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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 24 Jun 1964

Vol. 211 No. 5

Committee on Finance. - Vote 41—Industry and Commerce (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration. — (Deputy Cosgrave.)

The Minister said last Tuesday in the course of his introductory speech that in 1963 great success attended the efforts of the Industrial Development Authority to attract industry to this country. He said that during the year 34 new industries had been attracted and each of them had foreign participation and that these new projects which had gone into production involved a total capital investment of over £7 million and had an employment potential of some 4,200 workers. He also mentioned that during the previous year projects involving a capital investment of £10,000 and upwards numbered 44 and that the total capital investment of these was estimated at almost £9 million and the estimated employment potential ranged from 2,100 to 6,300. He mentioned other projects numbering 32 in course of construction and which would provide employment for about 8,600 people.

I do not approach the Minister's statement with the wild enthusiasm one would expect if one were to accept these figures. I am not impugning the Minister's integrity or his belief in the statements he made, but I should like to draw to his attention the fact that the rosy hopes held out for many of the industries which he has assisted in all good faith have not materialised. One industry in the constituency adjacent to mine, in Bantry, was heralded as an industry which would give employment to 200 people. I am referring to the Flatley industry. There were photographs of the factory in the newspapers with the caption that 200 were to be employed there. The situation at the moment there is that fewer than 20 people are employed. I know that some eight or nine months ago, at most 40 people were employed. We have all seen statements this week in regard to redundancy at the Potez factory in Galway and I think the Minister will agree that there is some cause for scepticism on my part and on the part of the ordinary public regarding statements in respect of industrial potential.

As a result of statements made here by the Leader of the Opposition, Deputy Dillon, last week, on the Verolme Dockyard and in view of the statements made here last July when the Minister introduced the Supplementary Estimate for £999,000 for the same company. I think there is an imperative need for further investigation of the organisation of the Verolme Dockyard Company.

Following Deputy Dillon's speech here last week, the vice-president of the parent Verolme company in Holland, in referring to the sale of the ship "Amstelhof", is reported in the Cork Examiner of 19th June as saying that when the vessel was sold, the Verolme company suffered a considerable loss. This is a very remarkable thing because Lloyd's List and Shipping Gazette of 25th February last announced the sale and mentioned a figure of well in excess of £1 million being involved. Lloyd's Shipping Gazette is not the sort of newspaper which engages in wild speculation. The Minister will appreciate that anything it publishes is published as a result of investigations by qualified people in the shipping world.

If we are to believe that the ship changed hands somewhere in the ocean at a figure of well in excess of £1 million, and if we are to add to that the figure of £350,000 which all the members of this House and all taxable citizens in the State have already contributed to the Verolme Dockyard, it is very hard to believe the statement of the vice-president of the parent Verolme Dockyard Company in the Hague. However, if we are to believe the statement, another consideration arises which calls for the most stringent examination by the Minister because on 4th September, 1963, the week before this ship was launched, the Verolme company issued this statement:

The ship will be delivered to her Owners at the end of the year——

That is, 1963:

——and in service will be managed by N. V. Reederij, Amsterdam, who have secured a long-term charter of the ship.

When a ship is let on charter, the charter must take one of three forms. The first form is a voyage charter; the second is a time charter; and the third is the demise or what is often called a bare boat charter. The Verolme Dockyard, as in their statement, decided to let this ship out on a long-term charter. From that it can be reasonably concluded that this is the final type of charter I mentioned, that is, the bare boat charter. In such a case, the cost of maintaining the ship in good repair, of keeping her in class with her classification society, the classification society of Lloyd's Register, would fall to the charterers who would also pay the cost of the bunker fuel, the cost of loading and discharging the ship's cargo and all port expenses. In other words, the responsibility of maintaining the ship and paying all the charges devolved entirely upon the charterers as if they were the owners of the vessel. In addition, the charter hire rate would be determined by certain financial factors which the shipowners would have to take into consideration, such as the prime cost of the vessel, interest on money involved and, especially in the case of a long-term charter such as this, the allowance in respect of depreciation and wear and tear over the period involved.

I do not know why, if the Verolme Dockyard found they had to sell this ship at a loss, they tore up this very valuable charter document which they themselves announced they had before the ship was launched. If we are to believe what the vice-president said last Thursday in Amsterdam, that is exactly what happened. These people had this very valuable charter document and they tore it up and sold the ship at a loss. There is a duty upon the Minister to inquire from the Verolme Dockyard why exactly they did this, because it could not commend itself to anybody as a sensible economic practice. I doubt if the ship was ever built for the Netherlands Freight and Tanker Company which was an offshoot of the Verolme company, and the Minister should ask the company if, in fact, this ship, the "Amstelhof", was built for the Verolme offshoot or was built directly for the company which is now allowed to purchase it on its first voyage to Vancouver.

It is a remarkable coincidence which should strike the Minister and possibly will strike the public, that this ship was named the "Amstelhof". Her name was predetermined naturally before she was launched and when prefabricated parts came to the Verolme Dockyard, they were imprinted with the name "Amstelhof" to indicate they were going into the ship in question. We are told now the ship was built for the Netherlands Freight and Tanker Company and was to be managed by N. V. Reederij, Amsterdam. This company has a fleet of nine ships already and this remarkable coincidence emerges that each of these nine ships, like the "Amstelhof", has the prefix "Amstel" to its name. Lest the Minister should think I am misleading him, I shall give him the names: "Amsteldiep", "Amstelhoek", "Amstelkroon", "Amstelmeer", "Amstelmolen", "Amstelsluis", Amstelstad", "Amstelveen", and "Amstelveld".

I do not believe the people who are alleged to have purchased this ship in the middle of the Atlantic would at any time have agreed to have a ship with the name, almost the trademark, "Amstel" built and put on the high seas unless they knew beforehand she was to be bought by them. The Minister should inquire from the Verolme Dockyard how this amazing coincidence arose, if, in fact, the Verolme Dockyard were not building this ship for the company to which they now allege they sold it in the middle of the ocean for a sum which is looked upon by Lloyds as being well in excess of £1 million.

Another matter I think the Minister should investigate is the statement of the vice-president of the parent Verolme company when he said in The Hague on last Thursday, June 18th, that no orders could be had on the world market for the Verolme Dockyard and so it was decided to build a vessel in the Irish yards to the account of one of the Verolme companies. Is that the future of the yard, that it must go on taking in its own washing in order to survive and that it cannot receive any orders on the world market? It is remarkable that the ship which is now under construction at the Verolme Dockyard, in respect of which we must give another £350,000, is being built for a company which was very recently formed. That is not my opinion: I am quoting from an interview published in the Cork Examiner of Thursday, September 12th, 1963 with Mr. Magnus Jones, who is assistant Secretary of Commerce of the Liberian Government and secretary of the board of directors of the national shipping line.

The remarkable thing about the Liberian national shipping line is that it was very recently formed, according to Mr. Magnus Jones himself. It was formed very shortly before September 12th, 1963. That line, as I think was already mentioned here, is owned by three different interests. The Liberian Government own 50 per cent.; Verolme own 25 per cent; and an Israeli company own another 25 per cent. I am not a bit surprised that Mr. Magnus Jones mentioned on the same day that it was his first visit to Ireland and that he had been favourably impressed by the country and its friendly people. Very few visitors here got the golden handshake Mr. Jones received when he arrived here to see the keel of his ship being laid.

I should like the Minister to understand that I am not being deliberately obstructive in this matter but that I am in conscience expressing the doubts which must arise in the mind of any reasonable man when he regards this whole organisation. I do not want anybody to stand up here afterwards— although I doubt if I can prevent them from doing so—and say I want to kill this industry which was founded in a constituency adjacent to my own and which gives much employment in my constituency. I am sorry it falls to my lot to speak on the matter at all and I would gladly forbear from doing so but for the fact that I feel impelled to speak by the facts which have been brought to my knowledge.

When I think of the money which has been, or will be, made available to this company, I feel that many industries of a more durable nature could have been founded in my constituency and in neighbouring constituencies for half the cost and that they would now be giving more gainful employment of a more general type to larger numbers of workers. We find many people in my constituency and in the constituency of some other members of the House who are here at the moment in this awkward dilemma, that they have acquired a skill in shipbuilding to the exclusion of all other skills and they will find employment in anything else impossible or at least very difficult to obtain, except in this highly-specialised type of shipbuilding which goes on in the Verolme Dockyard.

Unfortunately, we are faced with the accomplished fact but I think the Minister should investigate to the fullest what I would describe as the extraordinary conduct of the Verolme Dockyard since it was founded. The circumstances in which it was founded were rather adverse. That was stated before on 18th July last year. Most of us on this side of the House felt many other industries could be selected instead of shipbuilding in 1958 when the outlook for shipbuilding generally was at its very lowest. We then doubted the wisdom of the Government's decision and everything that has happened since must tend to explode the myth in which many people believed that the Minister for Industry and Commerce at that time, now the Taoiseach, is the greatest industrial wizard of all time in this country. I do not think any prudent man would have encouraged the setting up of the industry in question.

There is one thing I might be permitted to mention at this stage and I should like the Minister to deal with it. The Minister told us on 18th July last year that there would be a subsidy of £650,000 in respect of the first two ships. That would be an average of £325,000 each for the ships. He went on, and as far as I can understand what he said, he said in respect of the following three ships, that is, the third, fourth and fifth ships to be built at Verolme Dockyard, there would be a commitment of £570,000 by the Government in respect of them. I refer to the Official Report of 18th July, 1963 volume 204, No. 9 at the end of column 1390 and the beginning of column 1391 where the Minister says:

The maximum commitment, which represents percentages reducing from 15 per cent to 10 per cent of the contract prices amounts in all to £570,000 for these three ships.

The three ships he was referring to were ships three, four and five to be built at Verolme Dockyard. If that were so, it would come out at an average commitment of £190,000 in respect of each ship. If instead two of these ships will cost us £350,000 each, or £700,000, that is most disquieting. I may be wrong and I think it is a matter that the Minister should clear up when replying to the debate.

There was no doubt in my mind or in the minds of anybody on this side that the Minister indicated to the House that as the workers at Verolme Dockyard became more skilled, as more expertise became evident there, the subsidy required from State funds would be accordingly reduced. That has not happened: the subsidy has gone up and that appears to be the situation. I ask the Minister: must Mr. Verolme go on forming companies like the Liberian national shipping line to take in his own washing and build ships to keep him going in the Cork Dockyard? If that be so, the sin lies on the head of the Minister. When the Minister for Industry and Commerce who is now Taoiseach entered into commitments on behalf of the State with Verolme Dockyard, he must have forseen the position or if he did not, he should have foreseen it, and if he did not foresee it, he has no right to claim that he is the industrial expert he claims to be.

He should have foreseen the gloomy prospect which now emerges for the dockyard. From the beginning, it has been made very plain that it was an ill-fated venture. I know, and I think the Minister knows, at least one other industry in Cork which is looking for assistance and which has been giving employment to quite a large number of people. It has in recent times got something from a Government source. As far as I can make out, about £6,309,000 of the State's money has been made available to this venture, Verolme Dockyard. This money could have given help to a considerable number of other industries. You could have given employment, with this amount of money, to many more than the 850 people who are employed in the Verolme Dockyard.

It was a sorry day when this venture was started. I regret very much that the people who are employed there might find themselves, at some stage, with their employment in jeopardy or might find themselves in the position that they will have to offer themselves as workers of Verolme Dockyard, not in England, not in America but somewhere in Holland, Brazil or somewhere else to avail of the skill which they have obtained at our expense. That was another eventuality which should have been foreseen.

I only hope at some stage that the hopes which the Minister held out here on July 18th last year in regard to the dockyard will be realised and that at some future stage it will become an industry which will be self-supporting and will give back to the people of this country some recompense for the immense assistance which has been given to it by the Government. I should be horrified to see this industry closing down. I should be equally horrified if every ship built in this dockyard results in a loss to the State of at least £350,000. I should be still more horrified if the suspicious circumstances which surrounded the launching and the subsequent sale of the "Amstelhof" should follow every time a ship is built in the Verolme Dockyard.

I have made a case which I think the Minister should answer. The history of the Verolme Dockyard in time should teach the Government a lesson that any industry of that nature should be very fully investigated, not alone before it is set up but all through its career. I know and I understand very well the difficulties the Minister might find in that regard. I have said this before, and I repeat it, that if there is a case to be made for it, any industrial organisation which receives assistance from this State should be in the position that its affairs can be openly investigated, or at least investigated by a Committee of this House. Any ordinary industrial organisation which issues a prospectus, which goes into business and which obtains voluntary subscriptions from the public by way of shares and payment for shares has to answer to its shareholders for what it spends its money on. It seems illogical to me and quite intolerable that an organisation which does not look for voluntary capital, such as is solicited in the prospectus of a company which does, but receives involuntary subscriptions from the pocket of every taxpayer in this country, should be in the position that its affairs cannot be investigated by anybody.

Every citizen who pays tax in this country is an involuntary shareholder in the Verolme Dockyard and is an involuntary shareholder in every other company for which the State gives a grant. The ordinary people are entitled to the same consideration as the shareholders of a public company enjoy. I agree with the Minister that it might discourage certain organisations from coming here and looking for State aid. If they do not want to come under the terms I suggest, I consider they are not worth having. Any company which is ready to trade decently and take decent advantage of the capital which is provided by the State should be in a position to say: "Look, as far as we are concerned you can investigate everything we do down to the last penny and down to the last article we send out of our factory and you will not find anything wrong".

The very fact that the Minister says it is not in the interests of the company or in the interests of the State that the private affairs of this company should be investigated is inciting every one of 57 different varieties of other companies to come into this country and to get hold of the people's money. What is there to hide if the company is going to make good use of the money provided by the State? It has become a sort of convenience that such matters should not be investigated.

I would ask the Minister to take the lesson of the Verolme Dockyard and the lesson of the vessel "Amstelhof" to heart and to make it quite clear to people who come in seeking our largesse that the money is being provided only on consideration that the company will be open to investigation by this House in the name of the people who sent us here. In that way, I believe we will not have people who had perhaps been convicted in Great Britain coming over here and getting assistance from the State to form companies. I believe we will still find some companies coming over here to assist us with their expertise and knowledge and we will get a better type of company coming over here than those who came here previously.

Some of those companies made statements from time to time about redundancies and other prognostications and said that next year everything would be much better. We have found in the past that instead of 200 people being employed in some of these industries in three or four years' time, there were only 20 people employed. If we take proper precautions with some of these companies coming in here, we will not have the Minister coming into the House saying there is likely to be employment for 600 workers when full production is reached. We will not have him saying that the industry is only starting and 40 people are now employed. After some time, we will not find that instead of going up, it went down to about 20 workers.

I do not suggest for a single moment that when the Minister came in here last week and gave us figures about the potential employment in these companies, he was trying to deceive us I am quite sure he had the figures correct but I would be very interested if this time next year he would make reference to volume 211, column 128, of the debates for Tuesday, 16th June, 1964, and told us what exactly was the position in regard to the figures he gave us last Tuesday. I doubt very much if the figures he would give us then would have any relation to the actual figures he gave us last Tuesday.

The wind blowing eastwards in previous debates on the Industry and Commerce Estimate in past years seems to have died down this year. We were being swept into the Common Market in our discussions on this Estimate in 1962 and 1963, but the Common Market discussions seem to have receded very much in this year's debate. We had assurances from the Taoiseach and from the Minister for Industry and Commerce not very long ago that we would find ourselves full members of the EEC in the not too distant future and that we would find ourselves members, irrespective of whether Britain joined or not. It was contended from this, and I adverted to the fact on a number of occasions, that Britain's action on this question of entry should not, and would not, guide our action. We have a longstanding tradition of dealing with Britain and we cannot lay that aside, and could not lay it aside and go it alone, as the Taoiseach said, into the Common Market. It is agreed by the Government that, whether we like it or not, if in the future—and I do not think it will happen in the near future —Britain goes into the Common Market, we will act likewise. If, on the other hand, Britain stays out, it is more than likely we will stay out as well.

The Minister was probably premature in dismantling the tariffs and protection set up for keeping our industries functioning. Side by side with this question of protecting certain firms, we are endeavouring to make industries stand on their own feet so that they will be able to take their place in international markets. We have on the other side of the picture, the giving of injections to existing firms to keep them alive and going. In the past we had discussions here on the advisability of keeping the St. Patrick's Mines in Wicklow in action. It was contended in the House that more than 1,000 men were employed and that if several substantial injections were not given to this patient, there would be disemployment, with consequent hardship to these men and their families.

Rightly or wrongly, the House agreed unanimously with the Minister that we should give three substantial subventions to that company. From recollection, I think the total amount was £1¼ million. That amount was in addition to the money invested by the State earlier in that concern. Despite the three subventions, totalling £1,250,000, the company had to wind up. It has ceased to exist even though these subventions were granted, which, we were told, would tide the company over its difficult period. We understood there were brighter periods ahead and that if we gave this money to the company, everything would work out satisfactorily and it would stand on its own feet.

Even though I come from County Cork, I must confess I am not very conversant with the Verolme Dockyard. I know it is giving employment to a number of people. A grave doubt has been cast on that company in this House by speakers, and indeed by the last speaker who represents a constituency in Cork adjoining the Verolme Dockyard.

No, it does not.

It is very near it; it is a matter of just a few miles. I am sure there are people from Deputy Corry's constituency and from Deputy Barrett's constituency working in the Verolme Dockyard.

And from Deputy Murphy's constituency.

We gave subventions in order to give employment and we were told that when our men became skilled in the art of ship-building and when productivity increased, the company would be able to stand, if not completely on its own feet, with the aid of small contributions from the public funds. It was felt here at the time we supported the granting of subventions to the Verolme Dockyard that these subventions would bring them over the stage when the men were not capable of additional production because of inexperience.

Now we find there is a question about the activities of the company. I hope the statements made by the previous speakers are unfounded and I hope the Minister will have a complete answer to the assertions made from the Opposition benches on the integrity of the Verolme Dockyard. There is no doubt that the publicity arising from these statements, particularly the statement of the Leader of the Opposition, has raised doubts in the minds of people throughout the country. I should not imagine that the vice-president of this company in Holland would make the remark casually that it was a storm in a teacup. The Fine Gael Party have made serious allegations against the company, substantiated today by another member from Cork, Deputy Barrett, and I think there is an obligation on the Minister to tell us whether there is anything in these allegations or not.

If this company is to be the same as the St. Patrick's Mines and if we give £350,000 to build a ship there, I think it should not be regarded as industrial employment but as a kind of relief scheme.

I believe we must address ourselves to this big question which came to the fore in past years of bringing in industrialists here from Germany, Britain and America in order to develop the country industrially and to provide employment for our people. I supported Governments past and present, in their desire to bring in foreign industrialists to establish industries which would give much needed employment and which would help to balance our economy by exporting the goods manufactured. In retrospect, we find it is not working out as satisfactorily as we anticipated. I have come to the conclusion that the emphasis should now be on developing industry at home with Irish capital and with Irish principals. If we have not the technical know-how to do some of the work which industrial development entails, we should import that type of knowledge and pay qualified people who have that type of knowledge for their work. I think it would be much more advantageous to pay these people substantial salaries in order to attract them here, if they have the particular qualifications needed for the development of our industrial arm, and let them be subject to authority here and subject to Irish management rather than hand them over full control, as happened in Cork and in Wicklow.

I hope that, in future, the Minister's Department will be more readily at home to people who apply for aid for the establishment of industries. When I use the term "industries" I mean projects by applicants who are anxious to develop small industries which may employ in the initial stages only ten, 12, or 15 men. The Minister's Department takes too much note altogether, I think, of people who come along and say they will be able to employ 200 in the first year and, in the course of time, will be able to employ 600 or 700 men. These anticipations are not borne out. We should, as I said, be more readily at home to people interested in commonsense projects in small towns and villages. If an industry starts in a small town or village, an industry likely to prove an economic proposition, that is a great help. If only ten men are employed at £10 per week, it means £100 per week to that small town or village. I think that is a better development than these large industrial centres which the Government, and some others, hoped in the past to establish throughout the country. We should concentrate more on the establishment of small industries.

We have had several discussions in relation to local problems connected with industrial development in West Cork. I make a special appeal to the Minister now to interest himself personally in the application of the Fastnet Co-operative Society, which is seeking a grant for the establishment of a food processing factory in Skibbereen. The Minister may be conversant with the position. Through the initiative of local organisations, headed by the curate of the parish in which I reside, £33,000 was subscribed by local people towards the establishment of this factory. I understand that the Sugar Company gave £33,000 also, making a total of £66,000. I have been assured by the organising committee that if more local capital is required that capital will be available locally.

I understand that some delays—I shall not say difficulties—have arisen in getting departmental approval for the money the committee have sought from Foras Tionscal towards the project. I hope the Minister will personally interest himself in this matter and, if any difficulty has arisen, that he will smooth out that difficulty and make the capital available. I appreciate the difficulties of Foras Tionscal in parting with big grants to companies. I know they have to examine these applications very carefully and scrutinise them closely and diligently to ensure that the projects, if established, will prove sound, economic and lasting. We feel assured in West Cork that this project would undoubtedly be a success. The Sugar Company has given it its blessing. We feel that a company established by local initiative and with local capital has a much better chance of survival. I am aware all the technical problems surrounding this particular project have been dealt with in detail by the committee and the Irish Sugar Company. I understand the latter are satisfied that the project is a sound one. I hope the Minister will now give it his blessing and that the first sod will be turned on the site in the not too distant future.

Some weeks ago—the Minister was absent at the time—I referred briefly to the factory which was established in Bantry. As the Minister is aware, the factory is not employing the numbers it was anticipated it would employ. In fact, the factory has met with a number of difficulties. I expressed the view here that the State should now step in and take over this factory, try to develop the industry, if that is possible, and, if that is not possible, to replace the existing industry with some other suitable industry. We have been crying out for industrial development in West Cork and we are sadly disappointed that the factory in Bantry should have been established on such a very, very sandy foundation indeed. I am surprised that the promoter of this factory passed the qualifying tests, imposed by Foras Tionscal and succeeded in securing grants totalling £90,000. I do not want to reflect on this man, but I believe it is imperative that I should, as a local Deputy, refer to this whole question of the availability of Foras Tionscal grants.

In the annual reports I have read that the applications from west Cork, with three exceptions, I think, have been rejected. In the latest annual report there were eight applications from west Cork, of which seven were rejected and one is under consideration. How, then, did a man devoid of personal qualifications, or financial qualifications, secure this substantial grant? The position with regard to his English company, according to the reports in the Press, is that his liabilities exceed his assets by some £300,000. It was stated that his liabilities were £500,000 and his assets only £200,000. I cannot imagine how such an applicant passed Foras Tionscal and got his grant approved.

I venture to say that, had this debacle occurred in the neighbouring state of Britain, much as we may have to say about it at times, those responsible, including the Minister, would have had to resign from their positions. That seems to be a usual feature of Parliamentary life in the adjoining Parliament. They go on the basis that a Minister is responsible for the activities of his subordinates and of the boards set up by him, so that when they make a blunder — as undoubtedly they did in this case—he should resign. I do not know what disciplinary action, if any, the Minister has taken. I do not want to be opening up any sores in this matter. We kept respectfully silent about it for more than 18 months in the hope that the State, having blundered, would step in and do something to develop the factory. When we found the number employed was steadily dwindling and that the State was taking no action, I felt it was imperative to refer to the matter in the House. Indeed, local people were saying that there seemed to be a conspiracy of silence as far as this factory was concerned, inasmuch as it was not referred to in the House until I first raised it a few weeks ago.

There is nothing wrong with State participation in local industry. Having regard to the exceptional circumstances surrounding the project in Bantry, I think the Minister should consider the matter. False hopes of employment were raised. The proprietors of the factory communicated with Irishmen in England and told them work was available. Many people, particularly those in Bantry and contiguous areas, were very disappointed when they found their hopes dashed. I am asking the Minister to step in and retrieve the position as far as he can. I know it is not the policy of the State to step in and take over industrial development, but surely the Minister and the Department, with their many industrial connections at home and abroad, could find some industry to replace the one I believe has failed in Bantry? This is something I do not like to refer to in the House. It is a black mark against Foras Tionscal that a person so qualified could pass through their net without any questions whatever as to his capacity either personally or financially.

In February, 1961, the Taoiseach held out great hopes for industrial development in west Cork. He referred to the matter on no fewer than four occasions on that day. He spoke at length in the House on the closing of railways. He made it very clear that an obsolete railway system was a hindrance to industrial development. He said that was clearly shown from the experience in west Cork, because when it was definitely announced that the obsolete railway system would be removed there were several inquiries for the establishment of industries there. I should like to know from the Minister what happened to these industries. I shall quote only the relevant part of the Taoiseach's statement from the Official Report of 16th February, 1961, volume 186:

To my knowledge, it is true that in the past efforts to induce industrialists into that area were hampered because of the impression which industrialists had, that if they established industries in the area, they would be pressurised by the Government to use a form of transport there unsuitable to their business. The industrial development that is now taking place in west Cork is unprecedented in the history of that area. Is that not true?

The obvious answer to the Taoiseach's question now, three and a half years afterwards, is that it is not true. This unprecedented industrial development has not materialised. However, there is an old proverb which says it is never too late to mend. Since the Taoiseach made this statement, it is not too late to implement it, although it is getting rather late now three years afterwards.

The Taoiseach went on to say:

I have clearly shown that manufacturing industries have only begun to flow into that area since it was announced that the railway line would be closed.

They must be invisible industries. Where are they? Except for the Flatley factory, I did not see any flowing down so far. We had the net factory about to open in Castletownbere, but that was miles and miles from the railway and would not concern the Taoiseach's deliberations in February. As I pointed out earlier to the Minister, the factory we had great hopes of is delayed, and I understand the blame lies with the Department.

Therefore, I hope the Minister will honour the Taoiseach's assurance by ensuring that this factory will open or that work will commence on it in the not too distant future. I do not think there is much need for me to dwell further on the problem in west Cork. The net position is that the Taoiseach's assurances to the House are not being honoured. We have not got the seven industries he said we were about to have in the very near future. Perhaps, a better way of saying it would be that his anticipations have not been realised. I want to impress on the Minister the desirability of industrial development in the area. It is not long since we had the election. It was in October, 1961. Since then the number of electors has reduced in west Cork by 1,200. In fact, I think it was 1,251. The figures, as given to Deputy Sweetman, of the electors in this constituency in recent weeks indicate that there is a fall of more than 1,200 in the number of electors in the constituency of Cork South-West, which indicates that more than 1,200 have emigrated from that area. That is a reasonable assumption. We were hoping that, with the possibility of developing industries there, we might be able to arrest the trend.

I do not minimise the difficulty of industrial expansion and development in west Cork. There are many difficulties but I assumed, when the Taoiseach made a statement, that he had addressed himself to all aspects of the matter and was satisfied industry was about to flow into the area, that everything would shortly be rosy in the garden.

I look to the Minister to interest himself personally in this development and to try to get a few industries there, particularly the one in Skibbereen, and to try to replace the closing of the flour mills in Clonakilty where about 25 men are out of employment. Generally speaking, the picture in west Cork is not rosy.

Unfortunately, employment on public schemes has reduced. I know that that is no concern of the Minister. The picture in west Cork today so far as employment is concerned is not a very rosy one. I ask the Minister to do all he possibly can to change that position.

I do not want to refer to too many other matters. I was surprised by the attitude of Deputy Gallagher that the only contribution from the Labour benches to discussion here is one of finding fault with the Department, of criticising the Department for this, that or the other and, generally, that all these criticisms are without foundation. Does he think we should be a mutual admiration society? It is our job to put forward the views of this Party and our individual views. The criticisms we have to offer are quite constructive. The speakers from the Labour benches are the most constructive in the House. We point out the grievances of the people and suggest ways and means of combating the grievances.

I do not think we should turn this House into a kind of mutual admiration society where criticism should not come from any quarter and there should be nothing but praise for the Minister whether or not he deserves it. I am not in any way reflecting on the Minister. Possibly he is doing the best he can but his work is not showing good results. We must have more effort from the Minister and his Department if we are to improve the figures of employment.

I shall not dwell on the figures supplied to us by Foras Tionscal and the amount of money spent to date since it was initiated in 1951. The figures show that a sum of £5,100,000 was spent in respect of industrial development in undeveloped areas and that £3,300,000 was spent in developed areas up to 31st March, 1964. We would require a break-down of the figures to indicate how much of this has been put into worthwhile projects and how much has gone down the drain. I shall not hold up the House now by going into any aspects of that question but, indeed, it should be very interesting.

I would ask the Minister to instruct his officers in Foras Tionscal to be more responsive to applications from Irish people who are anxious to start industry here in a small way. I am particularly interested in people who have capital and the other qualifications and who are anxious to start small industries which may give employment in the initial stages to only ten or 11 men. When such people go to Foras Tionscal and the potential of employment is mentioned I am told they do not get a good reception.

We should be more responsive to local people who are anxious, with their own capital and with State aid, to establish soundly based small industries in their areas. There is an obligation on the Minister to give encouragement to such people. It is quite possible and likely that if such industries were established they would grow and give increased employment. I am asking him, then, to be more responsive to such applications from people who are thinking about starting small industries.

One reason why there are not industries in west Cork is, I would say, Deputy Murphy, when he allies himself with the anti-industrial Party in this House, with the Party whose whole policy—since I came in here, anyway, in 1927—has been a definite one of sabotage of any industry ever started in this country to give employment. I have endeavoured at times to help out in Deputy Murphy's constituency. On one occasion I appealed to Lieutenant-General Costello to send down the beet seed industry there. He did so. At the end of three years of wailing and moaning it had to be taken down to Deputy Tom O'Donnell in Limerick where it has flourished ever since. It is just as well to look these things in the face. When we have representatives like Deputy Murphy holding down progress in the constituency, we must look at the problem in another way.

This history of anti-industrialisation goes back a long way. I would take it back to the early days when the Leader of the Opposition came in here to us and made his first attack. We know that every member of this House has been endeavouring to stem the tide of emigration in the western counties and in west Cork. The very first attack made in this House by Deputy Dillon was on a little thread industry which had been established in County Mayo. That was away back on 4th December, 1935. He attacked that little industry in the county where he himself was born and he did not stop at that. He pursued the matter for three years. Referring to the strength of the thread, the rottenness of the thread, and so on, Deputy Dillon did his damnedest to drive that industry out of Mayo.

We can now look back at it from 1964. It has survived the attacks of Deputy Dillon for 30 years, and is giving employment there today. That is the kind of stuff you get from the people over there. How often have I seen the people over there get up to rip and tear the products of Irish industries. I remember one person who used to talk about the pitchforks made in Templemichael in Cork. He said it was very easy to break the handles. I got so fed up listening to him that I had a manure fork made with iron in the handle, and I sent it to him and he wondered why he could not break it. That was the only way to put a stop to the kind of stuff you hear from those people.

Two months after I came into this House—that was back in 1927—we had a proposal that a 25 per cent subsidy be paid by the Government to Rushbrooke Dockyard to keep it going. The Government of that day were not prepared to do anything to keep the 400 Irishmen then working in that dockyard in employment. The result was that it was handed over to the vultures who sold it out for scrap. During the emergency I saw a ship with a hole in its side come into Cork Harbour. It had to be filled in with cement to enable it to travel on. Those are facts which cannot be denied.

A dockyard is very sensitive. We all know it is very hard—practically impossible—to have constant employment in a dockyard. Deputy Barrett's friends in the Cork Harbour Commission——

The Deputy has as many friends as I have.

——have done very little, if anything, to help the dockyards. The whole trade of Cork port is being done by two shipping companies twice a week. A bonus by way of release from harbour dues is paid to them to take away our produce. Not one of those ships goes into Rushbrooke Dockyard for repair or overhaul. They go over to Mother England for that. The position is the same in regard to Irish Shipping, I am sorry to say. The vessels required by that company are sent abroad for building and repair instead of helping to give employment in our own dockyards.

I hold no brief for any foreign industry in this country. I take the same view as the farmer who said: "He is a very good man but you would need to watch him." That is the way I look on all foreign industries in this country. I am very happy about the ability of the Minister to keep his eye on them. I object to the way every industry that is started in this country to stem the tide of emigration is attacked and vilified by people on the Fine Gael benches.

(Interruptions.)

I could make allowances for them, but in revenge for the kicking the Cork workers gave Fine Gael in the by-election, they are now endeavouring to throw 800 or 900 workers out of employment. If one quarter of the time that Deputy Barrett spent on research were spent in endeavouring to find employment for some Irishmen at home, his constituents would like him better.

Does the Deputy object to research?

I object to any Deputy who finds that his constituents have rejected him, and rejected his policy, trying to wreak vengeance on the workers in the manner in which Deputy Barrett and Deputy Dillon have done here. There is a limit. The workers in the Verolme Dockyard will be duly grateful to Deputy Murphy for his contribution to this debate today. I welcome any person or any industry that will stem the tide of emigration——

Say it flatly.

——and give employment to our people.

I have heard that kind of stuff all my lifetime.

Is the Deputy saying it flatly ?

Deputy Barry talked about barriers being pulled down and said that Irish industry will fall on its tail unless it gets subsidies. We have proof of what Irish industry is prepared to do. Four or five miles from Cork city, Martin Molony and Bros. Ltd. are expanding their industry to employ 170 more hands, in spite of the way Deputy Barry wailed about the dread of the woollen industry. The position is the same in Youghal and Midleton, in spite of what Deputy Barry said about the reduction in tariffs leading to wholesale unemployment. That type of thing goes on here month after month, year after year.

First of all, there is the wail about the rising tide of emigration and about unemployment, and then there is the sabotage of our industries. I am not forgetting, when Deputies opposite were in Government, helped, of course, by the Labour Party, what they tried to do. I have a very good recollection of the conditions then obtaining in Irish Steel Holdings. Their activities resulted in a reduction of 200 men in the employment of Irish Steel Holdings in a three year period. They resulted in a deterioration of the products which were rejected throughout the country. Irish Steel Holdings were told: "You cannot use first-grade or second-grade scrap; you must use third-grade scrap." The result was, of course, that one of our industrial geniuses, Mr. Christy Fitzpatrick, the general manager, got so disgusted with them that he flung the thing there and walked out.

We are now putting those industries back on their feet again, giving employment to our people. The people to whom these industries gave employment are getting their confidence back in Irish industry and in the Government who helped to get the industries on their feet. Still, these so-called Cork representatives come in here and seek to vilify and attack these industries. They try to drive these people out of employment.

That is an untruth.

I shall let the people judge.

It is an untruth.

It is an untruth.

Will Deputy O'Sullivan cease interrupting?

I have made my point.

The Deputy has made it on more than one occasion.

I have, Sir.

I listened to Deputy Barrett's attacks here today and I did not interrupt. If you cannot take it, go. I suggest you go now before the people kick you out.

That is like the regional hospital. The Deputy's Party made him toe the line there.

The question does not arise. Deputy O'Sullivan must desist from interrupting.

When he wants to talk about that, let him come out into the open and I promise he will get his answer.

The Deputy will have some explaining to do.

I am concerned mainly about the problem of establishing industries which will utilise particularly the produce of our land. In that respect, I should refer to the research work initiated by Lieutenant-General Costello and the resultant processing factories. After three years of experimental work, we are now branching out. As Deputy Murphy has said, considerable sums of money have been collected in Kerry, in west Cork, in areas such as Bandon and Midleton, for the purpose of pushing those industries ahead.

The construction work in the Midleton area is now at an advanced stage and it is expected the plant there will go into production in October. At the beginning, that industry will give full employment to 100 to 150 people and if we succeed in our programme, in three years, there will be employment there for 700 people. Apart from the income to the area, that will have the added enormous advantage of helping to arrest the flight from the land. More than 500 acres in west Cork will be under vegetables, with an added income of roughly £500,000 to the farmers. That should help to keep boys and girls, sons, daughters and workers, on the land.

I hope that in Kerry, in Bandon and Skibbereen, factories will be ready to go into production this time next year. I have an assurance from Lieutenant-General Costello that today he could sell five times his present production of processed foods. Yet we all know the rumours that have been sent around. They say: "Oh, they cannot sell; there is no market abroad". All those whispers are part of an endeavour to sabotage the confidence of our people in those industries.

Who is doing that?

I am not deaf.

Who is doing it?

I am not deaf.

If you have a charge, make it.

I did not make a charge against the Deputy.

I am glad the Deputy did not because he knows the contrary to be true.

I know what has been happening. I honestly believe the Deputy has heard some of it as well. I am most anxious to see those industries forge ahead for the reasons I have given. As I have said, in Midleton, the factory is at an advanced stage of construction and we hope it will be coming into production in October, with very welcome employment for local labour and a market for the farmers' produce.

I am perturbed about the industrial situation in other parts of my constituency. There is grave need for an industry in Fermoy and also in the area west of Mallow, right through Kanturk and Newmarket. I am at present endeavouring to make contacts in an effort to get some sort of industry for that area because any town without an industry today is bound to go to the wall. My main reason for intervening in the debate was to meet this bad-tempered attack that has been made simply because of the people's decision in the recent Cork by-election.

I do not think there is any point in referring to some of the rather colourful statements of Deputy Corry except to say that his innuendo that all the inspiration and planning of General Costello and the Sugar Company could be aligned with his Party is rather amusing. The record of his Party over the past three years in relation to the establishment of these food factories is something that Deputy Corry or any member of his Party would not wish to have discussed. It was only after considerable representations had been made by persons of great standing outside Government in this country that a final decision was taken to go on with these factories.

I wish to refer to a fact that has been highlighted by the figures for our trade during the first quarter of this year. I quote from the Irish Times of Tuesday, 9th June, 1964 which states:

Of the total increases of £18.3 million in imports for the first quarter of 1964 as compared with the first quarter of 1963, £13.6 million, almost 75 per cent was in respect of materials for further production— almost all non-agricultural.

This points to the fact that if we are to expand our industry, and I agree that owing to our under-industrialised condition, we must do so, we must be careful to see that we do not produce a disequilibrium in our international payments.

In the same article, it is said, relative to the first quarter:

Increased exports of live animals, food and food preparations account for £8.4 million of the increase of £12.7 million in total exports between the two periods.

In the first quarter of this year, we had very high prices for cattle which resulted in the selling of stocks to a considerable degree—to what degree we do not know—and it was this export that allowed us without serious disequilibrium in international payments to maintain our industries here.

As I see it, we are so under-industrialised that we must expand, but in doing so we must proceed along lines that are safe lines, lines that will ensure that any jobs created will be permanent jobs, which will not be interrupted by periodic credit squeezes. I note from the figures supplied that the total employed in manufacturing industry is 167,000 and that the number employed in agriculture is decreasing from 400,000. So we must start off on the premise that our industries, important as they are, and despite any improvement we can make, are less than half as important a factor in employment as the agricultural sector.

While we want to industrialise, we must do so in such a way that we will use the raw materials available at home or that for those we must import, we will be able to pay on the international markets. The Minister will agree that there is great necessity for planning for expansion so that we will not damage the equilibrium in our balance of payments. The incentives that were first given by this Party in the inter-Party Government, such as freedom from income tax on new industrial exports and the Industrial Grants Act, have been expanded by the Minister but greater incentives will be necessary in the future.

There has been serious consideration of this matter by our Party and we have been studying for some time the position of France. We readily admit that when they were getting down to this problem in France, they got such a vast sum from the International Monetary Fund that we cannot compare our position with theirs. At the same time, we believe that these now accepted incentives which we already offer, such as freedom from income tax on new exports, must be expanded and extended by other incentives, such as freedom from income tax and surtax for such industries as will conduct their expansion along lines which will be in concord with Government policy and produce the level of permanent employment which we all desire.

There was no reason why we could not have resorted to the International Monetary Fund as the French did, if we knew where we were going. The fact that a turnover tax has been introduced here, although we are pledged to remove all taxes on food, fuel, and clothing for our people, has brought about a breakthrough in taxation as far as we are concerned. While we would not operate a turnover tax as such, the fact that there has been a percentage tax on the sales of all commodities leads one to believe that the Government are now in a position to remove some of the taxation placed on industry.

In the PEP publication, under the heading: "French Planning: Some lessons for Britain" there is a paragraph in page 355 dealing with incentives which I quote:

A considerable number of terms have been used to define the nature of French planning. The point frequently made is that while French planning is "voluntary" and "indicative" and not "mandatory" or "imperative", it does seek to direct the economy in a certain direction and it does have the machinery to make these preferences effective.

If we are to plan our industrial structure and if we are to say in respect of the production of goods industrially from agricultural raw materials that we will give a 50 per cent remission of income tax, that is voluntary and indicative planning. We must face the fact that in competition it is also obligatory planning. If there are two industries doing this job and if one of them does it as the Government want it to be done and where they want it to be done and uses Irish raw materials, it can avail of the tax concession or whatever the incentive may be, whereas the other cannot and, therefore, cannot complete.

There is, therefore, the opportunity for the Government, not only to give the incentive, but to make the incentive almost an obligatory matter and something that can help in the proper structure of industry so that we will not have this situation, which is quite dangerous, where for everything we export in the category of industrial exports we have to import a very large measure of raw materials, so that, in fact, it does not help to secure the equilibrium of payments which will allow the country to go forward in the way we would all desire.

Therefore I would suggest to the Minister that he should consider the expansion of the two or three incentives that he provides into the type of thing I am suggesting. He could, for instance, give a greater incentive by way of tax concession to industries involving a high labour content and industries situated where a high level of labour was available. I am not suggesting that we should be so parochial as to insist on an industry being established where there was a high degree of unemployment rather than allow it to place itself in a more advantageous position but there is a happy medium. If we could get this type of industry, there is scope for the Minister to produce the type of tax concession that we on this side of the House would like to see extended.

The same is true in relation to the positioning of industries having a high labour content in places where there are natural resources and where services are available. If these further incentives that I suggest were to be given, the Minister should indicate where the industry might be established. Transport is an important consideration. We are paying £2 million per year for five years to CIE. That does not come under the aegis of the Minister for Industry and Commerce but if we do not plan so as to get the best value from the movement of goods and so as to get the most out of the nationalised transport system, then we are not planning in a good or proper way.

If we had this varied range of incentives, we could direct certain industries that otherwise obviously, if they would come here for these incentives, would be placed in what are now known as industrialised areas. I do not like mentioning individual industries but every time I go out the Naas road and look at the Aspro factory, I say that that should be in west Cork because everyone knows that one lorry load of Aspros will remove all the headaches that may occur in Dublin for six months.

The Deputy is not suggesting that there are more headaches in west Cork than in Dublin.

No, but there are more people in Dublin to have headaches than there are in west Cork. That is a particular industry the siting of which does not matter, whereas on the other hand I can quote an industrial fuel industry lost to Drogheda. The raw material was being imported as waste fuel from Britain. The grant afforded would have been larger if the industry were based west of the Shannon. In order to get the larger grant on which the whole thing hinged, this light article in terms of weight but very heavy article in terms of volume and of usage would have had to have been imported through Dublin or Drogheda, transported to Athlone and then transported back to Dublin.

This inflexible type of incentive that we have been offering must be wrong. It is economic madness that where 10/-or £1 a ton is of great importance perhaps £2 a ton should be put on the end of product cost. It is wrong that in a case where one lorry load will produce all you want for perhaps months, the factory should be placed right in the industrial centre whereas the nationalised transport organisation could have brought this one lorry load once a month and all our headaches would have been cured.

It is that sort of thing that is so important and that requires so much detailed working out and it is the sort of thing that we should not be able to come in and make political speeches about.

Take, for instance, the constituency in which there is a by-election pending. There just is not any industry in it. Industries based there would have qualified for the larger grants. It did not happen. There is an extremely high degree of emigration from the west. The structure of the incentive system should have been such that certain industries among the number mentioned this year and last year as being set up could profitably have gone there.

They did not know there would be a by-election.

I agree but, leaving out the political aspect of it, is not that true? Then there is the question of the Report of the Committee on Industrial Organisation. I asked the Minister a question recently as to the number of redundancies there would be according to the report so far published. The number is something around 6,000. I think the Minister told us that there was an increase in industrial employment of perhaps 5,300 people. At the same time, there were far more people off the land. In the last two and a half years, 38,000 people have left the land. If we believe the Government's Second Programme for Economic Expansion, there will be 66,000 people off the land by 1970. In this context we are losing the race. The time has come for more specialised planning, for a more complex system. Every atom of my being reacts against direction. The same applies to the Party to which I belong. If the Government are producing the plums, they, at least, should have the opportunity to say where and when the plums would be eaten.

A certain situation has developed. The Minister has expressed his belief in the adaptation councils which have been set up. I suggest that there should be representatives from the Department of Industry and Commerce on the councils so that they will not be merely rationalising councils as a result of which there will be an increase in the number of redundancies being created. When an industrialist is in competition, irrespective of his desire to do the job right, when he sits down with three or four of his competitors and they see that by producing one article at one point and another article at another point, they can rationalise production and the end product will be cheaper, almost invariably redundancy is created. There should be on these adaptation councils a representative of the Government because there is on the Government a serious obligation to see that the maximum number are employed.

If, for instance, there is a suggestion for rationalisation which would mean redundancy in a particular industry but which might be advantageous to the management, then the proposals will go through irrespective of the views of the trade union persons on the council but if the Government were represented there, in order to suggest a greater measure of expansion of a particular incentive, perhaps applicable to that industry alone, then there could come out of rationalisation greater expansion and something which we would all desire. The Minister should think about this. If he wants to make the adaptation councils more positive, this is the way to do it.

In regard to the ports, it is quite impossible at the moment to get a fast turnover of goods in Dublin Port. This is not criticism of the port istelf but the port is so crowded that this fast turnover of goods cannot be achieved. At the same time, there seems to be a tendency on the part of the Government, even on the part of the larger importers, to play Dublin Port against everywhere else. There is a situation which seems to me to be quite inexplicable. Take the case of American coal.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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