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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 17 May 1966

Vol. 222 No. 11

Committee on Finance. - Vote 38—Agriculture (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration.
—(Deputy Sweetman).

I should like to congratulate the Minister and his Department on the very helpful document circulated to Deputies giving an account of the Department's activities. It brings to light the importance of the industry and the importance of the Department's activities in relation to that industry. That is only right and proper since one-third of the population find their living on the land and, by their activities and their hard work, contribute in large measure to the exports which earn valuable moneys abroad to enable us to bring in essential imports.

Reference is made at page 2 to the importance of the industry and to the targets set for agricultural expansion. It was calculated that agricultural production could be increased by 33 per cent by 1970. That programme has suffered, of course, as a result of the vagaries of the weather and other circumstances. The increase is not what it was. It was envisaged that the projected increase in relation to cattle, pigs, milk, etc., would be £62.8 million. In fact, by 1965 there was a decline and the value of net output, including livestock, showed an increase of only £4.8 million with a consequential decrease in farm incomes.

It is, however, still valid to look at this industry in the context of exports. The latest statistics issued in February of this year show that of total exports of some £36,180,000 approximately £18,500,000 represented the agricultural industry. The supreme importance of the industry in the context of those figures does not have to be laboured either in this House or outside it. What is exercising the minds of people at the present time is the fact that there has been this decline in prices and this decrease in incomes from the projected figures. The value of the industry is paramount in balancing the economy.

I am primarily concerned with the dairy industry. In the county which I represent, we have more co-operative creameries than has any other southern county. We have a very deep interest in what happens to the creamery milk industry and to those associated with it. In the report of Bord Bainne of 31st March, 1964, there were encouraging signs which justified the original allocation made by this House some years ago of £250,000 for market research. Kerrygold butter has won its place in Britain and elsewhere. We hope there will be a further expansion in sales of this high-class product which is commanding an increasing price. The price increased from £303 per ton in 1962-63 to £349 per ton in 1963-64. Exports increased from 15,500 tons in 1962-63 to 20,300 tons in 1963-64. That is very gratifying. There has also been an increase in cheese exports, providing a valuable outlet for milk. If we could increase exports of fresh cream, that would be a considerable help.

The position in regard to the dried milk market is not as encouraging as the others. We hope there will be further progress and, indeed, progress has been made with regard to dried skimmed powder. This could be of great value to the development of the dairying industry. The figures for chocolate crumb seem to be rather static. They are associated probably with world markets and the price of sugar but neither the amount exported nor the price per ton seems to show much variation: it is keeping rather constant. The figure for 1963-64 was about £135 per ton as against £134 per ton for 1962-63.

I was gratified to notice that we have not to carry over as much butter as we had formerly been carrying. At long last, we seem to be getting rid of our stocks more rapidly. This is very important from the point of view of the product we are putting on the market and from the point of view of not having to store large quantities of butter. There has been a progressive decline in that respect.

The price being secured for exported butter must be gratifying to the Minister for Agriculture and also to the Minister for Finance. Butter as a product has always had to be supported. In 1961-62, the average price was £262 per ton. There was an increase in 1962-63 to £303 per ton and in 1963-64, to £349 per ton. These figures are rather heartening.

We have the prospect of an increasing supply of milk. Anybody who studies the figures will note how predominantly Munster appears in the picture. With 532,500 cows, Munster is producing, in round figures, 258½ million gallons of milk. It is interesting to note that the number of cows per supplier of milk is nine. That ought to be kept very much in mind. One will come across the occasional large herd of cows but, on average, these are the figures as given by An Bord Bainne. The number drops in Leinster. There are 63,500 cows in Leinster with an average of 6.5 cows per supplier. In Ulster, the figures are lower still and, finally, in Connacht they are the lowest of the lot.

The selling price of butter per ton has already been mentioned. In their 1963-64 Report, Bord Bainne showed that the price of butter which we sell in Northern Ireland and in Great Britain has rather consistently been increasing. It is quoted on December 10th, 1962, as 360/- per cwt. in Northern Ireland; it went up in 1962-63 to 370/-, then to 383/- and 390/-until, in March, 1964, it reached 410/-per cwt. Our butter was not finding as favourable a price, perhaps, in Great Britain. In January, 1963, it rose from 337/6 per cwt. until, by March, 1964, it reached 372/6 per cwt.

Our intake of milk increased from the 570 million gallons in 1960 to 613 million gallons in 1962. I am sure the present figure is very much higher, though I imagine that this year it will be somewhat down in view of the fact that it has been a bad year and in view of the losses in cattle already referred to. Contagious abortion and other factors will certainly make themselves felt in regard to milk production in the coming year and also in regard to our final figures. It is interesting to note that the percentage of milk used for manufacturing purposes is keeping somewhat static, from 61.8 per cent in 1960 to 63.9 per cent in 1962. These figures, as well as the section which deals with external trade in these notes issued by the Department and the value of the agricultural industry in balancing our trade accounts abroad, are certainly very revealing.

When I turn to the section dealing with the scheme for the eradication of bovine tuberculosis, I am happy to note that the end now seems to be in sight. Nevertheless, occasionally a farmer will still be unfortunate enough to find himself locked up through no fault of his own but rather through one of these misfortunes that occur when an animal is found to be infected. Generally, this is not discovered until the animal is delivered at the factory and then the farmer finds himself locked up. These are steps the Minister must take. The farmer must then carry on as before. He must feed his animals, and so on, but he is unable to dispose of his young stock and will have to remain in that position for maybe three months or more. He is under a cloud and his position is difficult.

Here is a fact which is not often adverted to in this connection. We talk about the amount the State has invested in the scheme for the eradication of bovine tuberculosis. It has, indeed, invested a very large sum of money but all of that money has not gone to the farming community. I notice in this report that payments to herd-owners amounted to over £37,632 but, of that amount, a sum of £17,272 was recovered in respect of salaries and administrative expenses. It is important to bear that figure in mind. So far as the State is concerned, I suggest that the amount going out in this case was very much less than the figures would indicate. Certainly, a very large amount of money had to be paid for veterinary and administrative services, without which the job could never have been done.

We may take pride in the fact that this scheme has successfully been accomplished. It is sincerely to be hoped, having invested this large amount of money in it, that there will be a much brighter outlook for this industry. Our farmers tried to co-operate wholeheartedly with the Department in the eradication of bovine tuberculosis. It must be appreciated by the Minister, by the Department, by this House and by the public that, in this struggle, the farmers have had to put vast amounts of money into restocking and have had to suffer loss by reason of immature cows coming into their herds. Where heavier milch cows were taken out of herds and replaced by heifers, the price paid for the reactors taken out as against the price of the heifers put in left the farmer having to pay, on average, anything from £15 to £25 or more. Also, his milk yield for the next two or three years would be reduced because he had lost his heavier milkers. That operation, which had to be performed, was one of the things which depleted the farmer's herds and depleted his financial liquidity which might otherwise have enabled him to weather the situation which developed recently. I shall say more about that later.

The export of dairy products is dealt with in these notes. In 1965, as compared with 1964, there was an increase but not a very large increase in total exports but, compared with previous years from 1960 onwards, the increase was dramatic. All this series of notes give the facts and figures for all aspects of the industry. I hope the Minister is in a happier frame of mind now than on the evening on which he introduced his Estimate—would the Minister like to comment?

His speech on the Estimate seemed to be influenced throughout by the situation with which he was faced and which I must assume at this stage he is still facing. In his speech, the Minister indicated that the Government were satisfied that positive steps would have to be taken to improve farm incomes and that he would be in a position to announce specific measures to improve them, but, immediately afterwards and again later on in his speech, the Minister seems to have been obsessed with the situation which brought the farmers to Dublin. It must have been looming largely in his mind that here was a situation about which he was rather annoyed.

Much has been said about this. I am sure the Minister appreciates that these people do not easily take this kind of action bringing them away from their homes and farms here to the gates of Leinster House and Merrion Street and that nothing but the kind of crisis they felt had arisen for the dairying community when they were carrying a burden they were no longer able to bear, would have had that result. They wanted to show that on this occasion the Government would have to improve their incomes if they were to survive.

The Minister mentioned the average supplier sending about 3,600 gallons to the oreamery and contrasted the hypothetical case of an extra penny per gallon as against the greater benefit the farmer would gain by having an extra cow. I am sure the Minister is well aware that on agricultural holdings, and certainly holdings in the dairying counties of the south, the farmers are carrying as many cows as it is possible for them to carry. One factor which contributed to the difficulty of the situation this year is that in the emergency which arose from the bad weather when normally they would have been able to turn their cattle out, the farmers did not have enough feeding to keep their cattle and that caused them further losses. In mentioning one more cow as a solution for the smaller man, I am afraid the Minister overplayed his hand on this occasion. It is understandable that when faced with the task of finding one more penny, the Minister should turn that aside by saying that one more cow would be more profitable to the farmer. It is particularly true of the smallholdings in my constituency that the farms are very small and anybody studying the statistics will see the size of the average holding is very small, especially in West Limerick.

In one portion of my constituency, we have as much congestion as anywhere along the western seaboard which was originally treated as a congested district. I drew the Minister's attention, for instance, to the fact that there was a request from Carrigkelly in my constituency for a pilot scheme for the area. There was a meeting at which Deputies for the constituency were present with representatives of both NFA and the Creamery Milk Suppliers, Muintir na Tíre and others in the parish. Everybody felt that if the farming community were to survive there and any realistic attempt made to keep them there, something would have to be done to help them to make a living in that part of the country which forms a very large part of the constituency. I could not see why the Minister would not accede to the request and give such a pilot scheme to the area.

Figures quoted on that occasion were certainly very telling and I have reason to believe this has already been brought to the notice of the Minister. On those holdings in that area there could not be any question of keeping an extra cow. As has been mentioned in regard to the heifer scheme, in attempting to avail of the grant, farmers took an extra animal or two into their herds and then found themselves in difficulty in keeping the animals on their small holding. This has proved to be most unfortunate for them.

The Minister referred to the creamery milk quality grading scheme. Recently, I had the opportunity to say to the Minister in regard to this scheme that in the case of a supplier whose milk is tested on the first of the month and on the 8th of the month, if he finds that the milk has not reached the requisite standard, he has no further interest in quality milk production for the remainder of that month. Even if he succeeded in supplying quality milk for the period from the 9th of the month to the end of the month, he does not qualify. The Minister should give some further thought to the question whether a supplier should be allowed to qualify if on the third or fourth test the milk is of the requisite standard.

I have heard Deputies saying that dairying does not entail as much hardship nowadays as it used to do. Deputies who spoke here last week of the clamour being made by the dairy farmers seemed to represent tillage farmers rather than dairy farmers. When Deputy O'Donnell was speaking, it was suggested that he had not said much about the tillage farmers. I suppose it is natural that he would not say much about tillage farmers. There are Deputies here well qualified to speak on behalf of the tillage farmers. To say that dairying is easier nowadays than it used to be is quite true. It is easier because of mechanisation and because of the fact that the dairy farmer may have installed water and a cooling system and has a supply of electricity; but all of this represents investment which in many cases involved having to raise credit with a bank or with the Agricultural Credit Corporation and represents an extra burden. It involves harder work because of the necessity to pay for these amenities. That is a factor that should not be overlooked.

On a morning last week, farmers in Limerick and in other parts of the country were faced with tragedy. I saw a long line of milk carts stretching along the road. Farmers were frantically inquiring what was going to happen to their milk. I had to ring the head office of the ESB in Tralee and the Minister's office in Dublin to find out what would happen on that occasion. What will happen on any other such occasion to a day's milk or several days' milk which represents the lifeblood of the farmers in the south? Is their livelihood to be suddenly disrupted?

People speak of dairy farming being an easy matter at present. There is no such thing as a five day cow. A cow has to be attended to morning and evening on seven days of the week. That entails early rising for the farmer and his wife and family. They have to attend to the cows and get the milk supply to the creamery.

Somebody said to me recently that Irish farming is a way of life. It is a way of life which I hope we will never depart from. I hope we will never abandon what has been a traditional way of life. Let us have modernisation by all means but do not let us depart from what has been a tradition. It has been suggested that farmers can finish work earlier than used to be the case. Of course, creameries cannot take in all the milk at the same time. The milk has to be tested for quality and weighed and entered and the skim milk delivered. The farmer must make the morning journey to the creamery and must take home with him what is required for the farm, feeding stuffs and, perhaps, medicines, fertilisers, and so on, and also household goods. It would be a strange thing if he were to go home without these things and have to go back again to the town.

There is a misconception about dairy farming. If anybody thinks it is a rather indolent way of life, all he has to do is to go into the dairying counties and visit a farm in the early morning and see the work being done. In spring and summer, the cows have to be driven out and in winter, the farmers have to work late cleaning cowsheds and foddering the animals.

When the dairy farmers consider the reward which they have been able to earn by their work and compare it with the kind of income available to other sections of the community, they become dissatisfied. There is the kernel of the unrest and dissatisfaction, unrest and dissatisfaction which have been growing for quite some time. I suggest to the Minister that, very understandably, a feeling of disquiet has developed amongst dairy farmers. They have been unable of their own efforts to improve the position.

Farmers' costs have been increasing. There is the increasing burden of rates. There is the increasing cost of sickness, if it should come their way, and of educating their families. It has become increasingly difficult, almost to the point of exclusion, to obtain credit, as any Deputy knows quite well if he has had to make representations on behalf of any member of the farming community to the Agricultural Credit Corporation or to a bank within the past 12 months. That has been a most difficult situation for the farmers, particularly in this year in which there have been such losses.

When Deputy O'Donnell was speaking about cattle losses, the Minister intervened to say that the Deputy's assertion was nonsense. I do not know what the real figures are. Deputy O'Donnell mentioned a figure of around 5,000 cattle and that seemed to be supported by some other speakers. I am sure the Minister has a more accurate figure but certainly the losses which individual farmers have suffered from contagious abortion and from the situation which arose because of the spring weather conditions, in which cattle died at calving time, were severe. This is one of the great tragedies that has hit the farming community this year.

The Minister also adverted to the rationalisation of the dairying industry when speaking about increasing the dairy farmers' incomes. In regard to this, the Minister rejects the two-tier system and says that he has cogent reasons for doing so. One of the things that seem to be cogent is the fact that there could be evasion and perhaps fraud. I suggest that the record of the creamery milk suppliers is well known to the creamery societies to whom they deliver milk. The quantity of milk which they supply is on permanent record and equally, the Minister's Department know the number of cows registered in the dairy areas and indeed they know the numbers for the country at large, inasmuch as the bovine tuberculosis eradication scheme has been completed and between this scheme and the calved heifer scheme, they know how many grants were paid out. In addition, the Minister has the returns from the factories of animals sent for slaughter. Therefore, the Minister has a pretty clear picture of what the situation ought to be, but even outside that——

There are 110,000 creamery milk suppliers. I have a picture of every one of them?

What I mean is that the Minister in his Department, through the creameries, has available to him the number of cows which each supplier has and the quantity of milk each has been delivering to the creameries. If there were to be this type of fraud, and I do not want to say that there might not be some cases of it, it could certainly be discovered rapidly. No scheme, and this includes industrial schemes, which has ever been introduced has not had some snag. This would not apply to the dairying industry alone; it would apply equally to other types of industry which have been subsidised. There are numerous examples, with which the House is familiar, of industries which were subsidised and in which we have had an imposition in so far as the State was concerned, fraud of one kind or another; yet nobody has ever suggested that the scheme should be immediately thrown out because there was this danger in it. In so far as industrial grants are concerned, we have continued to encourage them, continued to subsidise industries, despite the fact that we knew, and still know, that this kind of thing will happen. However, we have a large number of people among those concerned who, if they are being assisted, are honest enough not to abuse that assistance.

Therefore, it was disappointing to learn that the Minister had decided to have nothing to do with the two-tier system. This system would help the smaller person to a much greater extent than the larger person. The figures of Bord Bainne which I quoted earlier—and these are the latest figures available in the Library; if the Minister has more recent figures, I would be glad to hear them—show that the average number of cows in Munster per supplier is only 9.9 and therefore this system could be of great help to this kind of person. I would ask the Minister to have another look at it. He will not lose anything by doing so and he will not be committing himself to anything further in the sense that when the price of milk is increased, the increase in so far as the smaller person is concerned, would be more and would enable him to stay in business.

In that connection I want to say that there is a philosophy or a growing idea in the world today, and it is growing in this country also, that is that smaller units should get out of the way. To say the least, such an idea is harsh; it is also unwise and certainly should not be typical of the country because this country is composed of small people and small enterprises. If we reach the stage where the small farm, the small school and the small man is put out of business, I think we have lost the country. The way of life which we have had here is something which is valuable and worth retaining. Use any modern means you like but you must keep small people on the small farms where they are at present.

Figures given today in reply to a Parliamentary Question showed that they are leaving the land and moving away from it. That is a bad trend for the country. I want to put this question to the Minister: if and when Ireland gets into the EEC, is the hope of the country not going to be based, in the main, on the land? Is it not the hope that we will provide a better way of life for the agricultural community and does it mean that the better way of life must be for fewer people living on the land? Therefore, are we to turn around and set our sights on a target of fewer people, blotting out the smallholdings and getting larger units of land, with more mechanisation and perhaps with increased production? We will pay a terrible price for it in denuding the land of the people who have lived on it in their traditional way of life. If we have reached that stage in this country we have reached the stage where the people have left the traditions of the country and are thinking in terms of large scale mechanisation.

Is that not the only hope for the small farm—to make it more productive?

The Deputy rejected that argument of mine when I mentioned it in my speech.

No, I am not rejecting the Minister's idea of more production. The Minister's solution is "one more cow". I am saying that at present they are carrying as many cows on these smallholdings as they can.

I do not believe it.

Do not have any doubt about it.

Count the cows and count the acres and you will know the answer.

I have got the figures from Bord Bainne. I am sorry the Minister and the Parliamentary Secretary are not aware of them. You can see the number of cows.

Look at what they are doing in Moorepark.

If any small farmer had the resources the State can employ at Moorepark——

It shows what can be done.

Will the Minister tell me to inform the farmers in West Limerick that credit will be made available to them to do this kind of thing?

What I said in my speech was if we could enable a farmer to carry another cow.

If you want to enable the farmers to carry more cows large holdings should not be allowed to fall into the hands of some people who come here with a lot of money. Instead, they should be made available to the smallholders.

No farmers are buying any land now.

The Minister should come to my county and he will find some of them. They are still able to do it. The country held up to us when we talk of dairying is Denmark. I should like for a moment to contrast the situation in Denmark with the situation here. Before doing so, I should like to repeat what was said last week, that what applies in Denmark does not automatically apply here. Denmark has an area of 16,500 square miles and there is a creamery for every 15.7 square miles. In 1939 there were more—one creamery for every 9.5 square miles—and in 1963 there was one for every 13.4 square miles. Here we have one for every 43.4 square miles which includes 156 central creameries and 456 branch creameries.

One of the things which the creamery industry itself had been looking into in this respect was the question of federalisation. There are many experts who think that that is the answer, among them Dr. Knapp. The creameries in the south were moving towards federalisation of their own accord. In the document issued to the creamery societies recently by the IAOS there is nothing to lead the farming community to think that if they adopt the plan outlined in it they will get an increased price for their milk. Maybe the Minister is prepared to give such an assurance?

There would have to be.

The Minister says there would have to be, but would he say there will be?

That is the whole point of the thing.

I will run through some more points and maybe the Minister will remain convinced. It is foolish to say there will not be closures of creameries if the plan is adopted. Of course, there will be, and widespread closures at that. In regard to cost, I am sure the Minister is aware of what it costs the Dairy Disposal Board to collect milk. It costs them anything from 2d to 3d per gallon to collect it. That can be found in the balance sheets of the Board. Any average sized creamery would be able to manufacture milk at about the same price.

One of the things the Minister might advert to when dealing with this matter is the establishment of central creameries and what the estimated cost of each of these creameries would be, leaving out operating costs and stocks they will have to carry. I want to suggest that the cost will be at least £1 million per central creamery. The next point in this document is that at peak periods the producers would pay £3 per gallon for this privilege. Take the average creamery with 8,000 gallons and you get the sum of £24,000. Where would they find that? These are questions to which the farming community want an answer.

I do not say they should reject this out of hand. Along with Deputy Dillon, I say this is something to be studied and examined. Equally, there is an obligation on the Minister to convey to the IAOS that they ought to be able to convince the dairy farmers of the benefits they will get if they adopt the proposed scheme.

The IAOS is the dairy farmers own organisation.

I shall deal with the composition of the IAOS in a moment.

This was an IAOS exercise.

Does the Minister mean that his Department did not have anything to do with this?

I knew about it.

The Minister knew about it. I shall not press it any further.

I have been encouraging the IAOS to get ahead with such a scheme.

I agree, but I am suggesting to the Minister that he would convey to the IAOS that they would want to be more convincing to the dairy farmers in regard to the matters I am mentioning.

It is no more than a few proposals for discussion. It is not a detailed plan and does not pretend to be.

I agree with the Parliamentary Secretary, but if a plan is put forward it must be able to meet these points. The only thing that will convince the farmers is if these points are answered to their satisfaction. I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary will agree with me on that.

The Minister said that the IAOS was the dairying industry's own society. How is the IAOS composed? The number of creameries affiliated is 184; the number of agricultural societies, 56; the number of livestock societies, 28. There are 184 creameries and 154 others. In regard to all those societies affiliated to the IAOS, it will be found from the returns that some of them have no turnover; of the miscellaneous societies there are 17 with no turnover; under £1,000 there are four; between £1,000 and £10,000 there are also four. In regard to miscellaneous societies, there are 16 with no turnover; under £1,000 there are 11; and from £1,000 to £10,000, there are 18.

Does the Minister think that the IAOS so constituted and having these other bodies with no direct interest should be able to dictate or decide what would happen to the dairying industry? With 184 creameries against 154 others, all that is needed is 16 creameries to join the 154 to have a majority saying that the re-organisation scheme ought to be carried out. Whether this plan should be carried out or not ought to be decided and decided only by the creameries affiliated to the IAOS and nobody else. The 184 creameries are the only bodies directly concerned and they are the only people who should have the say as to how their industry should go.

One of the all-important things in regard to any co-operative creamery society has been the credit which it has been able to make available to its members. We are all familiar with the pattern in the country that, for feeding stuffs, seeds, fertilisers and all the miscellaneous items which are required on the farm and in the home, the supplies are got at the local creamery. These societies have been providing this service for their members over the years. How much more likely is a farmer to get credit at his local creamery where he is known, where the manager knows him, and knows his background and what he is capable of, than from somebody 15, 20 or 25 miles away? Is he going to be put in the position that a person at one of these central creameries will be charged with the responsibility of making a decision for him? This again is a most important point. This has been mentioned and the Minister can check it in regard to suppliers to the creamery, that in this particular year their credit is used up, their milk is pledged from this until the month of August; normally it is pledged into the month of June. The position in, say, Leinster, is that the Leinster Milk Suppliers Association who supply milk in the main to Dublin use two herds, as opposed to the situation in Munster whose feeding arrangements have been referred to rather disparagingly by some speakers, where there is a slackness of milk when the cows dry out in the month of November until the following March.

The farm operations must go on; the farm family must live and they must have credit. They have no place to get it but at the local creamery. This is one of the other great factors which will influence their thinking on this matter. Every rural Deputy is aware of the type of thing that can happen in farming, the misfortunes that can occur when animals get sick or die, when the weather is unfavourable and bad crops hit them. It is a fair weather type of industry and if it meets these conditions the farmers are in trouble and they must rely on credit locally if they are to keep going. This is a very real fear among the farming community and among the dairy farmers in particular in regard to this re-organisation. They view it with great suspicion and they are not convinced that they have had all the answers to their case.

I have already mentioned the pilot scheme, and the Minister might give us such a scheme in the western part of Limerick. The Minister has said that one of the lessons Moorepark has taught people is how to do things better. We should be very glad if the Minister would tell us how to do things better in West Limerick. We are asking for a pilot scheme and we do not think we are asking for too much. If the Minister can concede this to all the western seaboard, to the congested districts there, and if he has been able to appoint, as he has, various agricultural advisers to look after the west, he will agree that we are as much entitled to the services of some of those people. Our small farmers in that area are as much entitled to a pilot scheme as any others—something which would show them how they could live on the land.

This is one of the things which has been happening in regard to the agricultural community. You have this increasing age group in farming. You have the younger men leaving the country and going abroad. Others are coming to Dublin seeking work in the building and other industries because they are unable to find a living on the land. It is very regrettable that this should happen. Anything by way of advisory service or otherwise which the Minister could envisage to help them is most necessary. It would be a tragic day if the same things happen in other portions of the country as happened in the west. Those of us who have been in the western areas, in the Sligo and Mayo areas, have seen the older men left and the younger men gone. If this continues for a time, there will be no farming problem left because the young farming community will have gone at that stage. We will be left with an old and aging generation who will manage to eke out their existence but we will be losing the virile younger people who should be remaining on the land. It is because of this low income that this is happening.

In conclusion, I think the Minister's thinking has been bounded by the horizons of the Budget. It is perfectly clear from his speech that the Budget set the frame in which the Minister's thinking had to be done in regard to agriculture.

That is true.

The Minister would do more for agriculture if his thinking were not framed within this type of situation.

Again I want to say to the Minister —dealing with a Ministry which I believe is the most important Ministry in the Government—that he should speak for the interest which he represents, he should carry conviction to the Government in this matter and that, amongst the sections for which he is responsible, I am convinced the dairy farmers of my constituency are entitled to an increase in the price of milk. I think the Minister is agreed on that; that they are entitled to an increase in the price of milk. The finding of this is another matter. On one thing at least anybody I have heard speaking here so far has agreed and that is that there must be an increase for the dairy farmers. In that respect it would be a most desirable thing if the farming community were speaking with one mind. I am sure the Minister would agree that nothing could do better for the interests of the farming community than that there should be a united type of voice speaking for agriculture.

It would make life much easier for me.

I agree; I believe it would but, in this matter again, I want to speak for the dairy farmers. They have been for a long time agitating and seeking the type of relief to which they justly believe they are entitled. I would hope that nothing would happen at any stage which would make them feel that, in their approaches, they would be denied the kind of relief they sought and for which they should get credit. It is regrettable they have been in such straitened circumstances; that they have been driven to the stage where they find themselves here in Dublin. They would have been much happier, I believe, on their own small-holdings, at much less expense to themselves and certainly more at ease. I do not think they are a breed of people who just breathe defiance for the sake of defiance. They are much more reasonable than that.

I hope that the winds and smoke signals which we heard, saw, felt or read of over the weekend will mean something positive in so far as this dispute is concerned, and in so far as the relations of the Minister with the farmers are concerned. I hope the Minister will meet them speedily and alleviate the distress in which they find themselves. I believe they will, for their part, respond by working all the harder to justify the type of investment which all sections of the country are prepared to make in what is the most important sector of the community— the agricultural sector.

Everybody in this House appreciates that Deputy Jones is a very honest Deputy and that he approaches this question of agriculture with an honest mind. While I regret I had not the pleasure of hearing his complete contribution to this debate, the part of it I did hear, I am afraid, reflected what we have come to recognise always as the Fine Gael attitude to agriculture and farming problems in general. It goes like this: a Fine Gael Deputy, such as Deputy Jones, is capable of reviewing the general situation and recognising difficulties which have cropped up in recent times, or difficulties of a more permanent kind. They are able to identify the hardship and difficulties which these occasion for the farmers. It is quite easy—in fact it is most unusual—to refer to anything in a discussion on agriculture other than the small farmers, but the Fine Gael trade mark on all this is the complete absence of any suggestion whatsoever which would serve to get the farmers out of the situation which they are able to identify. I do not say that with any intention of disparaging Deputy Jones or any of his colleagues but I have been listening to agricultural debates in this House for many years now and that is always the hallmark of the Fine Gael approach to agriculture. They recognise some of the difficulties but they can never prescribe a cure. The most normal reaction—of which I acquit Deputy Jones in large measure —is to blame the Government Party, to blame Fianna Fáil. That is a simple, handy, solution to the problem, in the absence of any constructive thinking on their own part.

Deputy Jones referred to the traditional rural life of the farmers. He waxed a little lyrical about it. I have no doubt that he is as familiar with rural Ireland as I am, and his memory and mine both go back to this idyllic situation which he described. But if we look at it closely, we will discover that the standards of living that were so rosy in his eyes over the arches of years, looking backwards, were not so rosy after all. Looking at them with the cold eye of realism, he and I will remember the dire poverty of the thirties, and he and I will both say that no young man in rural Ireland today will accept the standards our fathers accepted that gave rise to great new problems for people who would set themselves the task of improving the lot of the farmers of Ireland.

Now, Deputy Jones also expressed a view about the IAOS. He expressed it in his own mild way. I have expressed the same view much more trenchantly here in past years. In my opinion, the IAOS rested in a fossilised state for many decades, but under the spur of a visiting American expert, Dr. Knapp, they produced this very mild document I have here with me, to which Deputy Jones referred in his speech and to which I shall refer again later on. I do not want to harp on Deputy Jones——

I do not mind.

——but he expressed the gravest suspicions of the recommendation made by the IAOS for the rationalisation of the Irish creamery industry. This debate, so far as it has gone, has been coloured by recent events in the agricultural world and in particular, by the demonstrations of the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association for what they call a two-tier price. This is not the brainchild of the ICMSA. It was not conceived by any Irish farmer. It is the brainchild of an old classmate of mine, Ray Crotty, of Kilkenny. It is not my intention to throw a great deal of cold water upon it, but there are some obvious things that come to mind.

The vast majority of the creamery milk suppliers would be the beneficiaries under, let us say, the first tier. But these are men who by their own industry and thrift—and there are men like this in every parish, as Deputy Jones and Deputy Flanagan well know —and by their application, suitability to their job, brains and hard work, built themselves up to a level where they would qualify for the second tier, and the thanks they get from the organisation which says it represents them is to reduce the price of milk for production over a certain figure. I recognise that the objective and the intention behind this is fair enough, but I think that underlying this automatic demand is the belief that the one and only cure for the problems of the dairy farmer and, indeed, the whole agricultural community in general, would be more assistance from the Government. It is no harm to recall that over the past ten years the assistance given by the Government to farmers directly has multiplied by three.

It is unfortunate that the organisation that makes this demand without any discussion, without any argument, is the same organisation as hanged this IAOS document without trial. The proposals made by their own organisation, the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society, for the benefit of the farmers was hanged without trial by the Irish Dairy Industry Committee, the personnel of which, I am told, is largely identical with that of the ICMSA. I think that is most unfortunate.

As I said by way of interjection a while ago, this does not profess to be a blueprint in any respect. It is merely a most tentative suggestion that points out in a very general way the present condition of our co-operative organisation and it makes mildly, almost timidly, some proposals for its benefit. They are proposals for discussion, for improvement, if possible, and all for the benefit of the farmers. It has this great merit in this document the farmer says to himself: "The Government will give us every help possible and we, in turn, will look at our own organisation and see what we can do to help ourselves."

In thinking of the recent campaign by the ICMSA and what must be called the civil war between them and the NFA, it is my opinion as a farmer that our problems are being ignored both by the NFA and the ICMSA and that more attention is being given by each organisation to the war for supremacy between those two organisations. I appeal to them both to recognise this fact themselves and to settle their differences because they are doing the farmers of Ireland no service. Some foolish people have said that the Government would be delighted to play off one party against the other. How can anyone be so stupid as to say such a thing? How could any Minister for Agriculture do anything but rejoice if he had one, strong, united farmers' organisation to help him do his job properly, because the criterion of success for any Minister for Agriculture is to increase benefits for farmers, to ease their lot, to increase their production and make them healthier and happier men. He will not do that when the farmers' organisations are tearing one another's throats out, and anyone who says the Minister or anyone else is benefiting by this regrettable split in the farmers' organisations is no better than a fool, and should be treated as such.

Again as a farmer representing a very rural constituency, I appeal to these people. This has gone on long enough. The rank and file of the farmers are fed up with it, and wish that they would come together and form a decent farmers' organisation, if possible, something on the lines suggested recently. However, that is a matter for themselves to decide. It will demand great breadth of mind on the part of leaders of the organisations. It will possibly demand the eating of a little crow by both parties, but I think the men who constitute both these organisations are big enough to do that. If that could be achieved, it would be a great day for the Irish farmer, and both of the organisations could then get down to examine the purpose behind this IAOS plan. As I have said, its main purpose is to get the farmers' organisations and the farmers' co-operatives to do something for themselves as well as getting the maximum amount of help from the Government which will always be forthcoming from any Irish Government.

It is true to say that the help they have got has been multiplied by three by this Government, but, in my opinion, it is dangerous that a mentality should grow up in which farmers will automatically and unthinkingly turn to the Government, to the Minister for Finance, to the Minister for Agriculture, and say: "We are in trouble. Our incomes are low; you will have to fix this." He can help but if that idea becomes accepted, it would be a bad day for the farmers themselves, because in the last analysis they must depend on themselves. I believe if the small farmer co-operatives do not improve themselves by uniting and the individual small farmers do not try to stand on their feet collectively through their co-ops there will be little chance for the maintenance of the small farmers' position.

It would take too long possibly to go into any detail as to the reasons why the IAOS plan was rejected out of hand, without trial and possibly without being read. The constitution of the IAOS and of the committees under their control have been examined already in this House during this debate and there are many people who fear, as Deputy Jones fears, that some small creameries will become extinct and that the creamery personnel will thereby be disemployed. The same kind of argument can be made with regard to any line of industry where efficient methods are introduced to replace old, inefficient ones. Possibly it would almost be necessary to have some rearrangement but since its aim is to have a thriving industry, then it is obvious that a thriving industry will give more employment rather than less. This will mean more competent management. The fears some people may have of disemployment because of the adoption of some such plans of the IAOS are, in my opinion, groundless.

I want to return to something I discussed in this House before. Some of my colleagues, especially Mr. John Moher, who was a Deputy here, took the same line with regard to this. As I have already said, this IOAS scheme is based on a tentative approach. When Mr. Moher was here, he, some others and myself did not flatter ourselves when we identified some of the difficulties of the co-op organisation before Dr. Knapp arrived.

Probably Mr. Moher and many others of us had the advantage of coming from rural Ireland. We lived there all the time and we knew what we were talking about. The same difficulties have been underlined here year after year. The IAOS did nothing about this for about 40 years.

The first thing to do is to identify the obvious faults of the co-operative organisation as it is now. Some progress has been made out of the utter isolation of the small co-operatives in recent years. I suppose, ten years ago, the great majority of co-operative creameries in Ireland were completely isolated. I remember Mr. John Moher described the individual managers of those little creameries as Raniers in their little Monacos. That was the position then. Not only was there no co-operation in the individual creamery societies but in many cases there was keen rivalry as regards such things as suppliers. Those individual creameries should realise the great opportunities that would accrue to them if they all got together and said: "We will go into this business together."

The first fault in those small organisations is their small size and because of that many of them are operating as butter factories with their little churns working for a couple of hours a week. The small suppliers come into them with their supply of milk on their own vehicles, whether it is the back of a tractor, the ass and the cart or some other conveyance. I often wonder how some of those individual co-operative societies ever managed because of their general inefficient running. Of course, like all small units, there are notable exceptions. There are some small units in my own constituency which have made notable contributions to the raising of agricultural standards within their own areas. Those individual units are very few. It is a very different matter when it comes to the boundaries of those areas.

The sole preoccupation of those small co-operatives was milk and butter. The farmer who supplied them had some other enterprises. They had pigs and grain but the co-operatives never took any interest in that at all. Above all, the co-operatives never concerned themselves in any way at all with the basic material for the milk, in the first place, which is grass or the necessity to produce high quality grass in order that milk production would be increased within their own creamery area. Advisory services of their own were completely absent in those creameries. The creameries did not take the slightest interest in the activities of the individual members. Each person arrived early in the morning with his milk; he collected his skimmed milk; and he went home again. That particular kind of production is long since doomed to failure.

We must, in fairness to the managers of the creamery co-operatives, recognise their natural fears in any proposal that will be made for re-organisation. As I have already said, the re-organisation will give more employment for co-operative people rather than less. It seems to me at any rate, that the fears of individual managers are groundless. Another difficulty of the small independent co-operative creamery was the fact that while his product might be good in quality, the gross production of our Irish creameries was not uniform. The production of three or four different creameries might all be good but it would be different and they were not able to produce a uniform high quality production for export out of that area.

High-pointing the faults of creamery organisations as we find them, we come to the constitution of creamery committees and again this varies. There are some creamery committees who, with efficient managers, have done excellent work for the farmers in their areas. There are other committees in which the tenure of office not only lasts for the duration of a committee man's life but it passes on. It is a hereditary title. It is a little status symbol of committee membership, of hereditary succession to fathers to whom membership had also been passed on. These committees are not remarkable for their contributions to the welfare of the creameries they serve. The most serious fault of all in the small creameries is their isolation one from the other. I have said it before but it is worth saying again that the obvious and logical questions this begs is what ought the co-operative organisations be.

I think the local creamery ought to be an integral part of an agricultural organisation which could be enormous in potential, in production and in the benefits it would confer on the farmers who put it there in the first place. It could be very efficient. It is with a view to achieving efficient production that I advocate the amalgamation of the creameries, because what use would there be in reorganising the creameries if it were not for the farmers in the country as a whole?

Ideally, a local creamery in an organisation such as I envisage would supply cream to a central butter factory, having collected the milk in the first place from the individual suppliers. In that way, there would be more uniform butter production. Not only that, but the local creameries should be centres from which individual farmers would get their fertilisers. Local farmers would be able to hire their farm machinery, would be able to arrange for the erection of farm buildings, would be able to plan their production programme and their marketing programme. I shall return to that because, as I have said, many farmers not only produce milk but they produce meat of all kinds — beef, mutton, pork and the other kinds of produce which are not considered at the moment by most co-operatives.

When I speak of amalgamation of small creameries into large units, I envisage for the sake of argument areas of about county size, embracing all the co-operative societies within their respective borders. I consider that in an area of that size the co-operative organisations should be well able to handle the bulk distribution of fertilisers from one centre. I consider it to be the function of the individual societies, the various creameries, to take farmers' orders for fertilisers, to transmit them to the central depot and have the fertilisers distributed to the farmers' land as and when the individual farmers require it.

Most co-operative creameries at the moment deal in fertilisers. In the first place, they deliver them in sacks. In the second place, they very often attune their prices to the prices of local merchants and thirdly, and most importantly, they deliver them in very small quantities, therefore, uneconomically and, therefore, expensively. I feel sure an organisation of county size, of the kind I am talking about, would be able to do the whole job for the farmers more cheaply than is being done now, when the farmers have to collect from the creameries. At present most co-operative creameries deal in feeding stuffs for pigs, calves and other animals, in small quantities. Since they are produced in small quantities they are relatively expensive. I understand that in parts of the country co-operatives are approaching the problem of the establishment of a central stock feeding milling plant. It is probably one of the most obvious courses for the adequate supply of animal food that is open to co-operatives, but no great progress has been made.

The Mitchelstown group of creameries have pioneered a farm machinery hire service and I believe it is very efficient. Speaking of the dairy country as a whole—the whole of Munster and south Leinster—there is not any uniform availability of the kind of machinery the farmers require nowadays, such as silage making machinery. It costs the individual farmer about £2,000 to £3,000 to equip himself for silage making economically. This is an ideal case where the local co-operatives could provide such a high service, but it would be provided more economically by a large central unit.

A great source of mastitis among cows in recent years has been the inefficient servicing of milking machines by inexpert people. A group of highly trained technicians with vans could get around an area of county size and be able to service such machinery. There could be a couple of teams of maintenance men who would call on farmers periodically to check all milking machines and see that they were functioning properly. This has not been done on a wide scale as far as I know.

There are in this country meat processing plants that were established as co-operatives but which do not function as co-operatives. The only benefit shareholders get from them is that for every £100 they own in share capital they get a cheque for £6 10s. or £7 every year if they are lucky. They are never told when there is, for instance, a market for lamb and, in fact, the co-operatives never inquire if the farmers have lambs, bullocks or pigs. Very often the management committee of such co-operatives is the hereditary right of a small minority and gives the farmers, whose money put it there in the first place, no service at all. I do not see why co-operative meat factories of this kind could not be welded into the general structure of a strongly federated, united co-operative organisation. I mentioned already that advisory services are topics about which opinions clash very heavily and have done so for years.

Deputy Dillon always advocated a parish plan. The parish plan, in my opinion, took no cognisance of the facts at all. The parish advisory service was accepting the Ireland, first of all, of the individual farmer and it would help him as best he could to produce whatever he could to no set pattern. Other people have advocated other advisory services of other kinds. I think that a strong united co-operative organisation, embracing all the farmers in the country eventually, primarily and initially in the dairying areas where a co-operative movement exists, in however stunted a state, would be the place to impose advisory services because with tight liaison between production and management and, finally, processing of products, the advisory service is a vital link between the farmer who produces the stuff and the food processing factory, whether it be a butter factory or a meat factory who handled it. They would be able to gear their production completely and precisely through the advisory service to the available market. They would be able to diversify to some extent, and in fact, through the advisory service, advise the individual farmers when there would be a market for such and such a commodity.

Similarly in the handling end of the business, the food processing end would be fairly accurately aware of the available size of any commodity, whether lamb for the French market or bacon or pork for the British market. I think that close liaison between the farmer and the processing end of agriculture would give a strong organisation and farmers would be able to iron out a lot of the troughs that occurred most noticeably in our pig production over the years. The graph of pig production over 20 or 30 years looks like a saw, a slight over-production leading to a light drop in prices, leading in turn to a slight drop in production and numbers. When the numbers and prices drop, people get in at that stage and there is the rising end of the graph again. There is a complete absence of liaison between the processing end of the bacon industry and the producer.

As I say, a well organised co-operative organisation, with a good advisory service superimposed on it, would eliminate management difficulties. It is a tall order, I suppose. It is a tall order when you consider the reception the tentative plan of the IAOS received from one fraction of the farmers' organisation, but I think it must be done. I think there is no point at all in any Deputy coming in here, whether he be Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil or Labour, or anything else, and pointing out in dreary monotony all the difficulties the small farmer has if some means are not devised whereby he can help himself. He must learn and he must understand that with the best will in the world and the best support the Government can give him, unless there is this effort to independence and self-reliance, many of them will not succeed in raising their standards. Therefore, it behoves farm organisations to apply themselves to the problem of helping the farmer to help himself. The leadership, in my opinion, must come from the farm organisations. I hope in the future it will come from the farm organisation; I hope there will be only one. But, so much effort is dissipated in scoring clever points one after the other that the real interests of the farmer seem to have been forgotten, to some extent at any rate, by both parties in the present dispute.

It is easy enough to recognise the farmer's grievance. It is easy enough to understand how a small farmer living perhaps on 25 acres and making a living of £300 from it, if he is fairly good, feels when he looks at the ease with which industrial workers can improve their lot and get the sympathy of everybody because they are united. It never seems to strike the farmers that if they were strong and united, they would probably have the strongest organisation of all. The béal booht approach to farm problems will not solve the farm difficulties and the sooner we all face up to that the better and the farmers must be the first to recognise it. If they do not, no matter what help the Government gives, they will never achieve the production this country is really capable of. I hope they succeed in resolving their differences and I hope they will apply themselves to this most important of all tasks, that along with the help they already get from the Minister and the Government they will unite the forces of the farming people of Ireland and enable them to help themselves.

Every year this House considers the Vote for the Department of Agriculture as the most important Estimate before the House. Not alone is the Agriculture Estimate considered to be the most important, but it is, and the reason is very evident and clear. This is an agricultural country and this being an agricultural country, the main concern of the Government and of this House should be to advance the interest of agriculture.

May I say at the outset how happy I am to learn that, as a result of commonsense prevailing, the farmers' pickets are now gone from outside Leinster House? With the continuance of that same commonsense and a sane approach, plus a little give and take, may we hope this will be the end for all time of farmers picketing outside Leinster House? I am glad the Minister and the creamery milk suppliers have agreed to meet. I trust that when these talks take place, irrespective of what sacrifices may have to be made, there will be a satisfactory settlement of this problem. These men are hardworking, industrious, decent farmers. They feel they have a genuine grievance. I believe they have a genuine grievance. Let us hope there will be a successful outcome to the conference between them and the Minister for Agriculture tomorrow. The Minister has the good wishes of every Member of this House in this grave situation.

If one likes to call it such, there has been competition between the Creamery Milk Suppliers Association and the NFA. Both have entered the race, anxious to see which can do the most, get the most, and act most quickly in the interests of the farmers. In the Creamery Milk Suppliers Association, there are men of understanding, men of intelligence, men of great commonsense, men who have exercised a great deal of patience; in the NFA, there are reputable men, men of great courage, men who are sincere in their efforts to improve the lot of the farmers, men who are reasonable in their negotiations. It is regrettable that there should be any great difference of opinion between them or any race to see which will be in first to the Minister's office to be the first to carry out the good news. I have the greatest respect and admiration for the men in the Creamery Milk Suppliers Association who negotiate on behalf of their members. I would have the greatest confidence, the greatest trust and the greatest reliance on the ability and sincerity of the NFA to negotiate on behalf of milk suppliers or on behalf of any group of Irish farmers.

It is generally regretted throughout the country that there should be any cleavage. The aim of every Minister for Agriculture since the State was founded and the aim of every Member of this House is to try to make the farmer a more prosperous man in the autumn than he was when he entered his lands in the spring. So it is with the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers and so it is with the members of the NFA. Their ambitions are identical. They want to improve the lot of the Irish farmer. It is regrettable, therefore, that there should be any rivalry or any misunderstanding between men who have so much in common.

I trust the Minister may be able to do a service to the country; before his conference with these men breaks up tomorrow, I hope he will be in a position to give at least 3d. per gallon for milk. They are entitled to that and I trust the Minister will see fit to give it to them, as a first instalment of his recognition of the very genuine case they have. I shall say nothing further at this stage lest I might prejudice the case one way or the other. I hope the Minister will leave nothing undone to ensure a favourable conclusion to the negotiations into which he is about to enter. He has the good wishes of us all. I trust the outcome will be successful.

I want now to deal with general agricultural policy. May I say that I think the Minister is the worst Minister this country has ever had? I am quite serious in that. He may have been a good Minister for Justice. I believe he would be a good Minister for Industry and Commerce. He is a likeable fellow, very approachable and very understanding. Nevertheless, he is a misfit in the Department of Agriculture. He has an attractive personality. We all acknowledge that. It is reasonbly easy to see him and he can grasp with speed and understanding any problem one may put before him. But how on earth the Taoiseach picked on him above all to be Minister for Agriculture is something I could never understand.

Whether we like it or not, he is now Minister for Agriculture. I doubt if any Minister for Agriculture was ever quite so far removed from the people on the land as is the present Minister. I know he will take what I have to say in good part, remembering that what I have to say I am saying in the interests of the agricultural community. In addition to its being in the interests of the agricultural community, I am, I believe, expressing the opinion of the vast majority of our Irish farmers. It may or it may not be a good thing to have a Minister in charge of a Department who knows nothing of the practical workings of that over which he has control. The present Minister for Agriculture has been far removed from the conditions, the responsibilities, the worries and the trials experienced by farmers in rural Ireland. I should have liked a Minister for Agriculture who came from the farming stock, who understood and knew the problems. But why I really feel that agriculture is decaying today is because the Minister is so far removed from the realities of agriculture.

There is nothing easier than to go into a ministerial office to keep in the closest possible contact with one's officers and officials, to read and study and make oneself familiar with the everyday workings of a Department but I really feel one must live amongst the people, one must be familiar with their conditions and their problems and one must understand the difficulties associated with life on the land. The Minister for Agriculture is as far removed from the realities of Irish agriculture as if he were operating from space. His selected company is not the farming type. In my opinion, he does not put himself in the way of knowing and meeting the ordinary plain farmers of this country.

The time has come for the Minister to take a little advice. For what it is worth, I should like to give him a word of very humble but nevertheless sincere advice, that is, to come down to the level of the farmer, to talk the farmer's language, to see problems as the farmer sees them and to understand the difficulties of the life of the Irish farmer. If a Minister for Agriculture possesses these qualities, I have little doubt that he will make a success of his Department but if we are to view the state of Irish agriculture over the past 12 months—the past 12 months is the period now under review—we must candidly admit that it is in a state of very serious decay.

The Irish farmer is growing thinner and poorer while other sections of the community are, at his expense, inclined to become fatter and richer. Is it not correct to say that people in every walk of Irish life have got some measure of increase in order to meet the cost of living and in order to meet other rising costs, with the exception of the Irish farmer? I do not mind what records or what economists may say or even the reports and the statistics that are published from time to time: the real fact of the matter is that, as we know them, farmers are undoubtedly poorer than they were this time 12 months ago. If we have to judge prosperity, the one way in which prosperity is judged is by the amount of spending money a person has in his pocket. I put it to the Minister tonight that Irish farmers have less spending money in their pockets, that the Irish farmer's wife has less spending money in her purse, that the Irish farmer's daughter has less shopping money in her shopping bag and in her purse. The facts are that their incomes have dropped steadily.

I challenge any member of the Government Party to come down to any county in Ireland and to judge the position, whether it is the tillage lands of Laois or Wexford, whether it is the milk counties of north Cork, Limerick or South Tipperary, whether it is the beef lands of Westmeath, whether it is the farmers of the west with their small farms problem, whether it is the farmer who rears his sheep on the Wicklow mountains or on the Kerry mountains or whether it is the farmer in Leitrim or Roscommon with his very special problems. I will challenge any Deputy to say that he can meet any farmer honestly who can prove he is a better-off man today than he was 12 months ago.

Rates have gone up. Taxes have gone up. Petrol has gone up. Car tax has gone up. The rate of pay of his agricultural worker has gone up. Social welfare stamps have increased in price. The ordinary running of any farmer's house is more expensive. The position is that there is a greater demand on his expenditure. Practically everything he has to sell is bringing in a lesser amount than it did with the result that we see that farmers have now become a most confused, disillusioned, depressed, distressed and uneasy section of the community.

There was a time in Ireland when the farmer could be described as the backbone of this country. He cannot now be described as the backbone of this country because his financial position and the conditions in which he is forced to work, render him a slave in this country. The sooner any Minister realises that you cannot talk down to the farmers, that they cannot be treated as penny-boys and as slaves, the better. You cannot look down upon them: on the contrary, you must look up to them and listen to them. You must take their advice. You must find out what they want and do what is possible to apply the remedies they suggest.

Every man knows his own business best. It is like the old saying that the cobbler should stick to his last. So it is with the farmer. The farmer knows his job best. If the farmers' organisations—the county committees of agriculture, the general council of committees of agriculture, the organisations that may speak on behalf of Irish agriculture—make suggestions and proposals, I put it to the Minister that they are suggestions and proposals of a practical character, coming from the men who are on the job and men who know exactly what they want themselves. That is why I say that until such time as the advice of the Irish farmers themselves is accepted and acted upon, you will not have a prosperous agricultural community.

How many times have we had the experience in recent years of the Government trying to convert this country from an agricultural country into an industrial country?

You cannot make an agricultural country an industrial country. No matter how you may try to do it, it still will not work. Industrial countries and agricultural countries are, as such, ordained by God and the power of man cannot change them. There is nothing the Government can do to alter the fact that this is an agricultural country and that agriculture should come first here. The great mistake was and is that the Government from their infancy did not realise the importance of Irish agriculture and failed to invest a small proportion of what they invested in industry, particularly unprofitable industries in Irish agriculture instead. If they had done so, we could be, as regards agriculture, in our own way, as prosperous as any farmer in New Zealand or Denmark. But we did not concentrate on the importance of Irish agriculture. We were too busy trying to drive the people off the land, to destroy the British market, and industrialise the country instead of helping the farming community to become the most prosperous section of the community.

The Deputy picked two very bad examples in Denmark and New Zealand. Both are frantically industrialising at the moment.

Are there any poor farmers in Denmark? Is agriculture in a depressed state there?

It is in a poor state.

Is it in a poor state in New Zealand?

They are industrialising like mad.

I am asking the Minister: is agriculture in a depressed state in New Zealand?

They are very worried about the state of agriculture.

Everybody is worried about it. We are very worried about it here. Recently, when Sir Walter Nash, the former New Zealand premier, was here he stated in my presence that in New Zealand they had the highest degree of prosperity among the farmers. I have no reason to believe that a man who was a member of the New Zealand Parliament for 44 years, was twice Prime Minister and twice Minister for Finance and a number of times Leader of the Opposition and who is now Father of the House of Representatives in Wellington, would give a false impression. I am convinced he knew what he was talking about when he described the farmers as the really prosperous backbone of New Zealand. We find here that instead of concentrating on improving agriculture and investing courageously in it we are driving people off the land. The real test of agriculture is found in the prosperity or otherwise of the farmers.

The Irish farmers are not afraid, and never were afraid, of hard work which is nothing new to them. The hardest work falls to the tillage farmer who is now practically in a state of bankruptcy. Many farmers you meet today will tell you that tillage is finished and gone. Take wheat, for example. The wheat acreage in 1958 was 418,000. That is now down in 1965 to 182,000 acres. Why is it down? Is it because it paid too well that they grew less of it? Is it not true that if a farmer is not being paid for a crop he will not sow or grow it? That is the position regarding wheat, a drop from 400,000 acres to 182,000 acres, an extraordinary fall.

But the Irish farmers never made money on wheat: the one section of the community that did is the millers. The Government always took care that if there was to be any profit out of wheat the millers would get it. Nowhere in the world would an influential, small, greedy monopoly such as the millers be allowed to treat the farmers as the millers here were allowed to treat the Irish farmers. I salute Deputy Dillon when I think of how he dealt with the millers. The Minister will remember the bad year in which the millers told Deputy Dillon when he was Minister for Agriculture that they would not take the wheat because it had too high a moisture content. This was during one of the very wet years. Deputy Dillon told them he would make them take it and did so and they paid for it.

The regrettable thing from the Irish farmers' point of view is that Deputy Dillon was not long enough there as Minister for Agriculture. If he had been, he would have taught the millers how to treat the farmers and would have shown them the importance of the farmer in Irish agricultural life. I cannot understand why any Minister for Agriculture should stand idly by and see farmers having to work hard to produce wheat and get it to the mills and then be ordered away with it by the millers. It would be very disheartening for any of us, having to work hard and cope with the weather and finally depending on the price we expect for our crop, only to find that at the time we rely on it to pay our way and provide the wherewithal to keep body and soul together, the crop is rejected by the rich millers. I have known first-class wheat to be ordered away from the mills. I have known the moisture content to be taken and the readings passed on to the farmer. I have known the millers to say that the wheat was not of a superior quality and that the grower could not be paid the recognised price and the rejected wheat to be brought back again, the same wheat in the same sacks, by other farmers and the top price to be paid and the millers to accept it as best quality wheat.

I want, if I may, to pay a special tribute to the memory of the late Mr. Gerald Fitzgibbon of the Department of Agriculture. Mr. Fitzgibbon died during the year. The Irish farmers owe a great deal to the efforts of the late Mr. Fitzgibbon on their behalf. He was keenly concerned about them and on many occasions intervened with the millers with the result that the millers were compelled to take and to pay top price for wheat which they had rejected.

The millers must owe the Irish farmers some millions of pounds. One reason why the acreage of wheat has dropped so much is that the Irish farmers never got fair play in the marketing, payment, sale or disposal of their wheat. In 1965, the acreage of wheat in Irish soil was the lowest for many long years. I venture to say that this year there is less wheat sown by farmers. If wheat were a profitable crop for the farmers they would sow it. The Irish farmers have now got wise to the position. They see no reason why they should work hard growing wheat for the millers to reap the benefit. The result is that farmers have got out of wheat production. Is that a matter in respect of which the Minister deserves a bouquet or congratulations? The acreage of wheat is down drastically. The reason is that it is a non-profitable crop.

The acreage under oats, in 1958, was 457,000. It is down this year to 284,000 acres. Does the Minister deserve congratulations in respect of the drop in the acreage of oats? As a result of his activities there is less wheat and less oats under the ground. The reason is that these commodities do not pay the Irish farmer.

In 1958, there were 3,000 acres of rye grown in this country. In 1965, there were 1,612 acres—another drop. The acreage under potatoes in 1958 was 262,000; in 1965, it was down to 174,000 acres. In 1958, there were 13,000 acres of fodder beet; in 1965, 10,000 acres. Mangolds were down from 54,000 acres to 39,000 acres; sugar beet down from 84,000 acres to 65,000 acres. Is there any degree of prosperity in that? Can anyone explain why the tillage farmers of Carlow, Laois, Wexford, Kilkenny and Kildare have gone out of tillage? They are not growing wheat, oats or beet. May I ask the Minister for Agriculture, what crop is paying the farmer? Beet was always a profitable crop.

The Irish Sugar Company and the Beet Growers Association reresentatives met to negotiate the price which farmers should get for beet. My information is that when the conference took place it was the council of the BGA, without any consultation with the rank and file that fixed the price of beet and that the price fixed has not been in accordance with the wishes of the majority of beetgrowers and that beet is coming to be recognised as a crop which cannot be profitably produced at the present rate of pay per ton and with the tags and conditions attached to it. The beetgrowers made the only protest they could make when they found that the crop was not profitable at the price they were receiving. The beetgrowers supplying beet to Carlow, Thurles, Mallow and Tuam felt that the price they were receiving did not compensate for the cost of production, including the sowing, thinning, pulling, transport to factory and taking into account the deduction made by the factory for wear and tear. I have known beetgrowers in my constituency and elsewhere who, instead of receiving a cheque from the Irish Sugar Company, received bills. Instead of being paid what they were expecting for their crop, the farmers owed the Sugar Company money.

Farmers cannot be expected to produce beet in these conditions any more than they can be expected to grow oats or wheat at a loss. In addition to the decline in the acreage under corn crops, root crops and green crops show a decline. The reduction in the acreage of beet is a very serious matter for the beetgrowers. The Minister should have had consultation with the Irish Sugar Company and the Beetgrowers Association with a view to seeing that the beet-grower was given a fair and profitable price for his beet. I put it to the Minister that the farmer has not been paid for his beet, just as he has not been paid for his wheat or for his oats. That is the reason farmers are getting out of tillage and not producing these crops. There has been a very serious drop in acreage.

Some time ago the Irish Sugar Company told farmers that they should engage in the production of fruit and numbers of them did so yet we find that while in 1961 there were 12,000 acres of fruit the figure in 1965 had gone down to 10,000 acres. They were also told by the Sugar Company and by other concerns to produce such vegetables as celery and peas and I know of landowners in parts of Offaly who produced these vegetables and had to allow them to rot in the ground because when it came to getting profitable markets for them they were just not there. I trust that the Minister will sympathetically consider the case of many Galway and Offaly farmers who produced greens for the Ever Fresh factory near Banagher in County Galway and who in many cases suffered serious financial loss. Who is going to compensate or help these farmers? There is no question of any of them trying to recoup themselves.

If that is the agriculture about which the Minister boasts he should hang his head in shame. It is disgraceful that farmers should be treated in that fashion and it is a very low level to which to allow farmers to sink. That is the Minister's record in regard to tillage. It is a bad record as we have perhaps the worst tillage record since the State was founded. In my opinion the tillage record has been responsible for driving farmers to the doorsteps of the workhouses. On top of that there was the situation which arose in regard to the price of milk and the extraordinary situation that arose in connection with rates. Agriculture was never in a more depressed state. To cap everything there is a credit squeeze and the ordinary farmer is in a very serious plight for the want of working capital. He is asked by the Minister to increase his stock and to increase his acreage under tillage but he has refused to do this because it is not profitable. There are no means by which the farmer can be provided with capital to work his lands. The banks will not give him anything and the Agricultural Credit Corporation has not been as generous as was expected. The Government have restricted loans and the situation is that if a farmer walked into a bank, before the strike, seeking a loan to improve his lands, purchase livestock, or break up additional land for tillage, I venture to say that a gangster with a six-shooter in his hand and a mask over his eyes would have been more welcome in that bank than the farmer. Is that not a grand state of affairs in an agricultural country where one would expect that the farmer would at least be treated by the Government with respect and confidence? Is it not true to say that today the vast majority of farmers are on the verge of bankruptcy and not only that but that the vast majority of them have their lands mortgaged to the hilt? They are seriously in debt with no hope of paying off the debt, no matter how hard they work or how industrious they may be.

With great respect to the Agricultural Credit Corporation, and to the Department of Agriculture for all the loans and grants they have made available, and with great respect to the commercial banks who may trust the occasional farmer, I still feel that I am correct in saying that agriculture is now being starved to death for the want of sound capital investment. There seems to be no sound national investment in agriculture. The industry requires an investment of some millions to enable the farmer to stand on his own feet, to stock his lands to their capacity. It is regrettable to see the number of farmers who say that although they have good lands and excellent grazing, they have no stock to eat the grass that is now coming up.

In my capacity as an auctioneer, I meet this type of farmer. I have met farmers coming to make arrangements to let their grazing and when I asked them why they were doing this they politely said that they had no stock themselves to put on the land but that if they had stock they would certainly put them grazing on their own lands. The prospect of purchasing stock is nil because of the lack of financial accommodation available for the purpose. I hope that the Department of Agriculture will tackle this problem in a courageous manner. What is the use of tinkering with agriculture? Let us have some sound investment in agriculture to put the farmer on his feet and not have him living in drudgery and in a depressed state, living from hand to mouth.

I fail to understand why the Irish farmers have been regarded as the one section of the community that cannot be trusted with money. I could never understand why the Irish farmer could not get substantial amounts of money, either for livestock or for increased tillage at normal rates of interest. The interest rates are far too high and the security and guarantees necessary are far too strict. If the Government are serious in helping the Irish farmer out of the plight in which he now finds himself, they must first see he has the necessary working capital. He is starved of capital. Today there are no means by which he can get that capital. Nobody gives two thraneens whether he gets it or not. The Minister is not concerned whether the Irish farmer owes £100 or £1,000. Everybody seems to be concerned that he gets one thing only, that is, nothing.

What makes the Irish farmer depressed? Is he not depressed when he sees what happens to people in other walks of life, for example, those engaged in industry? I am not saying that those engaged in industry are not entitled to what they are getting. Of course, they are. They are entitled to more than they are getting; otherwise, you would not have the great industrial unrest you have in the country.

How come you said the Government should not put money into industry, so?

The Deputy knows I did not say that.

That was what you implied.

That is the way the Deputy took it up. When the Deputy is as long in this House as I am, he will take things up the correct way. I do not accuse the Deputy of anything. When I was new in the House, I was the same. It takes about 20 years to get into the running.

When the farmer sees the share of prosperity other sections of the community are claiming and getting, all he can do is sit down and look on. When he goes to look for anything, there is a way of dealing with him. The poor farmer has no strike weapon. He must milk his cows. He must carry on his foddering. He must till and sow and reap. He must work. He cannot strike. Another reason is that nobody ever seems to be afraid of the farmers. Why? Because the farmers are not united. They are not a strong driving force. If the Irish farmer were even as cute as the British farmer, he would be better off today. I take off my hat to the British farmers. England is undoubtedly an industrial country, but the British farmers are a highly organised section of the community there. It is regrettable that in Ireland agriculture seems to have been the playtoy of Irish politics.

Did you say "the playboy of Irish politics"?

The Deputy will improve in his hearing also when he is longer in the House. Again, it takes time.

You are here the whole evening.

Yes; I am here since 3 o'clock. I am beginning to think I should come in more often to speak. I think I will. I had a free day today and I said I would come up and talk as long as I could.

It was very nice of you to come up.

No; I am a good attender here. I have been attending reasonably well for the past 24 years and with God's help, I hope to be a frequent attender for another 24, but, may I say, on the other side of the House.

We might not let you in.

Deputies might allow Deputy Flanagan to make his speech.

The Deputies opposite will be on this side.

The Deputy will be in the Park then.

We have a man for the Park.

You cannot drag him into the Park as you dragged him in here.

The Parliamentary Secretary ought to be very grateful. I think I helped to drag him in, too. I can assure him I will not do him any harm.

You will not do Deputy O'Higgins any harm.

He did not do you any harm when you were trying to join us either.

It is good to hear from you and completely untrue what you say.

Deputy Crowley should cease interrupting. If he cannot listen to Deputy Flanagan, he has a remedy.

I would be very sorry if the Deputy left. I know if there is one Deputy who shares my views one hundred per cent, it is Deputy Crowley.

On all aspects of Fine Gael policy.

What are the aspects of Fine Gael policy?

The Deputy should know because the Deputy studied all aspects of Fine Gael policy at the time he was going to join the Party.

Never. I was not a cumann secretary, either.

Deputy Crowley will cease interrupting or he will leave the House.

To get back to the Estimate——

For a change.

I was endeavouring to convey to Deputy Crowley and others why the Irish farmer is so depressed. He is depressed when he sees all the organised sections of the community making their demands and being successful in their demands, when he cannot make a successful demand at all. All of us agree that the Irish farmer is entitled to a fairer crack of the whip than he is getting. There is a gap of £300 per year between the income per family of the farmer and that of the industrial worker. Then, as a result of the policy of the Minister for Agriculture, the flight from the land has increased from 10,000 in 1964 to the alarming level of 14,000 in 1965. I have already explained to the House the problem of the reduction in tillage and the plight of the milk producer, and in addition to all that, there are 14,000 people fewer on the land today than there were in 1964. Surely that is nothing to be proud of?

Very recently agricultural labourers have been given an increase of £1 a week in two instalments. Let me say there is no labouring man more entitled to that increase, but surely the farmer himself is entitled to some substantial increase to enable him to pay the agricultural worker? In Ireland today, the lowest paid is the farm worker and the second lowest paid is the farmer himself. I do not see what the Minister has to boast about when it comes to the question of the prosperity of our agriculture.

Let us turn for a moment to the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Area Agreement. Fianna Fáil went over to London and on 14th December, 1965, signed the Free Trade Area Agreement between Ireland and Britain, which comes into force on 1st July next.

Does the Deputy object to it?

I welcome it. Is that not what Fianna Fáil should have been doing the whole time instead of shouting that the British market was gone and gone forever; burn everything British except her coal? I congratulate Fianna Fáil on their conversion to the British market. If only they had listened to the common sense and intelligence shown in the speeches from this side of the House, if only they had taken some inspiration from them years ago which would have converted them to the wisdom of and the necessity for the closest possible marketing link between Ireland and Britain, the Irish farmers would be better off today. However, it is better late than never. After 30 years in the wilderness condemning the British market, dissociating themselves from the British market, they now have to eat their words, and one would expect at least some member of the Party to admit that Fine Gael were right.

We would not be in the Party if we thought that.

They would be put out.

Surely some humble member of the Party will stand up and say: "For 30 years we were wrong. Now we have discovered Fine Gael were right, and we appreciate the importance and the value of the British market."

This is the first time we met Britain on equal terms, that they were not the bosses.

Deputy Calleary will get an opportunity of speaking.

The British market is our nearest and most profitable market. If Fianna Fáil had handled this situation rightly from the start, we should be one of the most prosperous agricultural countries in the world, having this huge, consumer population of industrial Britain at our doorstep crying out for Irish food, for Irish beef, Irish butter, Irish lamb, Irish bacon and ham. Instead of the Irish farmer being asked to produce for export for Britain where he would have a profitable, guaranteed and long-term market, he was told by Fianna Fáil to boycott the British market. They should have stopped this nonsense and said: "Here we are, an agricultural country, ready to produce, and what we can produce we can land in Britain inside three hours"—a stone's throw away. The huge population of London at our doorstep; the big population of Manchester, Birmingham and all the cities of Britain and here is Ireland—the garden for Britain—right at the doorstep. But the Irish farmers had to make sacrifices just to satisfy Fianna Fáil. Now we have reached the stage when they have at last grown out of swaddling clothes. They are beginning to grow up and see the value of the British market. How many times did Irish Ministers go over to England? Fianna Fáil Ministers went over. I remember on one occasion the former Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Smith, going over to negotiate better prices for the Irish farmers' produce He came back having lost the concessions we had when he was going. He came back worse off than he had gone.

The 1948 Trade Agreement put millions and millions of pounds into the pockets of Irish farmers. That was negotiated when Deputy Dillon was Minister for Agriculture and Deputy John A. Costello was Taoiseach. The 1948 Trade Agreement linked up the price of Irish livestock with the price of British livestock which the British farmers were getting on the British market. That was the first time that ever happened. It meant that millions and millions were put into the pockets of Irish farmers which would never have been put there were it not for the foresight, intelligence and negotiating power of Deputies John A. Costello and James Dillon.

Fianna Fáil went over recently and they tell us they did even better than that. There was very little in the recent trade agreement by way of an improvement on the 1948 Agreement. The Anglo-Irish free trade area agreement is a continuance of the 1948 Agreement for which Deputies John A. Costello and Dillon were mainly responsible. If you ask any of the Fianna Fáil Party what did the Irish delegation get from Britain in the recent negotiations they will proudly tell you that as a result of these talks the basic quota for Irish butter has been raised from 12,905 tons to 23,000 tons in the year ending 17th March, 1967. That is to say the quota of Irish butter to Britain has been increased from 12,000 to 23,000 tons, despite the fact that 24,000 tons went over last year. But they are not telling us that every single pound of Irish butter in that quota exported from Ireland to Britain is neatly wrapped up in a 1/7d postal order and the Irish tax-payer is paying 1/7d for every single pound of butter which is exported. So that the British can have their throats lubricated to swallow our butter, we are paying them 1/7d a lb. Is it not an extraordinary state of affairs to say that when we export 23,000 tons of butter for every single pound we send 1/7d out of the country as well?

The Deputy has just been praising that market.

I cannot understand why we must pay the British for eating our butter. Our butter is of sufficient quality; very appetising and, perhaps, the best manufactured butter in the world. I would put Irish butter to the test with Danish, British, Australian or New Zealand butter. I say our creamery butter must rank as the best and highest quality butter in the world today. That cannot be denied. Does the Parliamentary Secretary agree with me?

I agree.

Now we have the best butter in the world but, despite the fact that we are sending over to Britain the best butter in the world, is it not extraordinary that we have to send over 1/7 with each pound to help the British eat it?

This is the market the Deputy says we should be getting.

I can never understand why we must pay the British for eating our butter. The position is that whilst we must pay the British for eating our butter, Irish creamery butter can be purchased in any part of Britain where it is on sale, and that is not every place in Britain because there are Irish in Britain who never see Irish butter or bacon and who would be only too delighted to purchase Irish agricultural goods if they could get them but they cannot because they are not there. Irish butter can be purchased at 1/7d and 1/8d a lb cheaper in Britain today than it can in Dublin or in any part of the country.

I am always most enthusiastic to hear the Parliamentary Secretary explain matters in his constituency. I promise very sincerely that I will be the most attentive hearer he will have at any meeting in the constituency which he will convene for the purpose of explaining why we must pay 1/7d or 1/8d a lb more for our butter at home than the British pay for it in England.

The Deputy should make up his mind. Does he want to export it or not?

I can assure the Parliamentary Secretary I will not interrupt him but will be a very keen listener, because this is something I have wanted explained to me for a long time and I have failed to get a satisfactory explanation. However, perhaps at some future date we may be able to organise this explanatory conference when we can go into this matter in greater detail.

Here we have what I consider to be very important figures—figures which show Irish agriculture on the decline. The farmers would be in the poorhouses long ago were it not for the export of cattle. If it were not for the price of cattle Irish farmers would have been begging long ago. It is the cattle export trade which has kept the Irish farmer with a shirt on his back and a boot on his foot. Here we can see that in 1963, between fat cattle and store cattle, the total number of cattle exported to Britain and the Six Counties was 631,000, and in 1965 the total number of fat cattle and store cattle exported had dropped, and dropped considerably. It was down from 631,000 to 500,000. Is that a sign of prosperity? Is that a sign of wealth? Is that a sign that the Irish farmers are getting money into the country? In my opinion, that is a substantial loss to the Irish farmers, and I should like an explanation from the Minister.

We have already demonstrated to him clearly today in this House that there has been a drop in tillage. We now find that as well as a serious drop in tillage, there has been a serious drop in the export of fat cattle and store cattle. All I can say is, if Fianna Fáil are in office for another two or three years, may the Lord help the Irish farmers. There will be a further fall in the export of store cattle and fat cattle, and the farmers will have gone out of tillage. The Lord knows what will have happened to the milk producers. Unless the Minister exercises some degree of commonsense and intelligence tomorrow, there will be a very serious situation, holding nothing but gloom, for Irish agriculture. There appears to be no degree whatever of prosperity. There seem to be no means by which Irish agriculture can improve. There seem to be no means at the disposal of Irish farmers for improving their standard of living.

I do not propose to allow this opportunity to pass without making a brief reference to poultry. The poultry industry is now a thing of the past. I should like to refer, if I may, to the very serious plight of those engaged in the production of turkeys. This is a very serious matter. There was a time when the farmer's wife was able to supply the domestic needs of the household at Christmas out of her profit from the sale of turkeys on the Christmas market. That is gone. It is no longer at her disposal. The June, 1965, statistics showed a further reduction in turkey numbers, and exports during the Christmas season were only about 13,000 birds. I am sure the Minister will tell us that the reason why only 13,000 birds were exported for the Christmas market last year was that there were already too many turkeys in Britain, that the British producer of turkeys had already produced a sufficient number of turkeys for the British market.

I want to put it to the Minister that it is on record that the Irish turkey producers can produce a bird of better quality, more appetising, and with a higher degree of flavour, than the British producer can, and that if Irish turkeys are on the market in Britain, nine times out of ten, the British housewife will ask for an Irish turkey in preference to the British turkey, because the flavour of the Irish turkeys is to her taste. There is a flavour associated with Irish turkeys that is not associated with the British bird. If there is such a demand in Britain for Irish turkeys, I fail to see why we have not some proper organisation to deal with the export of Irish turkeys to Britain for the Christmas market.

There seems to be a complete breakdown in the marketing of Irish turkeys in Britain. There was a time when turkey was regarded as a seasonal dish but now turkey is eaten at any time of the year. The greatest demand is at Christmas, but the export of turkeys to Britain for the Christmas market has been mishandled and badly managed. This has been responsible for a substantial loss in the income of the farmer's wife and the poultry producer. There should be an inquiry into the method of marketing turkeys. I understand that expert advice has been offered time and again to the Department of Agriculture but that expert advice has been ignored. The time has come for a full investigation into the marketing of turkeys.

May I now enter in some detail into the question of pig production, bacon factories, and the working of the Pigs and Bacon Commission? I have some observations to make in regard to pig production. Like every other section of Irish agriculture, the pig producers are on the verge of bankruptcy. They are no different from the wheat growers, the dairy farmers, or any other section of Irish agriculture. The pig producer today is undoubtedly on the verge of bankruptcy. In other words, he is out of business. The Minister should look into this matter in some detail because there was a time when pig production was a very profitable business. It is no longer a profitable business.

Some years ago in the midlands, in Waterford, Wexford and Cork, farmers went in for pig production to a very high degree. At that time it was on a far more profitable basis than it is today. Many years ago we had farmers engaged in pig production, and we also had another section of the community engaged in pig production.

Progress reported: Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 18th May, 1966.
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