation's report will be available in the autumn and we are all looking forward with interest to seeing it. There is always a difficulty here in examining this question of secondary education in comparison with other countries, in that social patterns differ.

The question of reciprocal arrangements as regards secondary teachers has already been mentioned. Nigeria was mentioned and later on Northern Ireland. I cannot for the life of me see why we hesitate to give incremental salary increases on a reciprocal basis, or any basis, to those of our graduates who have been teaching for a number of years in Britain. The Minister, as a medical man, knows that a majority of our medical graduates go to England for a number of years to acquire medical experience. It is true to say that medical standards here would be considerably lower than they are if that arrangement and practice did not exist. I submit to the Minister that the standard of educational service here would substantially improve by encouraging those who have had some years experience of the educational system in Britain to come back and give their services to their own country.

As conditions obtain at the moment, there is no encouragement for them to do so. In the interest of secondary education, I would ask the Minister to consider extending the reciprocal arrangements he has made with the Six Counties to England, Scotland and Wales. I know he was castigated for his retort to a Parliamentary Question on this matter. It was said this might result in bringing back to this country the rejects of the British educational system.

I daresay that remark was made in haste, that I feel sure the Minister, on reflection, will probably agree it was ill-judged and incorrect. If you wish to extend that kind of reasoning, you may argue that many of the doctors practising in this country at the moment who have served extended apprenticeships in Britain are rejects of the British medical service. I do not know whether the Minister has practised on the other side of the Irish Sea. If he has done so, I am sure he would hate now to be called a reject of the British health services because he now happens to be practising in this country.

I understand there is some regulation in the Department requiring that secondary teachers must be able to teach their subjects through the medium of Irish. I do not know how strict that regulation is, but I am informed, and the Minister may correct me if I am wrong, that the test in operation is on the same lines as the test we apply to prospective candidates for the county council job of rate collector. There we have a very simple, elementary test. The county manager asks the candidate: "An bhfuil Gaeilge agat?" If he says "tá," he is considered to have a knowledge of the language; if he says "níl," he is also considered to have a knowledge of the language because he understood the question put. I am informed the test applied to secondary teachers is equally laughable. If it is so, it would be well to depart from it so as to get rid of that foolish make-believe.

On the question of modern languages, I should like the Minister to tell us can a European be employed in this country under his Department to teach European languages. We would all agree that the best person to teach French is a Frenchman or Frenchwoman, to teach German a German. I should like the Minister to tell us that there are no impediments, no difficulties, no financial obstacles to the employment of a native speaker of any European language here for the specific purpose of teaching that language.

The question of capitation grants for secondary schools has not, as far as I know, been mentioned so far in the debate. I understand there has been a very niggardly increase in these grants over the years. In 1926 the grant for junior pupils was £7 and for senior pupils, £13. In 1962, the respective sums were £11 and £16. If you compare the value of the £ in 1926 and 1962, you will appreciate there has been a considerable per capita diminution of the grants down through the years. When Fine Gael announced their preparedness to provide capitation grants for secondary schools, the Taoiseach, and later his Minister for Education, jumped into the arena to be as good as we were. So far, nothing practical has been done. The Minister did mention in his speech that he has dealt with one fundamental matter, the question of management. I quote:

It has been decided there will be a committee of management for each school consisting of the bishop's nominee, who will act as chairman, the chief executive officer of the vocational educational committee and a representative of the Minister for Education.

I fail to understand why, in the provision of secondary school grants, the Minister has picked upon the arbitrary figure of 150 pupils. Many of our secondary schools, particularly in the small centres, have not got 150 pupils. The Minister is anxious to avoid the eruption of a rash of small secondary schools looking for grants. I would ask him to consider this matter on a broader and more rational basis than merely on the arbitrary figure of 150 pupils.

The trouble about all these decisions taken at ministerial level is that, when passed down the administrative bureaucratic line, they become fast, fixed rules. The Minister is afterwards advised, in effect: "If you give way on this one occasion, you will have to give way on another occasion." Although the Minister may say here now that he is prepared to consider schools under 150 pupils on their merits, one cannot help feeling that, in actual practice, he will be so warned by his advisers in this matter that the level of 150 pupils will become a fixed level, immutable and unchangeable.

I looked up some figures as regards expenditure on education in general. I was anxious to see how the stated policy of the Government to cut down on social capital investment was operating in practice. I thought expenditure on education would be a reasonable yardstick by which to measure it.

I find that in 1930-31 we spent on education 21 per cent of our Supply Estimates. In 1940-41, we spent £5 million, which amounted to 21.1 per cent of our Supply Estimates. In 1950-51 we spent £10 million, being 12.4 per cent of our Supply Estimates. In 1960-61 we spent 13.9 per cent of our Supply Estimates. For 1961-62, the figure was 13.4 per cent. For 1963-64 it was 14.4 per cent and in 1964-65, this year, it will appear to be 13.4 per cent, including the £2.4 million in Vote 9 for building work.

These figures clearly show that our expenditure on education, Government revenue expenditure, as a proportion of our total expenditure, has fallen considerably from 1930 onwards. Yet, during that period, our secondary school enrolment increased. In 1933-34, we had a 40,000 enrolment in our secondary schools; in 1952, we had 50,000; in 1962-63, we had 80,000; and in 1963-64, we had 85,000. During the same period, enrolment in the universities increased outstandingly.

Even allowing for the fact that the parents pay directly for the education of a large proportion of our boys and girls, it would seem from that drop in expenditure on education by the Government, that those of our people who are depending entirely on Government aid towards education, that is, the lower income classes, have been receiving less attention and fewer advantages in that sphere than those who are more happily placed as regards the capacity of the parents to pay for the education of their children.

It is difficult to compare like with like between two countries in the matter of education, the social pattern in no countries being similar. In order to get an extreme example, completely dissimilar to our, I shall quote the figures for no country other than the USSR. In 1940-41 we spent £5 million on education. In the next decade, 1950-51, it advanced to £10 million. In the next decade, 1960-61, it doubled again to £20 million. Expenditure on education during the same period in Russia advanced from 22 to 57 to 84.

Progress reported: Committee to sit again.
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