Like most Deputies, my main interest in local government is in housing and town planning and, of course, inseparably linked with those are sanitary services. In introducing his Estimate the Minister made a very long speech. It was carefully prepared. I felt it was designed to give the impression that there were no problems and no difficulties in relation to housing and that if there was anything wrong, it certainly was not the Government's fault, that there was nothing they could have done to avoid the present unsatisfactory position.
More than once in his statement the Minister referred to the restoration of confidence. I should like to ask why was confidence lost, and why have we this deplorable overcrowding which still exists? Why have we this enormous backlog of housing needs, and what has been responsible for these arrears? It is quite clear to anyone who has been closely associated with the housing of our people for a number of years and to anyone who has been a member of a local authority, that this enormous backlog has arisen due to the foolish assumption of the Government in both the First and the Second Programme for Economic Expansion that the social needs of the people in the sphere of housing had already been met in most of the country.
Secondly, for five years after 1957 the Government did practically nothing in housing. At the end of that five years, building by local authorities had dropped to at least one-quarter of what it had been in 1957, and the building of other State-aided houses had dropped to about one-third of what it had been. That is why we have this problem before us today.
There are other reasons. In Dublin city, we know that due to the demolition of dangerous buildings and to obsolescence, 10,000 to 12,000 rooms were lost. There has been a great slowing down in the condemning of houses since 1963 because of the embarrassment which existed due to the number of houses which had already been condemned. In an effort to do something about that crisis and to save their face, the Ballymun scheme was suggested by the Government. The Ballymun scheme did not give the relief it was expected to give as soon as it was expected to give it. I should like to comment on that scheme. I must say that at the outset I was very sceptical of the whole thing but, at the same time, I did not condemn it because I did not know anything about it, and I was not sufficiently intimate with the large experiment which it was proposed to carry out there. I went out at the early stages to see what was happening and I must say that at that stage it would not convince anyone. There was nothing there but mud, and there were very few signs of housing or anything that would give the impression that this was a good idea.
I went out again recently and saw some of the completed flats and houses. I have seen flats in quite a number of European countries and I have seen flats in England. I will give it as my impression—I am being honest about this—that I have never seen nicer or better flats anywhere. In relation to the flats, a first-class job has been done. I cannot speak so highly of the houses. They do not impress me in their appearance on the outside or in the finish on the inside. The walls are finished with some sort of gyptex wallboard and I will be surprised if it does not deteriorate very rapidly and need a considerable amount of repair. The outside of the flats impressed me. They have an expensive appearance and they do not give the impression of flats as we know them in the ordinary way. The experiment was well worthwhile and it will probably give results now much faster than it has been doing up to the present.
There is one thing I should like to say about it. It was a scheme that should not have been embarked upon unless we knew in advance that there was further work for the factory that was set up there. It is totally wrong that the full cost of a factory costing £500,000 should have to be written off on one scheme. While I think it is unfair that that should have been done, now that it has been done, I understand this factory can remain in existence and operating from here will be able to build flats in Belfast. I think it was wrong and that this is something that should be borne in mind in deciding on the economic rents of these flats. The tenants should get the benefit of this consideration. It would be deplorable to close down this factory, now that it has done this job in Ballymun when there is such an amount of work to be done and seeing that it cost £500,000. I hope the scheme will succeed and that it will help to provide the answer to our housing problems in the shortest possible time. The houses are probably as expensive as houses provided elsewhere but the outside appearance and the inside finish of the flats is at least as good as, or compares favourably with, anything I have seen anywhere.
There are so many problems, and so many that I am aware of in relation to housing that I do not know where to start but the great problem is insufficient money. That is the biggest problem confronting us. The Minister gives the impression that money is not the problem in fact and is not holding us back. I disagree entirely. The Minister has given quite a number of figures in the course of his speech. Somebody said afterwards that he used these figures and statistics as a drunken man uses a lamp-post—more for support than light. There is some truth in that because he mentioned the amounts of money notified to the various local authorities but did not refer to the fact that it is part of the arrangement that the local authorities must find ten per cent of the total sum from their own resources. Ten per cent can be a considerable amount. He did not refer to the fact also that if a local authority, through their own efforts, can find other ways and means of financing portion of their housing needs, this all has to be done within the figure notified. If they can get money from outside sources and if they have much greater need for money, they are not allowed to use it.
Less than a year ago, we were told that there was no money available from any source and that our housing drive was completely held up in County Dublin. At that time I personally made an approach to the Royal Liver Insurance Company and when I got a favourable reaction, I went to the County Manager and told him I thought this was worth pursuing. He seemed quite doubtful at the time as to whether we would be allowed to borrow the money. Eventually the matter was pursued and they have offered us £200,000. This will be a help but unless I am misinformed it will still have to come within the overall amount notified to us at the beginning of the year and the supplementary allowance that was notified later.
The Minister said that he looked at the various local authorities housing needs and in the case of County Dublin he became alarmed and decided to allocate an additional £170,000. It should be noted that when he became alarmed about the position in County Dublin we needed last April £842,000 but after his consideration of the matter the Minister decided to allocate £170,000. We were already committed for any moneys previously supplied to us. As far as I can remember we got originally £650,000 or £630,000—the difference is small one way or another—for SDA loans and grants and we got £300,000-odd for local authority housebuilding. The first grants for local authority housing enabled us to meet our commitments up to that time but did not enable us to start any new schemes. All over the county we were in a shocking state for housing with about 1,000 families in urgent need of houses. We were then allowed to start a scheme of 150 houses at Swords and we were told we could spend £125,000 on that scheme. That left all the other schemes at a standstill.
Recently we got an additional amount which will enable us to spend. I have calculated, about £500 on each house in a number of schemes. The money provided is thinly spread out. Personally, I think that is good. I know it has political implications also. We have local elections coming up and it is important to give the impression at least that houses will be provided and give some obvious signs of that fact in the various areas but the inadequacy of the money available for housing in County Dublin is simply enormous at present and I know it intimately. Apparently, the position in the city is not quite so bad. In fact, in the Dublin region about 55 per cent of all private housebuilding is done and of that total about 42 per cent is done in the county. It beats me to understand why we get a smaller amount for this type of housing than Dublin Corporation which, first, have not got sites to build houses on and secondly have nothing like our commitments.
I do not want to give the impression that I do not like to see any local authority doing well. I do, and good luck to them when they did get that amount, but it does not make sense; it does not spell equity to me that this should be the case.
The Minister spoke at some length about the cost of houses and he has spoken before about keeping this cost down. He has been speaking about it for some years but I think, with all due respect to him, that he has done nothing to reduce the cost of houses. He now tells us that he has the National Building Agency and An Foras Forbartha working together on new plans and ideas towards reducing the cost of building houses. My feeling is that ten years ago the standard of the local authority houses we were building was superior to that of those we are building today.
There is an inference in the Minister's speech that the local authority houses now being built are too good and too big. I cannot understand that, and the deplorable overcrowding I see in most of our local authority houses is the complete answer. The houses are not big enough. What we need is a plan for houses that can be extended later. Newly-weds, for instance, should be in a position to add extra rooms later as their families arrive, without being bound by all this delaying red tape.
The Minister says he is doing everything possible to meet the housing emergency that exists in County Dublin and throughout the country. In spite of that, the effects of overcrowding are forcing us to provide temporary caravan accommodation for families, but the Minister still insists that the caravan dweller is not entitled to the subsidy. During the years he stuck his heels in and said that subtenants of local authority houses are not qualified for subsidies, but following deputations' visits to the Department, he decided that type of tenant should be housed and that the subsidy should be paid. He is being completely inconsistent in his attitude to families living temporarily in caravans. He cannot make a case for his attitude which is another example of how he is endeavouring to escape from his responsibilities.
He has spoken about the introduction of new planning legislation. All of us regard the new planning legislation as disappointing in the extreme. Even if it comes into operation tomorrow, it will not settle any problem. We all realise that in the main grants are at the same level as they were in 1948 and that the one-third and the two-third subsidy still remain, making the upper limits completely unrealistic.
There is an upper limit of £1,600 on a serviced house and of £1,100 on an unserviced house. We all know it is not possible to build a house today for less than £2,300. In fact they are costing much more than that in many cases. When we consider that the cost of developing sites is included in these maximum figures, the thing does not stand up to examination. It is convenient for the Department to be able to describe the subsidies as being one-third and two-thirds and the sooner we get away from this sort of nonsense, this hoodwinking of the people, the better. We should be able to say to housing authorities: "We shall give you a set figure, a 50 per cent subsidy, for all the houses you build." We must get away from all this business of the local authorities planning and of the Department passing judgment on these plans.
The Department should lay down standards and having done so, should say to the local authorities: "What are your housing needs?" Having said that, the Department should require local authorities to produce short-term and long-term housing programmes. Based on these programmes and on population movements, the Minister should know in advance the housing needs of the different areas. I do not think very much, if any, work has been done along these lines. If it had been done, we would not have the present situation in the areas to which the rural population is flocking. The towns to which the rural population is being attracted are special problem areas. This situation should have been anticipated. It has been a trend all over Europe but it was not anticipated here. We should have been in a position to anticipate this trend and to say to the local authorities: "This is the amount we shall give you. Spend it as best you can. These are the standards. Adopt them and forget about all this planning and change of planning".
The first problem, after that of money, is the provision of sites. In County Dublin, we have reached the deplorable position in this respect that there is no money now to buy new sites. In fact there is no money to pay for the sites purchased during the past 12 months or earlier. We are in the embarrassing position in Dublin County Council that we have an enormous housing need but even if the money were available, we would not be able to meet it. The City Manager has told us that it takes five years from the acquisition of a site to the time the houses are built. In certain cases, particularly when there is a compulsory purchase order, it can be as long as ten years.
We are now practically being told to sell sites we have acquired. We are required to find money from our own resources and from the sale of land. That was the effect of some of the communications we received from the Department. We have been able to pay for some of the sites we bought 12 months ago by overtaxing our overdraft account and from other resources we have but we are now in serious danger of losing sites because we are not able to pay deposits on them. We are not able to say to the owners: "We shall pay you a deposit and the balance over a period of time."
We had difficulty in getting one excellent site of 27 acres. We arranged the price with the auctioneer, an agreed price, but we are still awaiting sanction from the Department. I raised this matter by way of question before the Summer Recess and expressed the hope that the Minister would ensure we did not lose the site. He said he hoped it would not be necessary but in the meantime no move has been made by the Department. The site owner wants to buy extra land beside his house to compensate for the loss of this site but he has not got the money. If we could put up half of the price or even one-third, it might see that man through if he had, in addition, an indication of when he would be likely to get the remainder.
It is a serious situation when local authorities are being discouraged from buying sites for future building. It is evident that the whole building drive will topple next year. The same applies to private house building. We are told about the money that was available. I agree with the Minister for Education that there is only one way to solve the housing problem, that is, to build houses. Where is the money available for private building? The building societies have closed down until next January and the money to be made available by the Department has already been notified. We have an enormous number of applications in Dublin County Council for SDA loans : there are about 250 or 300 for whom we cannot do anything this year.
These applicants have been written to and told that if the money is available next year, they will be accommodated. They have entered into commitments with contractors, have paid deposits and now cannot get bridging finance. I know many of them who went to banks and produced this letter from the county council stating that if the money is available next year they will be accommodated. That is too vague. They must have a definite statement that the accommodation will be available in 1967. If they had that undertaking, they would get bridging finance. They have not got it and consequently many people are unable to find housing finance or credit from any source. As I have said, the housing societies have closed down until January. When that time comes, they may announce unfortunately that they cannot go into business again for a further three months at least. This goes on from day to day and nobody knows when the situation will improve.
I have never heard more criticism than I have heard in the past two years in relation to town planning and, in particular, planning appeals. I would say that the whole business of town planning and planning permission is chaotic. It is chaotic simply because the Minister did not carry out the undertaking he gave here at the time the 1963 planning legislation was going through the House, that is, that it would be brought in on a regional basis first.
There were only a few regions where there was a serious need for town planning and we had only sufficient qualified people to administer town planning in a limited part of the country. However, before we made any attempt to get the extra staff or to train extra staff, we gave this national coverage. Now all local authorities in the country are involved. They do not know whether they are coming or going in relation to town planning and they are going to be confronted with a spate of compensation applications as a result of town planning refusals.
There are so many applications coming in for town planning permission that the local authorities are not able to cope with them. Somebody said here today they were acting irresponsibly and that the easy thing was to say "no" and send applications to the Minister on appeal. I do not think they are acting irresponsibly. The Minister is acting irresponsibly, and I intend to give a reason for that soon. The officials are completely overworked and are unable to go into the facts of an application. I think what is happening is that when it is coming close to the end of the two months, they send out a couple of extra queries. When they do that, even though they may know the answers themselves, it gives them breathing space of a couple of months more. Applications are piling up and everybody you meet in the building trade is dissatisfied with the set-up. No one can move in any direction now without planning permission, and the obvious things which should get through at a very low level all have to go back up to the top because one planning officer is held responsible. Unless there is some way of reducing the area of responsibility, I cannot see this problem being handled as it should be, and this is going to be a serious barrier to development generally.
I know this is a very responsible job for any officer in a local authority and I know the scope that is there to make or break individuals or companies. It is one of the considerations which should be paramount. I spoke about the Minister's responsibility because, in relation to this aspect of town planning, he is in a position to make or break an individual or a company. I believe he has made various companies and been responsible for doing a serious injustice to other people.
I shall give a case in point. We have a plan for County Dublin and there are certain areas there which have one house to three acres. These are, for various reasons, exclusive areas. People have built expensive houses in these areas because they were aware of the density of building that was allowed there, a house to three acres. They pay enormous rates, and they paid for that amenity. Somebody then decided to buy land adjacent to this and they put in a plan for six houses to the acre. Of course, it was immediately turned down by the planning section of the local authority and it goes to the Minister on appeal. That land is purchased at the right price because of the low density that is allowed on it. The application goes to the Minister and the Minister says: "Instead of one house to three acres, I shall allow three houses to the acre." That is putting money in somebody's pocket in a big way.
We had a case here recently in regard to a big scheme out in Rathfarnham. Originally it was a condition of planning permission that 11 acres must be left as open space. The building goes on for some years and an enormous community is built up. Then the developer puts in an application to build on 7¼ of the 11 acres, the only 11 acres open space in the area, the only place where children can play, the only community centre space available. When he puts in this fresh submission for 7¼ of the 11 acres, it is immediately turned down by the Dublin County Council, as it should be. However, it goes to the Minister on appeal and the Minister lets it through.
This comes back to the Dublin County Council and we have to consider the position. It was the minimum space that it was reasonable to allow in the circumstances. We are now confronted with the difficulty that we must maintain our attitude towards it, that that is the necessary open space. We now have to buy back the 7¼ acres at building land prices. In other words, the Minister has put at least £20,000 into that man's pocket by his personal decision. I maintain that this position of the Minister being responsible for dealing with appeals in this way is being used politically and, as I say, is putting money into some people's pockets and breaking others.
The most glaring example of which I am aware in Dublin County Council is that of the petrol companies. Of the 16 petrol stations on the Naas Road within a short distance, 11 were turned down by Dublin County Council and succeeded on appeal. Indeed, there is no case that I remember for some time of petrol companies not succeeding. There must be a good reason for all this. We do not need all these petrol stations at every few yards of the road.
On the other hand, I have the case of a man who bought two sites one after another over a period of years. He was refused permission. The petrol companies bought them and, on appeal to the Minister, got permission. He finally buys another site on the Swords Road, not very far from the junction to the airport, and puts in the application to Dublin County Council. The only objection Dublin County Council has is that the Minister for Transport and Power might raise an objection to this on account of the airport. This is something that has been trumped up time and time again in relation to other building and it is now completely ignored, as we see in the case of the Ballymun scheme and the building of flats there.
In any case, the man made a submission to Dublin County Council and it was allowed. First of all, they said the Minister would raise an objection. I went to the Minister for Transport and Power and, to his credit, it can be said that he had no objection whatever; he did not see that there was anything wrong with it. It then went to the Minister for Local Government. I was with the Minister for Local Government. The other Deputies in the area were with the Minister for Local Government. Everybody was with him and told him that this was a reasonable proposition and that we hoped he would be able to see that it should be agreed. The qualified officers, the engineers, the town planners and all the rest in Dublin County Council said that this was something that should go through. The Minister turned it down. The sooner we get away from this system the better because now every politician is supposed to be wrong as a result of this attitude to what is a public responsibility. It is a serious responsibility. A change must take place in this whole arrangement. A judicial inquiry must be made into this type of practice. It cannot go on. Many people are revolting against it at the present time.
A great deal has been said about road safety and the making of roads. I listened to two Fianna Fáil Deputies talking about responsibility for main arteries and saying that there should be a national road authority to deal with main roads. For a long number of years I have been insisting that main arteries should be a State responsibility and not the responsibility of individual local authorities. I know there is a 100 per cent grant in the first instance but these roads are enormous in width and maintenance is a very heavy item on local authorities. Main arteries are used by the traffic of the country and not very often by the people in the local authority area. Therefore, they should be a national responsibility and not a direct burden on the rates. I am glad to see that the Fianna Fáil Deputies agree with us in this matter and are coming around to the view that main arteries should be a national responsibility as they are in many other countries and certainly in America.
I listened to Deputy Booth speaking of the position in Dún Laoghaire in relation to housing. The Deputy feels that the reason for the fact that there is a shortage of houses in Dún Laoghaire is that the local county councillors are not doing their job. I have often heard that stated by people who never did an hour in a local authority and do not really know what it means. It is very easy to criticise others from the outside. I know how difficult it is to get any proposal in relation to housing to the stage where it can be finally accepted and sanctioned by the Department. It is foolish of the Deputy if he tries to make headway in his own area by reflecting on members of the county council. I know many of them to be hard workers. I know none of them who is not extremely anxious to solve the housing problem in Dún Laoghaire. Some of them are members of Dublin County Council and I know they work extremely hard.
I will revert now to the question of planning. Recently there was a planning conference in Dublin. The British magazine Building, commented on planning here. It is no harm to record here an extract from an article which appeared in the Irish Independent of 27th September, 1966, under the heading “Planning in Ireland Criticised”:
A British magazine, Building, commenting on the Dublin conference of the Royal Institute of British Architects in a leading article, says that nothing more useful came out of it than the highlighting of the parlous state of physical planning in Ireland.
This is what they think of planning here.
The Government deserve congratulation on setting up An Foras Forbartha, the National Building Agency of Ireland, and the National Building Advisory Council "but earns no marks for losing control," it says.
The National Building Advisory Council have been in existence for a long time and I would be anxious to know what advice they would have given during that period because the Minister did not elaborate in any way on that. There is a great deal of useful investigation and research to be done, as the Minister said, to discover how the price of houses can be reduced or even kept at their present level.
One of the factors that will effect house prices very considerably is the new wholesale tax. The Minister may say that that has been lifted. That tax has been remitted in the case of certain building items but why has it not been remitted in the case of timber? Why has the turnover tax been imposed on a lot of items? The Builders' Federation made the point recently that the turnover tax and the wholesale tax will increase the cost of houses by 8.1 per cent. I realise that the building trade has been exempted to a certain extent from this tax but there are many expensive items used in the building trade that are not exempt. The most expensive single item used in house building is timber. Timber, baths, basins and sanitary ware of all descriptions do not seem to be excluded. I should like to hear the reason for that being the case.
There is another factor that raises the cost of houses. There is a certain amount of blackmail on the part of the ESB in relation to housing estates in Dublin. The service may be close by to where a new estate is to be built and there may be a large potential of new customers. The contractor or the developer must pay the ESB for facilitating them in selling their current. First of all, the contractor has to provide them with a free site for a substation and is then told that the price he will have to pay for their being allowed to come in to sell current in the new area that he has provided will depend largely upon whether or not the houses are wired for cookers and the various electrical equipment that they have for sale. That is unfair competition, for instance, with the Gas Company and is a type of blackmail on the builders so that the ESB can sell current. It increases the cost of houses because if the contractor is obliged to pay the ESB more than he should be paying them he will get that back from the customer.
Applications for SDA loans are now down to a trickle. Whereas they were coming in in the order of 70 to 100 a month in Dublin County Council last year, they are down to ten and 11 and building will come to a standstill in the private sector next year if this matter is not watched and if confidence is not restored.