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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 10 Nov 1964

Vol. 212 No. 4

Electricity Supply (Amendment) (No. 2) Bill, 1963: Second Stage (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Since I spoke on this Bill, I gave this whole matter some further thought and I decided in regard to this proposed destruction of this glorious facade by a State Department that—and this is a surprising conclusion for me to arrive at—the Minister agrees with the Bill introduced by Deputy Seán Dunne but has been overpowered by his officials. We have to judge everything by its form and that seems to have been the form of the Minister since he became Minister for Transport and Power; anything that his officials put up to him is accepted by him and brought into this House and pounded through this House. I would exhort the Minister to make his own decisions. I do not believe that a man of the Minister's background would wilfully destroy this wonderful vista. I should like to remind the Minister that if the ESB get their way and this destruction takes place, it will be remembered for him for ever, as the actor in the Abbey said.

Last week I mentioned that more Deputies should have come in here, that it was not just a matter for a few Dublin Deputies. I am rather proud of Deputy Seán Dunne and I want to compliment him on the manner in which he introduced the Bill and on the great research and hard work which he obviously put into it. I am very parochial in my own way in this House and I am sure Deputies often accuse me of that. I suppose I could only expect that from Deputy Seán Dunne because he comes from the same place as I do, from Waterford. I will say this much for the people there, that they would be more angry than the Dublin people about this coming destruction.

I reminded the Minister last week also that he should not lightly brush aside the people who have come to him and whom other Deputies could call pressure groups. Mr. Desmond Guinness is the spearhead of the opposition outside the House to this proposed destruction and cognisance should be taken of what Mr. Guinness says. I should like to remind the Minister that many beautiful things in Dublin have been presented to the nation by the Guinness family. We are grateful to them for presenting us with the magnificent Iveagh House, one of the finest mansions in Dublin. It may be of a later period than the facade of Fitzwilliam Street but it was a great house, and when the Guinnesses decided that there was no more need for a town house of that size, it would have been very easy for them to have sold it——

This does not arise on this Bill. What the Guinness family did with their property does not arise on this measure.

I am pointing out that the people who have given such a treasure, filled with treasures as this house was, to the State——

That may be so, but it is not relevant to the Second Reading of this Bill. The question before the House is that the Bill be now read a Second Time and what a certain family did with its property on occasion is not relevant.

I was trying to convey to you, Sir, that a member of a family who owned this house of such beauty and offered it to the State before letting it fall into the hands of anybody else, should not be lightly passed over by the Minister.

That has no relevance.

This man is head of the Georgian Society——

——and the Georgian Society is protesting against this.

I am not concerned with the Georgian Society. I am concerned with a Bill which Deputy Seán Dunne has introduced.

With respect, it is to preserve Georgian amenities.

But it has nothing to do with the Georgian Society. I cannot argue further. What the Deputy is trying to argue is not relevant to the measure.

With the greatest respect, Sir, what I am trying to point out is that we should take some cognisance of what people outside say. We are the servants of the people and if groups of people who are interested in certain things get together, Deputies and Ministers should take cognisance of what they say. I am hoping that we may be able to convince the Minister because we never seem to have any hope of convincing officials or experts when they pass sentence on anything. I must truly say to the Minister that we have had unfortunate experiences with his Department——

On a point of explanation, in view of the fact that officials of my Department have been commented on here, I want to make it clear to you, Sir, that the purpose of this debate is to decide whether my Ministry, together with the Oireachtas, should make a decision with regard to the preservation of certain buildings in Dublin. Without recourse to pressure from any official or any advice from them, I have decided that the matter should be left in the hands of the Minister for Local Government and the Dublin Corporation. The Deputy is quite entitled to say what he desires to say in this House but that is the issue on the occasion of this Bill, that is the issue before the House, quite simply, the transfer of certain powers and responsibilities to the Minister for Transport and Power of the day and to the Oireachtas and I have said that, in my view, that is not possible.

The Minister says now that he wants to transfer this decision to the Minister for Local Government.

To leave it with him and with the Dublin Corporation, and primarily with the Dublin Corporation.

From what I heard in the House this afternoon, the Minister for Local Government apparently "jumped the gun" on Dublin Corporation. With respect to the Minister for Local Government, I do not think that he would be a judge of Georgian houses or that he would even give two hoots for them. What he would do would be to pass this on to his officials. I am not making any attack on officials. I am merely referring to a system I have been trying to fight in this House, especially in relation to the Minister who is present. If what the Minister for Transport and Power says is true and this is passed on to the Minister for Local Government, people whose qualifications we do not know eventually come back to the Minister with a document and say: "There it is—the sentence of death on the Georgian houses." The Minister gives his imprimatur to it and it is passed on to the Minister for Trans port and Power, who says: "They must go."

Deputy S. Dunne and other Deputies say that these houses should not go and that this wonderful vista should not be destroyed. We are anxious to go on record so that our children will know that we did not do this, that we appealed to the Minister for Transport and Power and did everything to prevent it. I would be ashamed to have anything to do with an action of this kind. We are told we should think of what is practical and modern. We had the Taoiseach looking to the future and the atomic age, telling us he was not bothered about anything old but only looked forward to modern things. Before the week was out he looked back to things that were old.

I like to look back on things that are old. As far as the modern glass cages are concerned, I think they would be dreadful on that street. A modern building can be splendid in the proper setting. I am exhorting the Minister to get out of Fitzwilliam Street and do the really modern thing: build a block of offices in the green belt, where people can drive and park their cars without let or hindrance and do their business. The Minister is going to allow these offices to be built in Fitzwilliam Street. That will add a further conglomeration of cars to those already there. A main artery to Dublin will be blocked with traffic. That should not be allowed, and members of Dublin Corporation should take note of it. Today it is virtually impossible to find a parking space in the centre of the city. Yet we are building blocks of offices there. That will bring traffic to a standstill. Now the Minister is going to add further to it. The Sugar Company have built a block of offices at the corner of Leeson Street, but that was done before the Minister and his Department conceived this other plan. In view of the fact that those offices have been built, the Corporation should have avoided giving even general consent to build the offices in Fitzwilliam Street. From the information I have, the general consent given to the ESB and the Department of Transport and Power was given under the impression that the facade was to be preserved.

I would appeal to members of the Fianna Fáil Party to bring pressure to bear on the Minister in regard to this. I am a member of a political Party. If my Party were about to do this, I would disclaim it. The members of the Government Party talk about democracy. There is no democracy over there at all. This Bill, and the Bill we were discussing since 4 o'clock, should send people in the Fianna Fáil Party to their feet to oppose their own Party. It is a matter of surprise to many supporters of the Minister, and to many who know the Minister, that he has stood for this. Last Sunday I spoke to a man who knows the Minister well. He was of the opinion that everything was all right because he felt sure the Minister would not allow the facade to come down. There is no harm to let the Minister know what the people are saying on the Rialto.

The Minister appears to have been convinced by the experts. We have been given so many definitions of an expert. The last one I heard was: a man who comes from 60 miles away, who is not known to anyone and who knows nothing about what he is looking at. Where there is such a difference of opinion among highly qualified men, men of great culture and taste, the Minister should look again. Amongst those opposing him, the Minister will find the names of some of the most cultured people in this country and Great Britain. I hope the Minister will change his mind and will not let it go on record for all time that he was the man who made the decision that the vista of Fitzwilliam Street should be destroyed.

In opposing this Bill, I submit that there is nothing of cultural or national importance in preserving every Georgian fade in Dublin. I believe that any attempt to do so would be cultural and artistic sabotage. If we were to decide to preserve the Georgian character of every old street in Dublin, we would surely stultify every effort of our planners, designers, architects and draughtsmen to build for us a city worthy of our native genius.

We are now, or should be, endeavouring to provide for our citizens a city which will compare favourably with any capital in the world. We will not do that by leaving a certain row of houses precisely as it is merely because the fronts have a certain architectural interest. There are plenty of Georgian faades which we can preserve without losing sight of our main concern. We need not, therefore, be unduly concerned at the loss of a few in Fitzwilliam Street. If there is something special about the Georgian hall doors in Fitzwilliam street, I am sure the ESB will be glad to dismantle one or two and present them—free of charge—to any interested society which desires them.

Deputy S. Dunne refers to the "swollen arrogance of semi-anony-mous rulers by decree," as reported at column 129 of the Official Report of Tuesday, 3rd November, 1964. I presume he was referring to the management of the ESB. If so, he was offering a gratuitous insult to men who are making the ESB perhaps our greatest and most successful national undertaking—one in which Deputies on all sides of the House can take some pride.

These are Irishmen as conscious of the physical and aesthetic needs of the capital and the country as are Deputy S. Dunne and his supporters. They have shown initiative and progressive thinking throughout the whole range of the great industry which they control. Can we not trust them to give us a building which will preserve the view of the mountains which so many presume to admire when it is pointed out to them—while, at the same time, giving us an example of Dublin's artistic progress?

The suggestion that the ESB should move to the suburbs and that their present offices in Fitzwilliam Street be converted into flats to fulfil some of Dublin's housing needs is unrealistic. This would have the effect of giving us nothing more than temporary substandard dwellings. The people of Dublin have had a surfeit of these. What they need now are blocks of new flats containing every amenity demanded by ever-rising standards. Our architects and craftsmen can supply these if they are given the opportunity to do so and thereby help to re-create some of our own cultural and artistic heritage which was bludgeoned into unconsciousness many centuries ago.

There is no evidence that the preservation of a Georgian fade enhances the beauty of a street or district. The block of flats built in Gardiner Street is much more beautiful and artistic than the Georgian fronts which were preserved in the reconditioning of Seán MacDermott Street, Gardiner Street and Summerhill. I appreciate that this motion refers to one particular street but if the motion were successful who knows what other street we might be asked to preserve. It would be well if supporters of the suggestion that Fitzwilliam Street be preserved would realise that Georgian Dublin is collapsing around us and our business is to rebuild on its ruins.

Every branch of Irish culture went through a lean time in the years gone by. Our writers, musicians, painters and architects were deprived of the opportunity to give expression to national artistic genius. We are charged with the responsibility of assisting our people to create for themselves a tradition in the realms of the arts which will not only be in keeping with a heritage which is almost lost but which will be representative of every worthy modern trend. This artistic tradition will not be created in a year or two or ten years. It will take a long time, but a start must be made and has, in fact, been made. We should neglect no opportunity to press on with the work.

If, in doing so, we erect some modern buildings which depress Deputy S. Dunne, I recommend to him the thought that, perhaps, the buildings which he, today, professes to admire were no less depressing to many eighteenth century Dubliners. Deputy M.E. Dockrell is concerned, on aesthetic grounds, about the loss of the Georgian buildings. Did the creation of beautiful things die with the Georgian era? Can the twentieth century not create a beauty of its own? It can, of course, but it never will, if obscurantist thinking is allowed to colour our approach to every progressive trend.

I join with other Deputies in congratulating Deputy S. Dunne on bringing forward this matter for discussion. Some people might think that, with various serious things happening in the country today, it takes the form of fiddling a bit to concern ourselves about the issue of whether or not a line of houses is removed but I do not think that anybody seriously holds that view. All naturalised Dublin people and Dublin people who have lived here all our lives are so attached to Dublin that any change in it is a change in our environment and, being conservative as most people are, in matters of this kind, at any rate, we resent the change and are frightened of what the change might bring.

It seems a little ungracious to say that I have not been completely convinced by the case made by people who want to retain these houses. It is rather an unusual situation for me that I am still in two minds about what is the best thing to do. Possibly Deputy S. Dunne may be able to help in replying to a few points which I think neither he nor any of the speakers completely brought out to my satisfaction. As to the ESB and their decisions, my general feeling about the ESB is that on the whole they have a good record in regard to standards in building. I do not agree with Deputy T. Lynch about aesthetic values in the building of a power house or substation. Maybe he has seen some ugly ones in Waterford but I have seen some in various parts of the country and I was surprised to find out that they were sub-stations. They appear to be attractive and at the same time functional, serving the two important needs of any building nowadays. It is quite likely that the ESB have these values very much in mind when they put forward proposals of this kind.

I have not been impressed by Deputy Dunne's suggestion that these houses could be used for living accommodation. In my view, they are most uncomfortable to live in and would not be manageable as residences any longer. Even assuming they could be made structurally sound—and that is suspect —I do not know if they could be made to provide flat type accommodation which would repay the outlay involved. I could agree with Deputy Cummins that the Gardiner Street attempted adaptation has turned out a complete fiasco. If given a choice of living in the converted Gardiner Street houses or in the flats that have been built opposite, I should certainly opt for the flats. That is a simple and important test. I have talked to people living in both types and there is no doubt that the Dublin people would prefer to live in the flats rather than the converted houses.

I do not think there is much validity in the suggestion that we could use these houses to provide the additional accommodation which is so badly needed in the city. I think such accommodation could be provided otherwise much more quickly and probably much more economically. A certain amount of criticism has been made of the ESB. They are a semi-State organisation and have acquired what we now know to be, at present market prices, an almost priceless piece of property. On the whole, we must give credit for this to the ESB. They bought this property when it was not in tremendous demand and it is now a great capital asset as a building site from the strictly functional point of view. There is great attraction in that idea. If we tell organisations such as the ESB—and this is common policy of the Parties— that they should be strictly functional and run on the lines of strictly paying their way, I do not think we can fairly ask the ESB not to develop this capital asset to the maximum and get the most value out of it. If that site were held, as has been said, by a commercial interest in the city, it would be developed to the full and, judging by precedents, without any serious regard to aesthetic results.

The ESB happen to have this very valuable property and you must make up your mind whether you will ask them to act the part of a national trust —it should be the function of such a body—and ask the consumers of electricity to foot the bill for maintaining this monument to Georgian Dublin. It seems to me that in this way you could retain this monument for the people generally. I know, as most people agree, that you cannot live in this type of house nowadays; neither can you work in it. Anybody who knows the vast rooms and high ceilings appreciates it is impossible to carry out, I should imagine, efficiently, the day-to-day work of the ESB in them. It might be possible for dress firms or embassies or people of that kind to work there but the buildings are not suitable as office accommodation. There is one exception, for what it is worth, that is, the blood transfusion service. Those responsible made a rather fine adaptation of their houses and allied the functional to the aesthetic. From what I can gather, I believe it would not be possible to do that with the Fitzwilliam Street houses.

You cannot work in them or live in them and the only case for retaining them is to do so as a sort of national monument. If you want to do that, clearly you must pay the price and somebody, presumably the State, must establish some sort of national trust to buy these buildings from the ESB at market price, which is very considerable. If people are serious about this proposition, they must face the situation that this must become a national charge and must be paid for in the form of taxation of some kind.

It is wrong to abuse the ESB for not doing something which the community should already have taken steps to do if they were conscious of the loveliness of the Georgian period and its influence on Dublin and its development. We should have ensured this dilemma would not arise. It is wrong to exonerate, as appears to have been done, the people responsible for the fact that Dublin town is falling down due largely to neglect of landlords over the years to maintain these houses in structurally sound condition. That is going back, all water under the bridge, and the realities are that the town and the houses are falling down and we are in the position in which if it is decided to keep these buildings, it is a matter for the Dáil and the Minister to decide. If Deputy Dunne is successful in persuading people to maintain this fade from Holles Street to Leeson Street a quite different body should be asked to take on that responsibility and the ESB should be compensated for their foresight in purchasing this most valuable property.

I speak now as somebody deeply devoted—if one can so express it—to the city of Dublin. This attempt to retain the existing physical environment is a rather worrying thing in a generation at any particular point in time. I worry about it because I feel that the forward-looking approach to it should be to say: "We must make our contribution towards this city. The city is a growing dynamic living thing and it is no good trying to fossilise or mummify it or keep it absolutely static at a point in time." There is some similarity between this movement— they may see it themselves and I feel great sympathy with them—and the language enthusiasts, because they are in the same dilemma, attempting to retain something that is hardly a practical propostion in existing circumstances. It is very sad and it is regretted by everybody. At the same time, it is a victim of the passage of time, the reality, and the possibility that we simply must move over and remove these buildings.

Is Deputy Dunne justified in his fear? I disagree with Deputy Cummins over a point he made. Look at Dublin. Deputy Cummins spoke of the tremendous achievement we have made over the years. Deputy Dunne is justified in being frightened of the next step. I do not believe Ballyfermot, Crumlin, Drimnagh and all these other places would be considered a tribute to our aesthetic values and our understanding of beauty. I consider it quite scandalous, while driving or walking through these places, that people live in the appalling anonymity of these houses. They are like one dog kennel after another. It must be terribly demoralising to live in them. I do not believe in time to come we will want to take steps to preserve those places.

If one looks around the city of Dublin at the present time and sees the buildings which are going up, I do not believe one will agree with Deputy Cummins that Dublin is a beautiful city. I consider the Dublin we are creating is appalling. I consider the new Liberty Hall and the other sheet plateglass buildings which are going up are horrible. I know there is one new building along the canal, the new insurance building, which has some beauty. Most of the buildings going up are without any personality and without any aesthetic value at all. Our churches are, pretty well without exception, vulgar and unimaginative. They are pedestrian at best in their general design and interior decoration, decor, furnishings and general equipment. Our hotels are much the same. They are completely lacking in imagination. There is appalling vulgarity in inside decoration.

I do not know where one can look to see some sign of hope that we will be able to create something as beautiful as, or even more beautiful than, the thing we are taking away. Deputy Dunne's fear is pretty well justified. I do not believe a country can lose, as we have lost, 1,000,000 people, and not lose artistic, cultural and intellectual talent of every kind. When we come to replace the Georgian fade with something as beautiful or more beautiful, we will find we simply have not got the talent to do so. In fact, we have not got any particular quality of people in any of our professions, medicine, engineering, journalism or politics. We have not got any particular architectural sense. We have not got anybody to equal such personalities as Joyce, Becket, Shaw and, even more recently, people like John Kenny, who have left the country and have left us mostly like hens pecking our own eyesight out. We are a dull, mediocre collection which has little or nothing to offer to the creation of a really beautiful Dublin to replace Georgian Dublin.

I am, as I say, torn between the functional and the beautiful. I do not see why one cannot marry the two, why it is impossible to have the two. The Taoiseach made a passing remark and said he was all for strictly functional. I know he was speaking without any serious thought but I am slightly frightened by that approach because it is one I tend to myself. I like things to be efficient and it occurred to me if one takes that view, one could take silver plaques and salvers and melt them down and make halfcrowns. You would have something much more valuable, in simple terms, than the silver salvers. Perhaps it is an expression of the faint-minded to say you can replace Georgian buildings with something as beautiful. I do not see that we have anything with which we can replace those buildings or that we have anybody who is likely to replace those beautiful fades.

At the same time, we have seen that it is possible to replace old buildings with new buildings which will blend with the old surrounding buildings. Deputy Dunne has to face that choice. Does he believe that the Georgian fade can be replaced by anything as beautiful or more beautiful? We have seen what has been done in various places in this regard. Trinity College is a very good example because it has tended to grow over the centuries. Some of the buildings are of appalling vulgarity and others are of absolute impeccable beauty. We have the engineering school on the one hand and then the horrible building which faces it. There is the likelihood that they will be able to produce a very beautiful library there.

I suggest to Deputy Dunne that it is possible to merge the beauty of generations with new buildings and to create ultimately a wholly beautiful block of buildings. The new Royal College of Physicians in London, I understand, merges with the old surrounding buildings. Most people say it is a very beautiful modern building. While it fits in with the old beautiful buildings, it does not appear to be offensive. It merges in with the surrounding buildings. So it is possible, I presume, that we could try to get that type of merger of a modern building with the old.

The only difficulty I face is that the Minister for Local Government cursorily said this afternoon that he had looked at plans which were to replace the site and he did not like them. He did not like those presented by the ESB and sent them back, asking that changes be made and when the changes were made, he said. "They are all right now and fit in with the Georgian architecture generally and you can go ahead." I think it was presumptuous to say that and I do not know what authority he had behind him to say that or justify the imprimatur he seems to think he could give on the design, as to what was acceptable, what fitted in and what did not.

It boils down eventually to an act of faith in our own time. I have no reason to believe we have any right to have any faith in the creative talents of our own time. I know none of the products of our architects generally which would lead me to believe that we can trust them with this replacement. Where we have had open competitions for the building of new buildings, such as University College Dublin new buildings and the Trinity College new buildings, none of our architects made any significant impact. It is presumptuous to say so but that situation tends to support one's view that they are not competent to cope with a problem of this kind.

Is it possible then, and would the Minister consider it desirable, because of the seriousness of the decision he has taken, and because of its importance, to lay down that it is most unlikely that we could create this ourselves? It is regrettable but it is true. You cannot have an environment, education and background such as ours and not have a full appreciation of the beautiful by artists or architects who might fully understand these things operating in these terms. In these circumstances, can the ESB be permitted to go ahead working on designs, the product of open competition on the same lines as competitions carried out elsewhere? If it is felt that is not possible, that it cannot be done and that it should be restricted, and that we are not likely to get as good, or more beautiful, then presumably you would be justified in retaining the fade.

With regard to asking the ESB either to take them over as a national trust or to build behind the fade, it does not strike me as a practicable proposition, and I would not be keen on it. There should not be an attempt merely to preserve them for another generation, a generation who possibly might not take them as of our generation. The general principle is that the beautiful is not really a negotiable commodity. Because of that, they should be preserved, irrespective of the price. They have the creative genius of a Frank Lloyd Wright or a Corbusier who could produce something so lovely that that generation would turn to them and say: "These we created." Instead, we are at the moment hiding behind an excellently fraudulent fade of derelict buildings. To me it is a measure of our own inadequacy and if we can do anything else, I shall be greatly surprised.

I should like, first, to congratulate Deputy Seán Dunne on his opening statement in this debate. He certainly put a tremendous amount of work into his case for the Bill and came in fully conversant with his facts. He did not convert me because I did not require to be converted. I am of the opinion that every city has its own personal and distinctive personality and I do not think any Deputy or any Minister, will disagree with the fact that, embedded in the personality of Dublin, is this old Georgian architecture.

Many arguments have been adduced in this debate, which has gone into its second week now, in relation to what should and should not be done. Many arguments have been brought forward to the effect that Gardiner Street should have been preserved. Some maintained that. Others maintained that the reconstruction that took place there was more beneficial to the city as a whole than leaving it as it was. The conditions, of course, are not at all parallel. In Gardiner Street the houses had become derelict and were on the point, as many other houses in Dublin were I regret to say, of collapse and were becoming a public menace and a danger. They were cleared for the purpose of reconstruction. What this Bill, as I take it, endeavours to do is to preserve and maintain the finest Georgian fade existent in Europe today.

As I said at the outset, every city depends for its personality on a certain type of architecture. If we permit this scheme, as is envisaged now, to be carried out and the removal of this long stretch, which I might say is world-famous and known by architects and artists all over the world, I consider that we as public representatives who live for and represent Ireland today are not doing our duty in the city of Dublin. I speak with some reserve as I am a countryman and have no Dublin traditions or background, but I have had an opportunity of visiting many other cities and studying architectural conditions there and I always take away an impression of the architectural culture and background of the city concerned.

Some Deputies will argue that it is necessary to do this for utility purposes, that it is necessary to reconstruct these houses and remodel them. I should like to point out that in a great number of European cities, and in other parts of the world as well, much forcible removal of houses has taken place by virtue of bombing, and so on, during the wars which we have been through. I should also like to stress the point that old streets designed by architects 100, 200, or even more years ago, have been grossly interfered with and modern devices or architecture of the type to which Deputy Dr. Browne referred as the sheet glass type adopted which to me are an outrage to the vision.

We have this street in the city of Dublin and the argument in favour of abolishing it as made by the Minister yesterday is simply that what happened was there was a Government decision. That decision was left to the Minister for Local Government and he decided whether this row of houses should be swept away or not. The Minister for Local Government left it to those who are in an advisory capacity in that regard, the Dublin Corporation. The officials of the Corporation or the elected representatives—I do not know which because I am not privy to their private affairs in any way—decided that the most economic and suitable thing to do was to remove this street and permit the ESB to construct a modern street there.

I have the impression—I did not hear the Minister's speech but I read it —that the Minister agrees with the major portion of the motive behind this Bill but that the Government have already met on the matter, that a Government decision has already been taken and, of course, he is loyal to that decision. I can put no other interpretation on the situation because the Minister, whenever he has defended himself, has stated it is a matter for the Corporation and the Minister for Local Government—that an appeal had been made by the Georgian Society against the decision of the Corporation and that the Corporation decision was final.

That is the position at the moment. We are the people who legislate for this country, who must try to interpret the opinions of the public and act on them. I should like to stress to the Minister-though I do not think it is necessary, that there is a very strong volume of opinion in the country to the effect that this is the perpetration of an outrage on the city of Dublin.

The question was posed by Deputy Dr. Browne whether the ESB should be restricted in their endeavour to do the most economic thing. This business goes far beyond the confines of the ordinary commercial undertakings of the ESB. Of course, nobody can blame the ESB for trying to procure for themselves the most modern, up-to-date structure, the most economical proposition from their point of view, but there is the other aspect: why should it be left to the ESB to decide what the appearance of Dublin should be, in direct conflict with the opinion of so many others in the country?

It has been very sensibly suggested by Deputy Seán Dunne that the ESB might move out. He has asked why they should stay where they are. In modern conditions, the ESB might be better off somewhere else. If it were considered desirable to remunerate the ESB for any loss suffered in getting out of these premises, it could be done and this street preserved. Thus, something would be done to maintain Dublin as the city people know and have known and admired not only in the present but during the last century as well.

All cities have their own particular personalities. Deputy Dr. Browne referred just now to the modern reconstruction of Dublin. He searched for a word to describe what he felt and I thought of giving it to him but felt he might think I was interrupting. The word is "unimaginative". It is what we are now confronted with in Dublin. I do not say that modern architecture cannot be beautiful or, indeed, striking. Anybody who has had an opportunity of visiting cities, completely razed during the last war and some of which have been rebuilt en bloc——

En bloc is the right description.

I have never seen Coventry but I believe that following its destruction during the war, it is now one of the most architecturally attractive cities in the world, with no traffic problems. I have seen Stuttgart which was completely razed. I did not know the old city but the new one has grown up as one of the beauties of the age. Whoever was responsible for its reconstruction had imagination, unlike those responsible for Ballyfermot and other such places.

I suggest to the Minister that he refuse to permit this street to be destroyed. If he feels it is not in keeping with the policy of construction and reorganisation of the ESB, he should suggest to them that they leave the premises. What has happened to the original scheme whereby it was decided that the fade or frontage of this street could be maintained and the premises modernised at the rere? I do not agree with Deputy Dr. Browne that these houses could not be reconstructed in accordance with modern trends, still keeping their Georgian aspect. They could be developed as modern residential flats so long as there are four walls, secure and solid, within which to work. It should not be beyond the ingenuity of man to reconstruct them, providing lower ceilings and smaller rooms within.

The Minister must realise that there is a strong volume of opinion against this move. The Georgian Society in Dublin issued a petition which has been signed by many people, including myself. There is a strong nostalgic feeling among people not so vociferous in the city. These people hold that such institutions and traditions should be allowed to survive. They ask: why should we lose ourselves entirely in the modern age? Any American who visits the country—the more who visit us the better—and any European who visits, first of all, looks for something old, something of a period. According to the records, they should find here excellent examples of Georgian type buildings.

If this measure is not accepted, the Fianna Fáil Government, through the medium of the Minister—I am sorry for him because I do not think he agrees with the decision—will be responsible for the destruction of such period examples, the destruction of a very old, very famous and very beautiful street in the heart of the city of Dublin.

Mr. Ryan

We meet in a Chamber today which proudly displays Malton's prints of some of the fine buildings of 18th century Dublin. It would seem from the remarks of Deputies opposite and, unfortunately, of one or two beside me, that many Deputies do not use their odd minutes in the Lobbies to view these pictures with the respect they deserve. They have been hanging for years and, reflecting on the beauty that once was Dublin, we find it being ruined by unscrupulous, bludgeoning bureaucrats, incompetent and amoral Ministers and indifferent local authorities who are bringing about a crisis in architectural effect and the manmade beauty of this country of ours.

I suppose it would be possible for beauty to survive an unscrupulous bureacracy and also to survive an incompetent Minister if they both operated alone, but when they operate in unison, as they are now doing with the blessing of the Minister for Local Government, the Minister for Transport and Power and the whole rank and file of the Fianna Fáil Party, it would seem that what is worthwhile not only in material values but in cultural and moral values will suffer. No amount of passing the buck on the part of the Minister for Transport and Power will cure that sorry situation.

For many years the crown sitting on the top of our national emblem, the harp, was regarded as a symbol of servitude. We removed the crown. We should replace it with the buck, the buck that is passed, the buck that people like to have to pass, which is imposing a new servitude upon the Irish people who want to free themselves of the dictation of incompetent, indifferent and unscrupulous bureaucrats and Ministers alike.

I speak advisedly when I say that the bureaucrats of the public authority in this case, the ESB, are unscrupulous. I speak because I am informed and it is not information which arises only since 1955. The Minister's file and map appear to go back to 1955 and the declarations the ESB have made on the matter, as far as I have been able to find out, appear to come only from the past ten, 12 or 15 years. But what is not known generally is where this rot started. It did not start when these houses were built. It did not start because these houses were not as well built as the houses in Merrion Square. It started when the ESB, contrary to the advice of their own engineers and architects given to them in the 1930s and the 1940s, deliberately knocked down internal walls, deliberately put weights on floors that were never intended to carry them, deliberately abused the houses in Lower Fitzwilliam Street, although they were told by their engineers and architects—and if they have not burned the files they are still there —that by doing these things, they would bring about the early death of these buildings, but the ESB deliberately did them.

This information comes to me from a man who served in the ESB. I am not in a position to disclose his name because of the victimisation the unscrupulous bureaucrats and the Minster would bring to bear upon him and his colleagues if it were known but I state it here in full conviction of the accuracy of my statement because I have seen a copy of one of the minutes concerned.

In our history book we are reminded of a Lord Lieutenant whose name escapes me now but whose statue stands in the City Hall, Dublin, a man who although he was a foreigner and the representative of a foreign king in this country, is respected by us because he coined the phrase that property has its duty as well as its rights. That is a pious notion that apparently we all should respect. That is the kind of thing for which we will build statues to men who say it but, in the 20th century, we will not ask Ministers of State or semi-State bodies or any power that is big enough to defy what is decent, to respect that principle. That is the sorry plight to which we have come and which obliges us here, because of the wisdom and courage of Deputy Seán Dunne, to debate at the eleventh hour the butchery and vandalism being carried out by a public authority in this State.

I use the words "public authority" advisedly. I am not really concerned whether it is one Minister or another, or one State company or another, or one Government Department, or one local authority or another. All I know is that any person associated with public life in this country, either as a servant or as an elected representative, will be disgraced before posterity if we allow this vandalism to continue in Fitzwilliam Street in Dublin.

I suppose we are carrying on a vain fight, when even at this stage, after the issue has been one of great public controversy for two years, a member could have stood up within the past half hour in this House and say: "Sure what is in a few houses in Lower Fitzwilliam Street?" Does not it show how shallow must be the minds and the reading of some people that they can think only of a few houses in Lower Fitzwilliam Street as a few houses of no consequence? In themselves they are but a few houses, but in their position, in their planning, in their perspective they are the best of Georgian Dublin; they are the best example of the skill and ability of the professional men and the craftsmen and the artists of the 18th century in Dublin, when Dublin was one of the most beautiful capitals in Europe, and even today it could preserve some of what was then the best and what still in the years to come could be a shining example of the commencement of the idea of town planning in these islands.

The Minister for Transport and Power appealed to us who have protested over the past few years to be silent about what has already gone and what he wishes us to accept as completed and asks us instead to turn our energies to the future, because, he said, there will be opportunities under the 1963 Planning Act to ensure that what the ESB have left and what the other vandals and butchers have not been able to get at before the 1963 Act, can be capable of preservation. Is that not a lovely thought? Is that not a generous approach to the problem from a member of a Government whose colleague, in the very week the Town Planning Act of 1963 was coming into operation, forestalled any attempt to preserve Fitzwilliam Street by making an order under the old legislation that the 1963 Act had repealed and had consigned to the wastepaper basket, allowing the demolition gangs to go ahead and to operate? How on earth can any ordinary citizen have respect for public authority, for a Government, for a Department of Local Government, which deliberately prevent Dublin Corporation and deliberately prevent public opinion from preserving what they want to preserve, simply by using a defunct piece of legislation when it is on its last legs, wobbly legs, when it is about to pass out of our Statute Book and out of our memory for all time?

That is a peculiar way in which to induce people to have regard to town planning. That is a peculiar way in which to inspire the ordinary man in the street not to try to find loopholes in planning legislation. It would seem to me that the action of the Minister for Local Government, condoned by the Government, amounts to an encouragement to every vandal to find some way or another to avoid his responsibilities to his country and to his fellow man.

If it be that the ESB are to be allowed to go ahead, it seems to me grossly unfair to impose any obligation on the neighbours of the ESB to preserve 18th century architecture. Why should the ESB be allowed to do away with it if others are to be obliged to preserve it? If others are not going to be obliged to preserve it, then, in heaven's name, why was it made a condition in the scheme that in the new development the new building would have to harmonise with the surrounding 18th century architecture? Are we to understand that the duties that relate to property are to be imposed upon everybody else, upon the next door neighbours of the ESB, upon everybody in the vicinity of the ESB, but not upon the ESB themselves? That apparently is the notion that we in Dáil Éireann are asked to accept. That is the notion the Minister propagates in his rejection of Deputy Dunne's Bill.

The Dublin Corporation excluded Lower Fitzwilliam Street from their 1957 plan.

Mr. Ryan

The Dublin Corporation, like other local authorities, had an inadequate planning programme available to them. The Supreme Court, I think, directed the Dublin Corporation within three months to bring in a planning scheme. It went to their heads. The officials, who always get flurried as soon as they get any order from high authority, rushed around, made a speedy proposal, threw it at the courts and said: "There you are. We have done our duty," and from that day to this, the Dublin Corporation, who wanted in many ways to modify that scheme, were unable to modify it. Is that not the situation?

The Deputy is not giving a full account of the position.

Mr. Ryan

If the Minister finds pleasure in that kind of thing, I should like to deprive him of it by saying: let him abolish Dublin Corporation if they are responsible for this butchering of 18th century town planning and architecture in Dublin; they should be abolished—the Dublin Corporation, the Minister for Transport and Power or the Minister for Local Government, whoever is responsible. The reality of the situation is as put by Deputy Dunne who foresaw the futile arguments the Minister was to advance. Deputy Dunne dealt at length with the behaviour of the Dublin Corporation in relation to the ESB proposal.

I was the first to raise in Dublin Corporation the proposed vandalism of the ESB and when I did, I was told Dublin Corporation knew nothing about it. They only knew what had been seen in the newspapers, a report that the ESB proposed to demolish the buildings. It was some considerable time after that that Dublin Corporation received from the ESB an application —to use the phrase the bureaucrats love and which the Minister also admires—for general permission to develop the property.

That was the position at that stage. The elected representatives of Dublin Corporation had no power or function, good, bad or indifferent, in regard to the giving or withholding of permission in relation to that application. I want that clearly understood. The Minister ought to understand it and if he does not, he just gives another example of his incompetence to which I referred at the outset. The elected representatives, the 45 members of the Dublin Corporation, had no power or capacity to deal with that at all. It was brought before the Streets Committee, or one of the many committees of the Dublin Corporation, by the manager as a matter of courtesy, as being one in which the members might be interested. I attended that meeting, to be told that no matter what views the elected representatives held, no matter what views the city architect held, no matter what views the City Manager might have in the matter, the Dublin Corporation would have to give the permission. They had no power to refuse the general permission to develop the property because they knew the buildings were dangerous.

Again, let us go back to why these buildings were dangerous, not because they were not as well built as the houses in Merrion Square 100 or 200 years ago but because the ESB had deliberately misused the house, taking out supporting walls and putting weights on the floors that were never intended to carry them. If you did that with a house that was built in 1963, if you removed internal supporting walls and put computers and heavy electrical equipment on the floors, the house would collapse overnight. The fact that the houses in Fitzwilliam Street have not collapsed sooner than this is an indication of their strength and the sensible and sound way in which they were built.

Let us get back to this committee meeting, the minutes of which are not available to the public because of the way in which a public authority works for the benefit of the citizens, invariably behind closed doors. The position is that the helpless Corporation are now being blamed by the Minister because they gave general permission for the development of the property, when in fact they had to do it, because if the property was to be rendered safe again, if it was to be rebuilt in the manner in which and with the materials with which it was built in the 18th century, that general permission would have had to be given.

That is all the Corporation did. That can in no way be regarded as permission for the ESB to go ahead with their vandalism. That is the Corporation's blame in the matter, the same blame as attaches to any parent who allows a child to go out of the home any hour of the day and the child commits an act of vandalism. The child must leave the house on lawful business and if the child commits an act of vandalism, it is not fair to blame the parent. It is the same with the Corporation. They had to pursue the lawful business of rendering this situation safe and that is all the Corporation did when they gave the permission.

If I am wrong in that, then wrong advice, improper advice, was given to the Dublin Corporation by the officials of the Dublin Corporation. If I am contradicted in this, then some heads will fall in Dublin Corporation for the wrong advice which was given by officials of the Corporation to elected representatives six or seven years ago.

I attended the meeting in the Dublin Mansion House addressed by Sir Albert Richardson, and in the course of that meeting, members of the Dublin Corporation were attacked for permitting the ESB to go ahead with their plans. Of the 45 members of the Dublin Corporation, as far as I know I was the only one present. I made it clear again on that occasion that the advice was that we had no power to stop the ESB, that if we knew it to be otherwise, steps would be taken to stop the ESB.

I know the Minister for Transport and Power is really ashamed and upset, that he is extremely annoyed with his colleague, the Minister for Local Government, because he has permitted the ESB to demolish the 18th century architecture in Lower Fitzwilliam Street and put up some modern monstrosity in its place. However, if the Minister does not agree with what is happening, he should do the same as his colleague, Deputy Paddy Smith, and I can assure him that although his colleague, Deputy Smith, had great difficulty in getting certain newspapers to carry the story of his resignation, if the Minister takes this step, we will give him all the credit and the publicity he deserves.

The Minister gave expression to some other remarks in the course of his apologia and I should like to make some reference to them.

Debate adjourned.
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