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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 6 Dec 1967

Vol. 231 No. 10

Committee on Finance. - Vote 26—Local Government (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That the Vote be referred back for reconsideration.
—(Deputy T.J. Fitzpatrick)(Cavan).

When I reported progress last night, I was referring to the remark passed by Deputy Barrett that British materials of the highest quality were available at a much lesser price than similar goods could be produced here. I know Deputy Barrett to be a very capable Deputy and I believe that he believes what he said to be so. I have come into this House on former occasions and commented on the fact that alien firms who were based here and who from time immemorial had developed their trade in imports have constantly down along the years tried to maintain and develop that trade by the importation of materials.

This is one of the things that we in this country have to contend with. I again wish to reiterate this morning that British firms—I know this to be true—are turning out materials of a substandard quality. They are sending them in here, knowing they are substandard and making it known to their people that the materials they are supplying are substandard. Their agents are going around impressing the people that those materials are of high standard. Something should be done about this, by way of stating that our materials are of a particular standard and that those foreign materials are not of as high a standard. Many of our own people are fooled by this. I mentioned felt last night because it is one of the materials I know of. It is my business to know those materials. I am an expert in this because my firm have been supplying this material for years. This matter has been overlooked all too often.

This case of substandard foreign materials has often been overlooked, particularly in the case of local authority houses where one, two or three years after the houses are built, we have to go back and carry out repairs because the materials used have not been of a high standard. I would ask the Minister to take particular note of this and try to get something done about it. This is very serious for our industry here and for the workmen employed.

Last night I referred to the issue of grants. I would like to see housing grants increased but unfortunately when you want to get the largest number of houses built, it is impossible to increase the grants. This morning I want to stress the increasing of reconstruction grants. They are not realistic in regard to our figures for the reconstruction of houses today.

I particularly wish to move on to the purchase of rented cottages. My colleague, Deputy J. O'Leary, commented that the council were taking too much under the new Act from people who purchased old vested cottages. I had a particular case over the past three weeks where a man who had to go to England to earn sufficient to try to keep his wife and family left his cottage idle. He was home in August and September for six weeks. There are only three years to go on this cottage. The amount per year payable on it was 36/-. He had a total of £5 8s to clear off and he would have the cottage purchased out. The council repossessed the cottage and threatened to take him to court. This was tantamount to blackmail. The man had to go to the council to get something done about this. A valuer has been sent to value the cottage. I understand the suggested value is about £500. This means that this man will have to pay £160 or £170 to the council. This, to my mind, is entirely wrong.

I do not believe that this Act was ever intended to cover that kind of thing. This has happened and I would ask the Minister to check on it. The cottage is 90 years old and was built at a cost of about £70 to £80. It has been kept in good repair over the years by this man's people who lived in it all their lives. He is now forced to pay this figure. Something should be done about that type of thing. I agree that there are cottages built nine and ten years at a cost of £600 and £700 and that the council are entitled to get something out of them. It is going too far to go back on those old cottages with low rents.

Water and sewerage schemes are of particular interest to us in Kerry because we have a vast amount of building of hotels and so on to be carried out. We need a big increase in the amount of money for water and sewerage if we are to develop along the lines of demand. We have up to 20 hotel groups in Kerry at the moment planning an outlay of £5 million to £6 million, and many of these are held up because of lack of water. Sewerage can be dealt with on the site, but in most cases water is very necessary. If we are to make progress, we need the extra money. I would again ask the Minister to turn his eye in our direction and give us the maximum amount necessary for water. Many of the schemes are held up far too long and a faster output at Department level is necessary.

At the moment road deaths are a cause of major worry to everybody. Not sufficient publicity is given to the necessity for the ordinary users of the road, pedestrians and people driving cattle, to take the proper precautions. All too often we find people travelling in the dark without any light to indicate they are on the road. There is need for more expert instruction, through whatever means it can be given, the schools, television and the radio. The motor car is becoming a lethal instrument on the roads today. This is not entirely the fault of the motorist. Fences and hedges have been removed from many of our roads and there is no longer any reflector on the side of the road to guide the motorist. Our people must realise they have a duty on the road to use every means to help other road users. This is not adhered to.

The handing over to the county council of the rural improvement and bog development schemes is an adverse step so far as we in Kerry are concerned. We had a very competent organisation down there in the minor employment scheme people, who did a very good job. As far as we are concerned, they should be retained. They knew the different roads and what was necessary to maintain them. It is all wrong to hand them over to the county council. The council have sufficient work of their own to do. Naturally, they will use the best weather to do their own jobs. Handing this over to them as a sideline is not in the best interests of the country or the expenditure of the money. I would ask the Minister to reconsider this decision and allow this organisation, set up in Kerry for the past 15 years, to continue to do the good work they have been doing.

The burning question so far as we in Kerry are concerned is the rates. With a rate of practically £4 7s in the £ and faced with a very big increase this year, something has to be done to try to halt this rise. The position is entirely inequitable, particularly for small shopkeepers with a turnover of £3,000 to £5,000 a year and a gross profit of £300 to £500. Most of them have valuations of £20, which means they have to pay £100 out of their profit on rates alone. It is an unequal burden. The same thing applies to our cottiers. Many of them in my own town have valuations of £7. They are faced with paying over £30 and in many cases have no means except social welfare benefits. It is time some system of equal payments was found. The burden now is on the people who cannot afford it. It is a crushing burden and something must be done about it.

I should like to comment on references made recently by some of the Labour people about the vast sums of money spent on building skyscrapers and such. It is hard to prevent business people from building the type of building they want. It is hard to understand why Labour should pursue this line in view of the fact that their own organisation spent practically £1 million on building a skyscraper. One would expect that that money could have been usefully employed in helping the working people. They could have given us a headline. They were the people who started this skyscraper business. I cannot understand why this line is being followed by them. Probably they have their own reasons for it. Our people in Kerry cannot understand it. A massive building overshadows everything in Dublin and at the same time, Labour representatives are making a point about the other buildings there.

We know that is a sore point with you.

It is not with me. It is something I cannot understand.

With your organisation.

It does not make sense to our people in Kerry.

You will hear more about it before we are over.

From Deputy Dowling perhaps?

I have been asked by working people in Kerry why I have not raised this question in the Dáil. I am availing of this opportunity to draw attention to it.

Finally, I should like to compliment the Minister on the large amount of money for housing this year. Of course, it falls far short of what we would like to see. But, in view of the fact that we are not a rich nation and cannot lay our hands on colossal sums of money, it is a very considerable sum, practically three times the amount spent in 1961. We can only hope that in the next couple of years the Minister will succeed in bringing the figure up to about £50 million. We need to get ahead with our housing programme and give the people the type of house they require. I hope the Minister will keep up good work. Housing is an indication of the standard of our people. It helps best of all to improve the outlook of our people and to improve their education. When people come out of good houses, they are able to work better. There is a better demand for education. I would ask the Minister and the Government to turn their eyes in the direction of trying to reach that figure of £50 million, and to try to get housing and water schemes developed in such a way that we will see the end of bad housing for our people.

I do not intend to delay the Minister on this Estimate by an unduly prolonged speech. In fact, I probably would not have intervened at all, were it not for the fact that a number of points arise mainly in my own constituency of Waterford which I feel should be directed to the Minister's attention. One point is in connection with the Cheekpoint sewerage scheme which has reached the dignity of being the subject of discussion on RTE during the past week.

Is that a dignity?

I am sure the Minister heard about it. I want to ventilate the point that although this was agreed to some ten years ago and that bathrooms, toilets and all modern facilities were actually laid on, it is not connected with the sewerage scheme. Apparently some of the councillors were blamed by the commentators on RTE. That is a bit unfair because we were told by the county manager and the officials that the reason there is no sewerage is that the sewerage grant has not been forthcoming from the Department.

In fact we have 27 or 28 schemes listed in order of priority. Up to the last council meeting, we had no indication from the Department as to the amount of money we are to get. I understand that our county manager came up to the Department in an endeavour to speed up the allocation of this grant. He must have made some impression. The council members and the officials should not have to take the blame for something which rightly rests—if they are correct—with the Department of Local Government. If there is no money for the scheme, no matter what publicity we get, it is impossible for us to carry out water and sewerage schemes. As I said, we have a priority list of 28 or 29 schemes, but at the rate of progress of the allocation of the grants we are getting, it will take ten, 15 or 20 years to have even this limited number of schemes carried out.

There is another point I should like to draw to the Minister's attention, that is, the question of the purchase by tenants of their cottages. I am speaking now of urban areas such as Dungravan. A decision was reached by the Department that if the tenant of one of these cottages or houses was lucky enough to have in his possession, or was able to get a lump sum of £1,100, he could forthwith purchase his cottage or house, and that if he did not have that sum and had to buy it over a 25 year period, he would have to pay double that sum. I understand that if you get money on loan, you have to pay interest, but if a person has made the first weekly or monthly payment, and if he is lucky enough to get the money to clear the price of the cottage, he should not have to pay the full 25 years purchase price. In other words, he is buying his cottage at twice the price which the man who had the money in his pocket has to pay. If he is lucky enough to get the money after he has made the first payment, or if someone puts up the money on his behalf to clear off the purchase price, the money would be made available to the Department, and is that not the objective?

Waterford County Council by a majority decision decided that any money for cottage repairs would be spent only on the cottages of tenants who had indicated their intention to purchase, and that in the case of a person who for some reason—perhaps because he had no one to follow him, because his family had died or emigrated or gone away—had decided that he would carry on paying his weekly rent, they would not repair his cottage irrespective of whether the rain was coming in and the cottage was deteriorating.

It is completely wrong for a council to say to their officials they are to repair only cottages that are about to be vested, irrespective of the conditions in which other people are living in their cottages. It is true that I got Waterford County Council to reverse that decision within the past month, and our county engineers are now permitted to repair cottages according as the need for repair arises. It is in the Minister's own interest to direct county councils who are following a similar line to the line we were following in Waterford, that when a cottage needs repair to prevent the rain, the wind and the weather coming in—and indeed it is in the interests of the council to keep the cottage in reasonable repair—to give a fair distribution of these grants where they are needed.

In connection with town planning, or permission to erect additions to buildings, I had a peculiar case in Waterford quite recently. A tenant of a council house in Tramore applied some 12 months ago for permission to erect a garage adjoining his house. A sketch plan was provided to our town planners. That was 12 months ago, and up to last Thursday week, he had not got a decision one way or the other. I understand from the town planners in Waterford that they wrote to the architect last February, and up to three weeks ago he had not replied as to whether or not he was satisfied with the plan. I had a letter from the applicant stating that he has the materials for the garage awaiting construction, and they have been deteriorating for the past 12 months. Surely that type of town planning is completely wrong? As I understand the Act, the decision must be within a reasonable time, and you would be told whether you would be allowed to carry out your project within a reasonable time. After a notice had been given in the newspaper, a month should be sufficient for the council officers to decide one way or another.

Two months.

Certainly, in the case I am speaking about, 12 months went by.

If a decision is not given within two months, the person has permission by default.

It is a pity I did not know that a fortnight ago. I would have indicated to my friend in Tramore that he could have gone ahead. I believe he has got permission since. In all these things, if you threaten a Parliamentary Question, it is very effective in the case of county council town planners.

I am sure the Minister is aware that from Waterford city, that is, the boundaries of County Waterford, to Fermoy the main railway line has been closed by action of CIE. In order to compensate for that and to provide for the haulage of agricultural produce, particularly beet on the way to Mallow, Waterford County Council will be and have been involved in heavy extra expenditure on roads. The county engineers believe that many of the bridges along that road, particularly from Dungarvan to Fermoy, will require heavy expenditure for underpinning, strengthening and widening. As far as I know, no extra grant for that type of main road improvement has been allocated. I understand that in other counties where railway lines were closed, particularly where the railway adjoins a road carrying main traffic, special grants were made available. I would urge the Minister to give consideration to the case of Waterford. The closure of the railway line was bad enough and was detrimental to the industrial potential of the county but the fact that we will now have to maintain the road mainly out of rates is a very serious matter. That will be the case unless the Department see fit to give a substantial increase in the grant allocated to us.

I differ from my friend Deputy O'Connor in regard to the Minister's decision to refer to county council engineers the carrying out of rural improvement schemes. Of course, there could be a vast difference between Waterford and Kerry. What may suit Kerry may not suit Waterford. In Waterford, the main problem under the Rural Improvement Scheme was in connection with the surfacing of roads leading to two or more farmhouses that did not come within the roads scheme of the county. The action of the Minister in referring this matter to the county council means that county council engineers will be in charge and their estimates of improvements will be real in so far as the road to be improved must comply with the standard generally applied in the county. In Waterford, we have decided that where a group of farmers in an area avail of a rural improvements scheme to have a roadway improved, we will then in the following year, provided the roadway is brought up to standard, agree to take the road in charge and make it a public road subject to maintenance by the council thereafter. Because of that, our county engineers in supervising the work will see to it that the road will be fit for taking in charge and will need thereafter only ordinary maintenance and will probably never again need a major repair.

In any case where the Rural Improvement Schemes Office did a job, the road was of insufficient width and, probably for the sake of economy, the work was of such a character that when the council took over the road, they had to spend a good deal of money on it to bring it up to standard.

Having made all these complaints, I should like to compliment the Minister and his Department on the progressive outlook they have displayed towards Dungarvan Urban Council in sanctioning the many housing schemes we have on hands at the moment. Within the past two weeks or so, we have got sanction for 32 houses in the neighbourhood of Dungarvan and we are submitting, and I understand willingness to sanction has been indicated, a scheme for a further 20 houses for old persons in the area. I should like to express my appreciation of the manner in which we have been met in regard to our housing proposals for the old people of the area and for other people so badly in need of houses. The bringing forward of complaints is our main function on Estimates but, having made the complaints I had to make, I should like to compliment the Minister and his officials on the way they have met us in connection with housing in the Dungarvan area.

There is just one matter I want to raise, that is, the question of the Grand Canal. I should like to know from the Minister if he could indicate what is the present position in relation to the proposed closing, temporary or otherwise, of the canal. Needless to say, the suggestion that the canal be closed has caused considerable anxiety not only throughout the provincial areas along the route of the canal but also in many quarters in the city. We should accept that the canal is now a considerable tourist asset. It has been developed considerably over the past ten years and, in particular, through the midlands and through the county of Offaly a great deal of money has been spent in attracting visitors wishing to use our inland water system to the canal and providing on the canal the means of a worthwhile and pleasant holiday. The canal is, therefore, a considerable tourist attraction. It is right also to point out that the canal is a very important amenity in this city. It provides in many parts of the city a pleasant walk and a pleasant prospect for people living nearby and it is also the only source of amusement which many children in Dublin enjoy.

Therefore, when it is suggested that the canal should be closed, there are grounds for considerable perturbation not only in the city but outside. I do not know what the present position is. Some years ago when the suggestion was first made, it was ruled out by, I think, Senator Ryan as Minister for Finance, at a meeting of the Fianna Fáil Party—I think at one of their Árd-Fheiseanna. The proposal died at that stage. It has since been revived and people would, I think, be glad to know whether there is a definite decision now to close the canal and, if so, on what grounds. If it is closed, what will the alternative be? What will the cost be? In what conditions will the closing take place?

Last Sunday the Sunday Independent drew attention to the position in England. The neglect there of the canal system over the years is now keenly regretted. Neglect of the inland waterways in England means that potential watercourses in provincial areas cannot now be used. We are not yet at that stage here. We still have available a canal system and it would be a tragedy if, out of short-term considerations, or otherwise, we destroyed what exists. I should like, therefore, to know from the Minister what the position is.

One can appreciate the grounds suggested for closing the canal in the interests of housing, and so on, but I would nevertheless urge the Minister, or whoever may be responsible, not to decide on this proposed course unless it is quite clear that no worthwhile alternative exists. If the canal is closed, I do not believe it will ever be re-opened. Once it is closed, there will be demands from other sources that the area involved should be used for parking space, roadways, or other purposes. The canal is there at the moment. It is worth preserving. It would be doing a grave disservice to the people at the moment and to future generations if it were permitted to be closed.

I compliment the Minister on his enlightened approach to the many problems in Dublin city in relation to both development and the provision of amenities. With regard to the closing of the canal, I should like to point out that extensive development is due on the south side of the city if proper sewerage facilities are provided there. To my mind, houses are more important than swans. Great pressure is being exerted on every member of the Corporation to prevent the laying of a sewer in the quickest and cheapest possible way. That pressure is coming mainly from people who already have homes of their own. Any effort the Minister can make to ensure that the necessary facilities are provided, facilities designed to keep down the price of land and expedite housing, will be welcomed. Members of all Parties agreed unanimously at a meeting of one of the committees of Dublin Corporation dealing with this particular problem, but, while behind closed doors they said one thing, they said something else at the street corners. We must be realistic about the facilities needed from the point of view of housing and industrial development. In the area I represent, industrial development has been very slight because proper facilities for such development were lacking. Industries with a high acid or waste content cannot find suitable sites on the south side of the city. That means that employment is centred in areas remote from Ballyfermot, Crumlin and Inchicore. It is about time that unsatisfactory position was rectified. It is about time steps were taken to ensure that we, on the south side, get our just proportion of industries. The ones already established do not have the high employment content I should like to see.

I would ask the Minister to expedite the construction of the two swimming pools and I trust that one pool will be sited in Crumlin. Efforts are being made to shift the location from Crumlin, even though it was agreed that the Crumlin site was the most suitable. I appeal to the Minister to ensure that the location is not changed from Crumlin. Many years ago a proposal for a site was changed from the area originally selected and the pool was located in the centre of the city. It has been agreed that a swimming pool will be constructed in Crumlin and a second pool in the centre of the city. Pressure is now being exerted to change the Crumlin location. The people of Crumlin, Drimnagh and Walkinstown have waited long enough for this amenity and I appeal to the Minister to exercise his good offices to ensure that the corporation meet their commitment to the people in that area.

I should like the Minister, also to expedite the house purchase scheme to which he gave his approval. He also gave his approval to a rent increase subject to the house purchase scheme being put into operation. The rent increase has been in operation now for many months, but the house purchase scheme seems to be in abeyance. Efforts are being made by some sections of the corporation to prevent this scheme being put into operation. I appeal to the Minister to use his good offices to ensure that the commitments entered into by the corporation with their tenants will be fully met and that these tenants will be given an early opportunity of owning their own homes.

Playing field facilities in the perimeter areas are sadly lacking. An effort was made towards development along those lines in the Ballyfermot area some 12 to 18 months ago and similar developments in Crumlin and Drimnagh were to follow. The work has come to a standstill. If the money is available, I would ask the Minister to ensure that a reasonable proprtion of that money is directed towards the provision of amenity facilities for the young people in these areas as quickly as possible.

These are just a few comments I wanted to make. Once again, I compliment the Minister on the manner in which he has prodded the corporation and the local authorities to procure land in order to keep down the price of house-building in the future. With the development of the south city sewerage scheme, I believe the Minister will have available, as will the local authorities, an abundance of land which will reduce the cost to local authorities and to young couples wishing to buy their own homes.

At the outset, I should like to comment on the Minister. I have little faith in the present Minister for Local Government as an administrator, as a member of the Government or as the man in charge of our Department of Local Government. To my mind, he is a poor personality. He is most abrupt. He does not answer correspondence from Opposition Deputies, I understand, and he uses his office here to promote the interests of his own particular Party. I am justified in making such comments because the Minister, quite recently, took to ask Members of this House and reflected gravely on their work. Of course, fortune favoured the Minister. He was never a Deputy of this House. I remember that the first day he became a Member in 1957, he was promoted to a ministerial post.

What has this to do with the Estimate?

It has to do with the Minister in charge of the Department, the Estimate for which is before the House. Quote the Standing Orders.

The Deputy will cease interrupting. Deputy Murphy is entitled to criticise the administration of the Minister's Department. Personal attacks are not in order and will not be permitted.

This is not a personal attack.

Of course it is.

The Minister made a personal attack in his recent statement before the Fianna Fáil Árd Fheis. Surely one is entitled to mention his recent statements and to bring them into this debate? I refer to his reflection on Deputies. He said that members of the same constituency compete with one another in making representations and in trying to get kudos from such representations.

I have had the honour and privilege to represent South Cork, with other Deputies, since 1957. The type of situation mentioned by the Minister never obtained so far as the Deputies from the different Parties representing South-West Cork are concerned. We have never been in competition with one another. Our united aim at all times is to advance the interests of the people of South-West Cork and, generally, the interests of the people on a national basis. Representations on various matters are usualy made on representative basis with a united voice. We all know that the only one who was worried on that score was the present Minister for Local Government, Deputy Kevin Boland, due to his rivalry with the senior Deputy from the constituency of County Dublin, which they both represent.

The Deputy must relate his remarks to the Estimate and to the Minister's statement.

Is the Minister's outlook on different matters not relevant? Are the views of the Minister expressed outside and inside the House on different matters not relevant? The views were expressed by him at the convention of the Government Party last month in Dublin. I think I am quite entitled to refer to that.

Now, if the Minister has some grievance about not being placed as high in the poll as he thinks he should be placed, and if there is rivalry amongst Deputies in the constituency of county Dublin and if they are trying to compete with one another to get personal kudos about representations sent to them by their County Dublin constituents, that is a County Dublin matter and has nothing to do with the rest of Ireland.

That has nothing to do with the Estimate for the Department of Local Government.

The Chair must bear in mind that the Minister is in charge of the Department of Local Government and that, outside this House, he attacked Deputies. He reflected on them. He tried to create the general impression that there was no need for Deputies to make representations, that everything would be handed out if Deputies were never there.

I am a Member of this House since 1951. I am entitled to comment on that statement by the Minister. Are all the reflections to be left to a Minister of State? It was completely out of place for him to make such a statement at the Fianna Fáil Árd Fheis, the Árd-Fheis of his own Party.

I am not accepting the narrow-mindedness of the Minister, his narrow outlook and manner. I am pleased to state that, although we have reason to criticise them under different headings, we do not get that type of treatment from the other Ministers of State. I believe the Minister has no right to go outside this House and to criticise and reflect on the Members of it. If there is criticism to be made of the Members and of their way of looking after their constituents, I would point out that it is the bounden duty of Members of this House to look after their constituents individually and collectively where representations are made. It is completely out of place for the Minister, at his own Party convention, with his own henchmen present——

That has nothing to do with the Estimate.

There, our opinions differ.

The Deputy has repeated that about six times. He should come to the Estimate or else resume his seat.

I shall come to it. In fact, I have been dealing with the Estimate for the past ten minutes. This is a necessary preamble. Am I to assume from the Ceann Comhairle of Dáil Éireann that statements made by a Minister outside the House and reported on our television and radio and in our newspapers cannot be commented on within the House when a debate on the Estimate for the Department of which that Minister is the political head arises? If that is the ruling of the Ceann Comhairle and if there is a Standing Order laying down that ministerial statements made on matters affecting their Departments outside the House are not within the limits of debate on the Estimate which comes before the House, then I am out of order. I am waiting for a correction from the Chair on that point.

The Deputy will not listen.

I am listening.

We are discussing the Estimate for the Department of Local Government. The Deputy must relate his remarks to the Estimate and to the sphere of the Minister in relation to it.

There is a motion that the Estimate be referred back. I have asked the help of the Chair. Is it lawful for a Member of this House to comment on statements made recently by a Minister at an outside convention or Árd-Fheis on aspects of his Department?

The Deputy has gone over all that before.

Is it in order?

It is not in order. The Deputy must come to the Estimate or resume his seat.

We must change the orders of the House if the decision of the Chair, of which I am doubtful, is correct. This has been the established practice of the House. I shall now move on from that matter. No Member of the House likes to comment adversely. We should all like to have something pleasant to say but we have a duty here to the people whom we represent. In our personal lives as public representatives, we are occasionally very pleased to have some pleasant things to say about different matters but we also have a duty to be critical where we think criticism is justified. I am quite satisfied that criticism is justified here so far as the Minister and his way of dealing with public representatives is concerned and so far as his statements on aspects of his Department are concerned.

The Ceann Comhairle speaks of discussing the Estimate. There is nothing very exciting in the Minister's statement, other than the fact that it covers up to 50 foolscap pages. It could be condensed into seven or eight pages which would adequately cover what is contained in it. Down through the years and particularly in the past three years, we have had Deputies again and again at Question Time asking the Minister for Local Government about sanction for housing, water and sewerage schemes. They always get the same reply: there is some technical hitch. Everyone knows the position is that the money is not available. If we had honesty on the part of the Minister and if he told Deputies truthfully and honestly the exact position, it would be better for the country. We have county councils everywhere submitting schemes for sanction to the Department and being fobbed off with various excuses.

The best way to deal with this matter is to illustrate my point by what happens in the South Cork area. I am not sure whether the Minister knows it but Cork County Council is divided into three: north, south and west housing and sanitary areas. I am chairman of the West Cork Housing and Sanitary Authority. We have made frequent representations to the Minister to provide funds for housing schemes and particularly for water and sanitary services in that area with little or no results. We have asked the Minister to receive deputations but he has not had the courtesy to do so. He is too big and too far removed from the ordinary county councillor to say that he would sit in his office and listen to representations from him.

But as a result of ministerial policy, West Cork ratepayers are losing big sums of money and I shall illustrate this by the case of the Clonakilty regional water scheme. This scheme would be of immense benefit to the district. It was submitted to the Minister and we got approval for it. We paid architects' and other incidental expenses of more than £20,000 of local money. We invited tenders at the behest of the Minister and we got them in February of 1966, tenders of a most competitive nature from nine or ten contractors, some of whom are the biggest in Southern Ireland. These tenders were dealt with by the council but we were told by the Department that there was no money available if we accepted any tender. Consequently we could not accept a tender. I think West Cork County Council and the Department owe something to the many contractors who went to the trouble and expense of tendering for a scheme of which the estimated cost was in the neighbourhood of £500,000. I appreciate that it was a costly scheme but surely the Department should have told us: "Do not send up a scheme costing £500,000 because there is no money to meet it." We would have saved ourselves the £20,000 incidental expenses and would have saved the expense of the contractors who tendered for the scheme and also their time and trouble.

This happened at a time when the rural as well as the urban population require water supplies. Everybody knows that with the milk bonus, farmers want water supplies and many of those farmers would have provided their own schemes had we not told them that we would get water in the Clonakilty district and when we had a major scheme which would be operated in the district, they could not possibly expect grants to provide their own private supplies. We have—this is the mildest word for it—misled them and that is due to the lack of foresight of the Department. It is due entirely to the fact that the Department gave approval for inviting tenders for such a scheme when they knew there was no money available.

We have another scheme in the Skibbereen-Baltimore district costing £248,000. This has cost, or will cost, the county council £12,000 in fees to prepare plans. That scheme has to be ditched. We tried to get a deputation to the Minister and at the last meeting of the western committee of the county council we asked to see the Taoiseach when the Minister would not receive us. I assert that it was a waste of time making representations to the Minister to receive us. We have a number of minor schemes completely held up by the Department. In the tourist area near where I live, we have the GoleenCrookhaven water and sewerage scheme and also a sewerage scheme in the neighbouring village which will cost £58,000. We cannot advertise that scheme because there is no money available.

That is the picture so far as water and sanitary services are concerned in the West Cork area. Not only have we not got funds from the Department but we have been misled to a very costly extent in going ahead in preparing plans for these elaborate schemes, only to find that when the plans are prepared—beyond the tender stage in the case of the Clonakilty scheme and at the tender stage in the case of the other scheme—we are told the money is not available. We are as much entitled to get a fair share of public funds as any other district but I know that other areas are suffering similarly from what I read in the papers and from questions I heard addressed to the Minister here in the past few years. If the Minister was honest with us and told us not to go ahead with those schemes, that there was no money, the position would be better. If he said we should try to get the parties concerned, particularly in rural areas, to provide their own private supplies, it would be honest and straightforward but I do not expect honesty and straightforwardness from the present Minister because it is not in him to be straightforward with county councils and in answering questions addressed to him in this House.

So far as group water schemes are concerned, I think their deathknell has been sounded. We have a scheme submitted by 45 farmers in a district within a few miles of where I live, the Ballydehob district of County Cork. It was submitted, I think, almost four years ago. They paid £45 for a house at that time, and they have not yet got the go-ahead for that scheme, despite pressure from every angle. It is most unlikely that group schemes will be formulated in the future having regard to what has happened to the schemes of which I am personally aware. The same could be said of the scheme in the Adrigole district.

It is quite evident the Department is completely neglectful of these people who in the year 1967 have not proper water and sanitary services. If the Government are not able to provide these services, they should tell the people they have not the money to do so. I feel very strongly about this because in the Skibbereen and Schull electoral areas of Cork County Council, two areas which have many problems to meet at the present time —and we are not too rich down there —as a result of the Department's attitude, we shall have to find several thousand pounds to pay the incidental expenses which we incurred at the direction of the Department in relation to such schemes. I have the actual figure for the Clonakilty scheme; up to the present it has cost £20,000 of local money.

In this document we read of 12,000 to 14,000 houses being built. Who is building them? Down in West Cork the people building houses are English people who bought some land. It is certainly not Cork County Council. The number of houses built by private persons there is limited as well, but we have been trying to get housing facilities for our people down there. In West Cork County Council, since the Minister took over, we have built 36 rural cottages and, I would say, less than 20 non-municipal houses. At the present time we are building four and we have got approval for 18, after three years of agitation. That is our local authority housing position in the western area.

It is very difficult for small urban towns to provide adequate housing facilities for the people within their area who require housing and who cannot provide that housing from their own resources. The urban area is too small and hence the difficulty of building houses in present conditions. That is a question to which the Department and the House should address themselves, because many of the smaller urban authorities are reluctant to embark on house building schemes.

I am not conversant with the position as it arises in Dublin and other centres. The Government have not been very generous, as far as I can gather from the statements made in this debate and from questions which have arisen in the House. While I should like to see the people of Dublin housed and getting all the facilities and amenities to which they are entitled, we in rural Ireland want amenities and facilities just as well. We want housing, water schemes, sanitary services and all the other services which go to make life pleasant for our people and to enable them to continue to have a liking for residing in such districts.

The road workers all over the country have nothing good to say about the Minister for Local Government in the year 1967. That is a bone of contention down in Cork, and I am sure the same applies in Limerick and in other counties. What happened? My view of the whole position is that we had this big announcement by the Minister for Education of free transport for our children: "Fianna Fáil will take your children to the secondary schools free of charge." What happened in Cork? They removed £127,800 from the Road Fund to pay for the transport services. I am not quite sure about the figure for transport services, but the sum of £127,800 which the Minister took from Cork County Council this year is paying for the transport of children attending secondary schools. It is the road workers who are dependent on local authorities and on road works being carried out by county councils for their livelihood who are suffering as a result of this reduction at a time when costs are rising under all headings.

That is what the Minister did for us at a time when the road tax was increased by 25 per cent and when petrol tax, which goes into the central exchequer and with which I do not disagree, was increased by virtue of the increase in the number of vehicles on the road. The Road Fund was raided by the Exchequer to the extent, in Cork, of £127,800 and, I assume, proportionate amounts in other counties.

The results of all this are that, first of all, we had to cut down on a great deal of our works; secondly, we could not disemploy or make redundant any of our permanent staffs, so it is now quite evident that we have employed in our local authorities throughout the county qualified and professional people who have not sufficient work to do because of the reduction in the Road Fund made by the Minister. That is a bad position to have obtaining in a small country like ours. The small man has been wiped out. He is told: "Stay at home. There is no work here for you. There is no money to pay you." In the West Cork district, permanent workers will become redundant for possibly the remaining three months of the year, from 1st January to 31st March. Casual workers are wiped out. Is that helpful towards keeping our people in rural Ireland? Is that helpful towards providing bread and butter for these men who have worked with us in the local authorities through the years, and for their wives and families? What do they think of the Department of Local Government scheme and of this reduction of £127,800?

The Minister and his Department are responsible for that position obtaining. It is all right for the Minister or for any of us here in this House to say things are all right. We can say: "We are all right. We are assured of our particular income." However, down in West Cork, in West Galway or in Donegal, the man is dependent on local authority employment for his livelihood, and the wife is dependent on his cheque to keep the household going. This is happening at a time when we are trying to keep people in rural Ireland. That was a good step towards keeping them in rural Ireland. The Minister and his Department should be ashamed of themselves for cutting down this money which has resulted in misery for a number of ordinary working people who are suffering and labouring under sufficient disadvantages without throwing this disadvantage at them. This is from the Party who ten years ago were to give us 100,000 new jobs. Now the few jobs that there are in rural Ireland they are taking from us and more of our people are thrown out of employment as a result of that type of activity and will have to take the boat and move out of this country and our population figures in rural Ireland and such places as I represent will decline further.

I do not-think, Sir, that it is advisable on this Estimate to refer to too many matters because the Minister has adopted an attitude in this House, and he has stated so himself to outside gatherings, that he does not believe in representations, that everything comes to him who waits and that there is no need to make representations to the Department of Local Government. Heavens above, in so far as personal representation to the Minister is concerned, I know that he uses his Department purely and solely to advance the interests of Fianna Fáil. He has not the courtesy to reply to representations from people who do not conform to the Fianna Fáil political beliefs which is a shameful thing to happen in a democratic country in the year 1967.

I do not propose to dwell too long on planning. Possibly if another Minister were concerned, I might have different views. I feel that the Minister should be removed from office so far as being the sole person to determine whether or not a planning appeal should be approved is concerned. Is it not a well-known fact that planning appeals can be changed if one has sufficient political pull? The Minister need not take advice from his inspectors or from his advisers. He has the right to determine whether an appeal is to be upheld or rejected. We know that a man who has such strong political feelings as he expresses to his own groups at various times is open to political pulling. I myself know it. I have seen schemes approved that, on any independent judgment, could not be approved just because the right people made the representations and these are the only people the Minister listens to so far as representations are concerned.

I have things in mind which it would be irregular to mention on this Estimate, but I believe that the Department inspectors, particularly those who carry out oral hearings, visit the site in question, get the views for and against a particular scheme, would be far more impartial and far better able to make decisions on planning appeals than the Minister who only gets his information secondhand in any case from submissions and writings made by such people.

I regret very much that I have had to be critical and particularly critical of the Minister but I believe that if the Minister is entitled to reflect on the integrity, status and so on of Members of this House, we in turn are entitled to reply to the Minister. I have been giving a factual appraisal of the position and I am sorry it was necessary to be so critical. I agree that I was critical of the Minister personally but I feel that what we have to do here is to speak what we have in our minds, to be factual, to be fair and to be truthful. I have been factual, fair and truthful in my contribution here this morning.

(South Tipperary): I would like to advert, in the first instance, to something that has been raised already. It is the question of house purchase and annuity payments. If a house purchaser paying an annuity wants to switch and make a cash lodgment part way through, I believe he should be allowed to do so. Generally speaking, people making this kind of purchase are not people in the higher income bracket and if they are lucky enough to get a bit of money and want to wipe out the annuities, I believe they should be allowed to do so on a capital basis. In other words, when a man purchases a house over a certain number of years at a fixed annuity, he usually pays out, between capital and interest, double the sum. If, halfway through, he happens to get money from some source and wishes to wipe out the remainder, there should be some method by which the annuity aspect of it could be wiped out. This is surely an administrative problem and it should not be beyond the ingenuity of the Department to devise some method by which he could switch and make a down payment of the amount outstanding. I would ask the Minister to look at that and see if anything can be done about it.

As a local representative, I must agree with my colleagues who spoke on both sides of the House and expressed their disagreement with the level of the present housing grants and subsidies as being unrealistic. The Minister probably recognises that. He, too, must go hat in hand to the Minister for Finance looking for money but that does not gainsay the fact that these grants and subsidies are a bit low. A two-thirds subsidy to the present specified limit is unrealistic and the grant of £275 a bit unrealistic. We estimate in my own county that this year the cost of our rural cottages will be £2,300, so the subsidy on that estimate is much too low and I must join with other speakers in urging the Minister to use what influence he can with the Department of Finance in the hope that at some future stage they will be upgraded.

As regards the very vexed question of differential rents, I do not know how the position obtains in counties in general but it is a rather difficult matter. The system has merits, quite decidedly so. We are all very happy if we have a poorish person and we are able to get him into a good house. Even if his income is small, he can still get a good house, which was not so easy under the older system. Furthermore, if a man happens to fall on evil days and his income is considerably reduced, he can have his rent reduced accordingly. Those are the undoubted advantages of the differential rents system. I think the anxiety that Members feel in respect of the scheme in general is that it may be used as a means of getting too much money from tenants in general. Under the guise of giving a little to the depressed classes on the one side, there may be a tendency to overload the others. That is in general the feeling of the local county council. When these differential schemes are put in front of them, they feel that too much money will be extracted from the tenants in general.

One could have no objection to the differential rents system in regard to new houses, and we in South Tipperary applied it to new houses straightaway, provided, of course, the level of the rent is not too unreasonable. It is in the case of the older houses that the difficulty arises. It is particularly so in the case of the people who have applied for vesting. I do not know what system one should adopt in the choice of applicant for vesting. One could take them chronologically and then if a person who has a very bad house makes application even though his application is in only for a short time, he may have to be attended to before a person whose application had been in for three to four years.

There is the other point which we have been working on to a certain extent attempting to deal with the number of applicants for vesting who only had small repairs to do. Our money is limited and one is naturally inclined to do the greatest good for the greatest number. Therefore, the tendency is to do a number of small repairs so as to allow a man to vest quickly. The difficulty that has arisen—I do not know how many Deputies appreciate this point—is that all applicants for vesting are likely to have their rents upgraded. I contend that an applicant for vesting should not have his rent upgraded. We would have at the moment in South Tipperary about 500 such applicants and I always thought that under the new differential rents system, all those who had their application in for vesting would not have their rent upgraded. It is no fault of the applicant if he is not vested. Vesting is delaved because local authorities have not had the money and sometimes even had not men to do the necessary repairs which is an essential prerequisite to vesting. Therefore, through no fault of their own, these people have had their vesting delayed and now their rent is being upgraded.

On the other hand, the man who is lucky enough to have had his application dealt with and his repairs carried out is to have his rent reduced because he has the purchase scheme. We operate that on the basis that a man pays 75 per cent of his previous rent for whatever number of years are outstanding. So you have two tenants in perhaps similar circumstances and by one system and chance, one might have his house prepared for vesting—he is vested; his rent is reduced; and he is living in a good house now and buying out his own house—but his neighbour who is still living in a repaired house has his rent upgraded and is not purchasing for himself. Therefore, there seems to be an injustice.

I have pleaded with our county manager that all those who had made application before the Act came into operation, before 31st December, 1966, for vesting should not have their rent upgraded. If we were doing our job properly and had the money, those people would be vested and would now be enjoying a slight reduction in the rent. Instead of that, through our fault the county council's fault and the Department's fault, they are now to pay more for housing repairs and are not even buying back for themselves. These people should be considered. In fact, it may be desirable to consider all those who make application for vesting up to June, 1968; but certainly those who had made application before the Act came into operation on 31st December, 1966 should be considered.

I understand that there is no provision for exemptions of that nature but I would ask the Minister to have a look at the point and see if he can make any alteration in the regulations so as to cover that type of case, as it involves an iniustice. I rather stress that point because I am anxious to bring it forcibly to the attention of the Minister.

I understand as regards purchase schemes in general that the purchase schemes we operate at county council level—and I suppose all the county council schemes are somewhat similar —will come to an end in June, 1968 and whe nthey are out, the vesting duty shall be based on the market value of the house less 35 per cent for group cottages and 30 per cent for single cottages. This is all right when the cottage are new but it may be harsh where the cottage is an old one and if the valuation officer is over-strict. I would ask the Minister that with regard to tenants of local authorities, every effort be made to acquaint the tenants of local authority houses that this will come into operation and that after June, 1968 acquisition as regards purchase schemes may not be as nice as it is now. If the new purchase schemes are harder than the old ones, it should be brought to their notice. Now is the time to vest, not to wait for the newer schemes. Circulars should be sent to all tenants acquainting them of this position so that afterwards they cannot say they did not know about it. Occupants of some of our housing schemes are not always aware of these adjustments. They find out about them too late, when the thing cannot be rectified. Therefore I ask the Minister to take notice of that little point.

There is another problem which I have noted. The question of vesting again comes into it. We all know that it is advantageous to a council sometimes to acquire land by compulsory purchase order, even when there is voluntary agreement, even when the farmer says: "All right; you can have the property." If any question of title arises, the local authority find it convenient to acquire the property by CPO when there is no necessity for them to prove title. It speeds things up because the machinery of proving title is slow and cumbersome. Though the local authorities can build houses in that manner, when vesting arises, title must be proved. I do not know on whom the onus is to prove title—I presume it is the local authority. I should like to know if all our local authorities take immediate steps, when an application comes in from a tenant to purchase, to see that the title is in order. If the title is not in order, immediate steps should be taken to prove it. If there is delay at local authority level, it means the applicant may find himself waiting, may find himself in the same position as the council who might, without a CPO, find themselves two or three years proving title.

Under town planning regulations, local authorities have to draw up plans in which, among other things, they have to set out the housing needs in their respective areas. I have often wondered how effective their investigations are on housing needs. The usual practice is to put an advertisement in the newspapers as a result of which all people needing rehousing are supposed to come along and submit their applications. Somehow, that seems to break down at times. I shall give one instance. In the town of Fethard, through this method of investigation, we decided that seven or eight houses were necessary—seven or eight people were deemed eligible for rehousing. The scheme was started. Now we find, without any change in the population position, that there are 20 applicants deemed eligible. It is difficult to understand how, in the space of a year or so, the eligibility rate rose from seven or eight to 20.

I realise some of the fault lies with the people concerned. They do not send in their names. However, surely our machinery must be defective and I suggest that some more strict form of investigation may be necessary than the simple method of putting an advertisement in the newspapers. Our people are not alert in these matters. They do not send in their applications at the proper time. Then, when they see the houses going up, they all want one and when their claims are investigated, it is found they genuinely do. It raises the question of whether our housing statistics throughout the country are accurate. I have for long suspected that our actual housing requirements are far greater than statistics indicate.

Each year on the Estimate I have spoken on the housing situation in South Tipperary. On average, we have been building there 17 houses per year. I have not got the figures with me, but in one year we built only one house. There are few other local authorities who sank so low as that. Our rate of building, excluding the present year, when we have improved a little, has not, during the past decade, met the normal obsolescence rate of our housing estate. In fact, if we take a two per cent obsolescence rate, we should build 70 houses each year. At our best, we are building only 17. The position has improved slightly, but there is still considerable work to be done.

It is often contended that local authorities make a rather insignificant contribution moneywise to housing, that Government subvention is the all-important factor and that it has been increasing proportionately in recent years. Local authorities, certainly South Tipperary County Council, have made substantial contributions to the financing of local authority housing. Let me take the past three years. In 1964-65, the Government subsidy, in thousands of pounds, was 25.36, whereas from the rates, the amount was 65.973. In other words, it cost the rates £17 2s 11d per house. In the following year, the Government subsidy was 27.3 and the rates bore 80.9. In 1965-66, the figure of Government subsidy had improved to 39.7 as compared with the rates contribution of 56.7. When I speak of the rates, I include those paid by cottage tenants as well as the general body of ratepayers.

Because of propaganda by the Minister and his Department, the notion has been spread abroad that the Government carry practically the entire burden of housing finance. Certainly as regards local authority housing that is the position and as I mentioned, we contributed from the rates in South Tipperary for the housing schemes in 1964-65, £17 2s 11d, in 1965-66, £20 17s 11d and in 1966-67, £13 9s 3d. This is a rather sore problem with South Tipperary.

We were the pioneers in regional water schemes. The Galtee water scheme was one of the earliest in the country. We have £2¼ million worth of work in repairs sanctioned and with tenders accepted in many cases for the past 2½ years, but we cannot get permission to go ahead with this work. Recently, we tried to get, as a last resort, permission to borrow the money. We have succeeded in getting £250,000 from the Royal Liver Society and we have made application to the Minister to sanction this loan. I put down a Parliamentary Question the other day but the Minister is not yet in a position to say whether or not he will give us sanction to borrow this money. The money is required to start three regional schemes at Ardfinnan, Dundrum and Emly. It is proposed to do them in a three-phase fashion and the three of them will start simultaneously.

At present 25 per cent of the people in South Tipperary have got piped water supply and 75 per cent have not. These regional water schemes are almost social service schemes. The amount which people pay for the service is not big. They are non-remunerative in that sense. I suppose what we get in revenue would hardly pay for the maintenance of the schemes so that in that sense they are social services. As I said, 75 per cent of the people are not getting piped water and they are paying for the other 25 per cent, which seems to be socially unjust.

We were hoping we could rectify that position by raising that 25 per cent year by year to a higher level so that we would eventually bring water to every rural home. That was our objective, but unfortunately due to financial stringency, we have been doing nothing in that respect during the past 2½ years, apart from the small amount of money we were able to get for doing branch lines under the main schemes. The main schemes as such have been held up and it is for that purpose that we have sought the Minister's permission to borrow this £250,000 from the Royal Liver Society. I would ask the Minister to use whatever influence he has with his colleague, the Minister for Finance, to try to secure for us the necessary permission to borrow this money, so that this essential work can be proceeded with as soon as possible.

Naturally, under the new scheme of the extra 1d or 2d bonus given for quality milk in places like South Tipperary where there is large milk production, the pressure to get piped water supply is now intensified. Every farmer you meet in an area where there is no water is pressing to know why he cannot get water and his neighbour three miles away has got it. As I said, some parts of County Tipperary are serviced. We have the Dundrum scheme and several other schemes in operation. That makes it all the more difficult when you meet people from the area which has not been serviced and you find them complaining bitterly that they are paying for the water, even though they have not got it, just like the people who have got it.

I would like to draw the Minister's attention to the question of flooding and blocked rivers. I would ask him, if he can make any provision to give us a limited grant towards helping the cleaning of rivers. I am not asking that he consider dredging or any major work. I would ask him simply if he could make some limited amount of money available to deal with obstructions in rivers such as falling trees and eyes of bridges blocking rivers. I know he will say that this is a matter for the local authorities, and they do some of this work, but it should be possible to provide some supplementary grant from the Department if the work were clearly laid down, if it were not a big scheme, not dredging of any kind, which would entail big capital expenditure, but merely cleaning of rivers of fallen trees and branches. This becomes a problem for us in South Tipperary because certain parts of the Suir are blocked. I have tried to get the county council to finance it but they say that the Local Government Department should give some subvention to help them. That is why I am raising the matter here today.

I would like to make a plea to the Minister, and to draw his attention to the position of low-rated bodies. One appreciates the difficulty, coming from Cashel where we have. I think, the second lowest rated body in the country, of providing any kind of modern, comprehensive service. If you take Cashel as an instance, we badly need a sewerage scheme, but it is quite impossible for us to provide money for a modern sewerage scheme. We got estimates and it would be quite beyond our ability to finance the type of sewerage scheme which the engineer and the authorities say we need. I am sure a similar situation arises in regard to most of the smaller urban bodies. Those small urban bodies are faced with the position of measuring up with the larger bodies. I think a 1d in the £ brings in about £1,500 in the county council, while a 1d in the £ brings in about £20 in the urban bodies. Yet the urban body has to provide water, sewerage and scavenging services and all the general amenities the county council is expected to provide and even more. But the urban bodies have very little finance to meet it.

Urbanisation does not seem to be the answer, because there are difficulties in that. Would the Minister consider some system of graded subsidisation based on valuation for the poorer local bodies? In short, what I am suggesting is that local authorities below a certain valuation, the poorer ones, should receive higher grants and subsidies—just as in the case of the poor man—as against more well-to-do corporations and other urban bodies. If these smaller bodies are to survive and provide a service comparable with that of the larger ones, they will have to have their income helped in some fashion. As they are, they cannot get sufficient money to keep a service in any way comparable with that of the larger bodies. If some of these smaller urban bodies were de-urbanised, they would be much better off financially. The sanitary service we in South Tipperary can provide in a village like Bansha is far superior to what we can provide in bigger places like Cashel, merely because Cashel is an urban body trying to do it out of its own resources. I would make a plea with the Minister to see if he can think out any method by which these poorer urban bodies could be made in some way solvent.

I am glad to see the Department have published a little booklet on housing and that it is available to the general public. A similar booklet was published a few years ago in Britain. I would again suggest to the Minister that it might be advisable to require our county managers to prepare an annual report. Much of the material handled by county councils during the year is available in all sorts of documents, but no attempt is made to prepare a proper annual handbook of county council affairs and work. Apart from the help it might give the Department in the preparation of its annual report, it would also be a help to commentators, research people, county councillors themselves as well as the general public. Our annual Local Government report is always a year or two behind, to put it mildly. If an annual report were available from county managers, perhaps the Department's report could be speeded up. I am sure some of the delay in preparing the annual report at central level must be due to delay in getting statistics and information from the various local authorities. You have the MOH presenting an annual report. He is only doing one small department of local authority work. There should be no difficulty in the county manager preparing a report embracing the MOH's report, home assistance, housing, water supply schemes, financial matters and so on. The material is there; it is only a question of putting it together. There should not be any difficulty in the Department outlining in general the type of report they would like, so that the report from one county would be comparable with that from another.

As regards the rural improvement schemes being unloaded on to county councils, I think this was a very astute move by the Board of Works to unload dull work on to each county council. The amount of money we would get out of that in South Tipperary would not be very large. When it came up for consideration at our county council, the engineer said he would need a complete new staffing outfit to cope with it and that it would involve staffing expenses totally disproportionate to the amount of money we would be getting from the scheme. On that basis we declined to administer it or have anything to do with it.

If counties were grouped together, it might be possible to have the administrative staff on a regional basis and to do it in that way, but on the basis of breaking up this work and handing it to each county, it is not possible to do it. In small counties it would not be practical to set up a staff to handle it. In our case the engineer was entirely against it and he convinced us. On his advice, we were not disposed to take over the baby from the Board of Works. That is the position in South Tipperary. I do not know what other counties may have done.

I have not yet had an opportunity of reading the Minister's speech and I do not know whether or not he adverted to the Road Fund. If he has not, perhaps in his reply he will tell us what he did with the Road Fund on this occasion and whether a raid was made on it or not. In 1965-66 we got £9.59 million from our motor vehicle duties and in 1966-67 we got £10.45 million. Apart from the £10 million or so we get at local county council level, we get about £20 million as well from duties on petrol and matters like that, cars coming in and car parts coming in. So the motoring public make a substantial contribution to the State. It is often said with regard to the local authorities: "We give back everything we get from you." That is the stereotyped reply. They do not, in fact, because they give back what is collected locally, and I say, double that amount is collected from duties. This goes into the State coffers and does not come back. Extra money has been collected in south Tipperary. I think our taxation jumped by 25 per cent. The number of cars has increased and more money is going into the Central Fund. More money has been extracted from the local people in my constituency; yet they got back less money for the roads. That is a rather one-sided system. The Minister should reconsider that position and at least give us back money in proportion to what we have paid locally in taxation on our cars.

I agree that the rates system is an antiquated system which carries the expenses of housing, hospitals, dispensaries and medical services in general. It is based upon a sometimes rather archaic valuation which often bears no resemblance whatsoever to the income of the particular occupant. It is an unfair system and so far we do not seem to have been able to devise any suitable alternative. We have had commissions examining the matter but nothing very tangible has so far evolved from those deliberations.

On the question of drivers' licences, I wonder could the Minister improve the position here. People returning to this country to live—I do not mean people who come here on holiday and bring their own licences which are accepted for a limited period—who have been driving in England or elsewhere for years, have licences from the countries in which they have been driving: the US or the UK, or they might have an international driving licence—and they have to go through all the paraphernalia of taking a driving test here. Some of them complain that in the meantime they are held up as regards their employment. They cannot get a job because they have not got a driving licence, although they have been driving for years. Surely there should be some greater degree of reciprocity than that which exists at the moment so that these people could be facilitated? Perhaps the Minister would have another look at that matter.

As regards the sale of vested cottages, I have no objection fundamentally to the regulations laid down in respect of new cottages. If a man gets a new cottage, I do not think it is right that he should be put in a position of being able to make a handsome profit out of it, but there can be a certain amount of harshness in regard to the new regulations for the sale of vested cottages in respect of old cottages. Some have been built at very cheap prices. There have been good tenants who kept them in good repair down through the years, and who may be in a position to get a few pounds because they kept them in good repair. I do not think it is fair that some of these people should be pressed to the same degree as those who happened to get an expensive new cottage and proceeded to try to put it on the market after vesting.

I am dissatisfied with the method of appeals in respect of planning. I mention this particularly because it was borne in on us very much in my constituency. We had an application from Hibernian Inns to build a hotel in Cashel. This hotel was to be a terraced single-storey structure and it was to be built opposite the Rock of Cashel on the side of a hill. Objections were raised that it would interfere with the amenities of the Rock. I do not know what the position is now, but so far we have not got our £¼ million hotel. This is a very serious matter for a small place like Cashel where we have unemployment and which people are leaving to get employment elsewhere.

It would be important to our urban council because it would mean a certain amount of extra money on the rates in a very lowly rated body. It would be important in the employment it would yield while the hotel was going up. It would be important in the employment it would give when the hotel was built. It would be important in respect of the tourist influx which would help the town of Cashel. It was objected to locally by another hotelier. The objection was made publicly in Cashel and then referred to the Minister. The Minister sustained the objection and the awkward part of the situation is that apparently once the Minister makes a decision on a matter like this, he cannot change it. One does not know at what stage he will take the decision.

I was present when the evidence was being taken in Cashel. I believe I know as much about it as anybody else. My personal opinion then and now is that this appeal was turned down on very flimsy grounds. I feel, therefore, that appeals of this nature should be held in open court by men trained in the hearing and assessment of evidence, such as the judiciary. It is a grievous blow to Cashel, my town, to have this important hotel taken from it because we have no industries in the area. Had we got an opportunity to go before the judiciary where the evidence could be dealt with, we might have been luckier in the final result.

I want at the outset to refute an allegation made by Deputy Murphy against our senior colleague whom he left nameless but whom I will name—Deputy Burke—and the Minister for Local Government. Deputy Murphy alleged that there was some political jostling between Deputy Burke and the Minister for Local Government. I know it was not relevant to the Estimate but I should like to place on record that as the Deputy for that constituency, I can assure Deputy Murphy that the allegations which he made were without foundation and were untrue. The Minister, Deputy Burke and I work as a unit in County Dublin and it is as a result of that that we are so politically sound in the area. As one who has seen Deputy Murphy operating in Cork, I can say that the allegation he made has more relevance to his own behaviour than to that of the Minister or Deputy Burke.

I should like to compliment the Minister on the progressive policy of the Department and on his effort to encourage a progressive policy on the part of local authorities. The housing progress over the past year has been at a very steady pace taking into consideration the fact that we have passed through a very difficult time, when money was not readily available for housing, which impeded progress to some extent. The fact that 11,000 houses were built in the past year and that the same progress was made in 1966 is very encouraging.

I should like now to refer to the quality of the houses built. In areas such as Bonnybrook and Kylemore, the quality of the houses is not commendable. While one can say that structurally the houses are sound, one finds windows badly finished, draughts, doors badly hung and various other minor defects which should not occur in new houses. These all add to the inconvenience of the tenants and are the cause of the ever-growing complaints of corporation tenants.

Some people may think that once there is a roof over a corporation tenant's head that is enough. That is not my view. A corporation tenant is entitled to the same facilities as would be expected by the ordinary individual who is prepared to purchase a house. Those who can afford to purchase luxury houses are entitled to extra amenities, but only they. In Bonnybrook, I have seen on corporation houses white dashing and off-white dashing. This is very noticeable on a main road. There is no reason why such a thing should happen in a built-up area. I would ask the Minister to ensure that all these complaints of badly finished houses are looked into as expeditiously as possible so that people can settle in these new areas and become part of the community.

I have made many representations to the corporation with regard to the housing of the elderly. Invariably one gets the stock reply that these cases will be considered with others. On one occasion I made representations on behalf of a friend of mine who lives in a top-storey flat in Ballybough. The person in question is an old age pensioner who has a niece living with her. She wished to be rehoused in one of the lower flats. She submitted to the housing officer medical evidence to the effect that she was incapable of climbing the stairs. I explained all these circumstances to the corporation and also mentioned that I understood that this person had been offered a flat in Donnycarney or Whitehall, which she refused on the ground that the niece was living with her and that a one-room flat would not be sufficient. I got a reply from the corporation stating exactly what I had said to them. One would think that public representatives were idiots. Sometimes they write back and tell you exactly what you have said to them.

I told them the circumstances of this lady being offered a house and they wrote back and told me the circumstances, namely, that she had been offered a house, and that was all. Surely that is not the way to treat a public representative. Other public representatives, I am sure, have the same complaint. Greater emphasis should be laid on the housing of these people, particularly those whose health does not permit of their climbing to the higher floors in these flats. Surely they could be facilitated at lower levels. I hope the Minister will urge the corporation to give these people some priorities.

With regard to the housing of the newly weds, efforts have been made through the medium of the Ballymun scheme to alleviate some of the problems of these people. The impression that young people have seems to be that, when they get married, they must live in one room; then, in order to be housed by the local authority, they must have three or four children in order to get priority. I would urge the Minister to prevail on the corporation to provide more housing for these newly weds. The scheme in existence at the moment is inadequate. The only way in which any kind of adequate scheme can be operated is by improving the method the corporation adopt at the moment; that is to build more houses for the people.

With regard to house purchase, there is a rigid rule in the corporation and the Dublin County Council not to give a supplementary grant to house purchasers who move from the corporation area to that of the county council, and vice versa. Even if the person has a residential qualification the corporation will not give him a supplementary grant if he builds a house in the county.

The Minister has been trying very hard and the Deputy should know that.

That has changed. These people are now getting the grant.

There is a tendency for people to move out from the city area to the county. That is why this matter is so important. Again, the forms in relation to these grants are very confusing. Some of the questions asked are entirely unnecessary, in my opinion. Information is sought as to whether the applicant is married. This has given applicants the impression, wholly erroneous, I admit, that they must be married in order to apply for the grant. If they do not apply for the grant within six months after commencing building they become ineligible. They are misled by the questions asked; they think they cannot apply until they are married. When an applicant calls to the county council offices he is given a form to fill in, but he is never told that there is another form available for the supplementary grant. Not alone that, but the form for the supplementary grant has to be procured from another section of the county council. Any person who applies for a grant for housing should be given all the information relating to grants and assisted in every way in getting that to which he is legally entitled. It is a difficult enough task starting to build a house, having plans prepared and sites passed without having the task made that much more difficult still because of the lack of co-operation on the part of officials. I have had so many complaints that I have begun to wonder if Dublin County Council are anxious that people should not qualify for these grants. That is the impression certainly ordinary people have got. The Minister may be able to do something to remedy the present situation. All forms should be issued simultaneously and every assistance should be given to applicants for housing grants.

County Dublin is in dire need of both piped water and sewerage. As I said, the tendency now is for more people to move out to live in the country and that is making extra demands on the existing water supply and sewerage schemes. When one makes complaints about the failure of the water supply one is told that the North Dublin Regional Scheme will solve all the existing difficulties. That is no consolation to people living in Kinsealy Lane, Malahide, who are in urgent need of a water supply. They cannot wait for two or three years for the North Dublin Regional Supply scheme. Meanwhile, they must go to the house of a neighbour who has sunk a well for himself and bother him. That is not good enough. If the pumps are there, the people are prepared to use them. I do not see why the county council should leave them without water. They have accepted that they will have running water in time. There are a lot of young children in this area who are dependent on the water from the pump.

With regard to planning and the building of houses, I want to make reference to the medical officer not as a person but as a man put in a position to do a specific job. In my estimation, the medical officer is responsible for many of the house building setbacks in County Dublin. It is beyond my comprehension how he can see people living in hovels or small dwellings and turn down plans from them to erect houses in their own cottage plots. It is quite obvious that he is applying city conditions to a rural area such as County Dublin. The city of Dublin is slowly growing towards the county and it would seem that he wants to preserve the county. From a practical point of view, maybe he is right but, from the point of view of the individual, I think the medical officer is wrong. He is too rigid in trying to apply city methods to a rural area. The Minister should step in here.

We have the one medical officer for the city and county of Dublin. Let us have a separate medical officer for County Dublin, a person who knows the rural community and their problems. It is most disheartening when plans are returned, even a plan for the installation of a septic tank. How often do we not meet with these problems? If we go to the planning officer then, more often than not, the medical officer steps in and makes a point under a bye-law. When people are prepared to build their own houses, thus removing the responsibility from the county council of housing them, every help should be given to them. The medical officer should be willing to look after not only the health of the community but also their housing needs. There is a happy medium where he can do both. I would press the Minister to make the city and the county separate entities and not to allow the present situation to continue.

A case which comes to mind which deserves the attention of the Minister is that of a man now living in Malahide. He owns a farm of about 15 acres outside a developed area. There are no water or sewerage facilities there. The man had a site in the Malahide area and built a house because of the services which are available there. If he had decided to build on his farm he would have to get the sanction of the medical officer which, for a start, would be a major obstacle. We assume he would have to sink a well and instal a septic tank. All that would represent added expense. He was living in a caravan for some time but he had a site in the town of Malahide and built his house there. Now, he is deprived of the full grant of £900 to which he would otherwise be entitled. It is unfair that a person deriving his living solely from agriculture who, because he had no amenities on his farm built his house in the town of Malahide, is now deprived of the full grant. There are many such deserving cases. His case should get special consideration. The red tape should be forgotten. If he had built his house on the farm he would have got the full grant and now he has the hardship of owing money to builders and builders' suppliers.

Playing fields and amenity areas in County Dublin come to mind. The amenity areas which are available in County Dublin are a disgrace. We build a large housing estate and leave what we call an amenity area but it is never developed. Most amenity areas are left as if a lot of sows had been put out into a big field and scratched in it and rooted holes in it.

I understand that the county council have taken over two very valuable sites. Indeed, it is about time they did so. It would appear that the county council and the Department of Local Government have a difference of opinion regarding their entitlement to take over these sites. I would urge that they get about their job quickly, now that the sites have been taken over, before the children in the area grow too big and will not require amenities there or before somebody is killed on the roads. They should provide a centre where mothers will know their children are safe. This should be a matter of priority. Even though people have already waited for such a long time I am sure that, even at this late stage, anything that can be done in this connection will be welcomed.

The county council are at present very reluctant to take over estates. We have an estate in Malahide portion of which could easily be parcelled off but, for the past five years, people have been waiting for it to be taken over by the county council. If there are lighting facilities there, they are inadequate. The roads were never swept. There are no speed limit signs. The defence is that the estate is not in the charge of the county council. In theory, that is correct and the county council are right when they say so. It is fundamentally wrong that residents of the estate should pay rates to the county council for amenities they have not got. I ask the Minister to look into this and try to expedite the taking over of the estates which I have no doubt the people there would welcome.

I want to refer to pedestrian crossings of which the siting and the lighting are ridiculous and inadequate. I could name five pedestrian crossings between here and my home and if on a wet winter's night you took a stranger along those roads he would pass through three or four of them without even knowing they were there. This is because there is only a little Indian on top of the pole with a twitch in his eye blinking down on each pedestrian crossing. It is ridiculous to expect that this little yellow light would tell everybody that a pedestrian crossing is there. Surely there is some system by which we could illuminate pedestrian crossings, either by using luminous paint or extra lighting. Usually they are sited where there is no lamp standard and on some occasions you have the little "winking willie", as I call it, blinking away behind a tree or covered by a tree which is overhanging. Those with no bollard in the centre of the road are particularly bad. While it is true that pedestrian crossings are sufficiently long in existence for people to realise they are there we must have regard to the number of accidents and sudden stops occurring at these crossings. We must assist motorists who cannot always be blamed when a person is knocked down at such pedestrian crossings. We must take into consideration the inadequate lighting and the bad siting. The Gardaí come into the matter of siting and I do not say that mistakes have not been made. Most of the crossings are badly sited and badly lighted and it is time this situation was remedied. People are learning to use these crossings and drivers are becoming conscious of them, but of what avail is that if drivers cannot see the crossings when approaching them? They are so badly lighted that one cannot see a person standing on the footpath. The odds are against the driver even though the odds may be against the pedestrian being killed. In the safety campaign that has been started let us ensure there is no fault on our side in having crossings badly lighted and people endangered.

I want to refer to the electoral register and its compilation. Last year in County Dublin in my own area I reported cases of 28 people who had been dead for three years and who were on the register. People are apt to say that there is a political reason for a certain name being on the register, but the fact is that the rate collector is not doing his job and anybody not doing his job properly in regard to the public should not be there. I would take the job from the rate collector——

Is he not a pal of yours?

That is where you are wrong.

Is Jack O'Regan a pal of yours?

No. These are officers that I am talking about and that is the reason I objected when the Deputy made the allegation that the rate collector was a pal of mine. I can state that I know the man and that is good enough for the Deputy. I will not indicate what his political views are.

(Interruptions.)

We are now getting an indication of who wants the dead men on the register.

(Interruptions.)

I am asking the Minister to look into this problem because the register is a very important thing and when election time comes we use the register—some people abuse it—in the best possible way to find out the total electorate in an area. Under the system on which the register was compiled last time for the local elections and for the previous elections it was very unreliable. I have quoted the number of people we found were dead for three years in Malahide area. Some had been five years dead but they had votes. Surely the rate collector had the responsibility. I know the particular book from which the register is compiled and I know the individuals who compile it but the rate collector has responsibility and he is being paid for the job which is being inadequately carried out. There is no course open to the Minister but to look into the matter and take the job from him. It should not be given to rate collectors anywhere. I would give the job to the local gardaí and even pay them overtime to do it outside official hours.

The gardaí are working irregular hours and there is no reason why they could not compile the register and do it well. They do a very good job on the census. We have had election after election on badly compiled registers and numerous complaints and nothing done about them. It is time for the Minister to step in and give the compiling of the register to the gardaí. I am sure this would not cost any more than it costs to pay the local rate collector at the moment. This is a very serious matter and I welcome the comments we have had on both sides. I am sure Deputies know exactly where they stand. I shall be glad if the Minister investigates the matter thoroughly.

We have had representations during my term in office regarding the fire brigade. The service, it was stated, was inadequate. We received complaints and inquiries as to the adequacy of the service. I want to quote one incident without making reference to the people who were involved at that time. On one occasion the fire brigade from Malahide was called out to a fire nearby. The fire was blazing madly. The brigade carried out its duties. They extended the hose down towards the river only to discover that it was 25 feet short. They had to go back to the phone to summon the Dublin fire brigade. They came within 12 minutes of being called and they had adequate hose. I asked for additional hose to be given to the Malahide fire brigade so that this would not happen again, but it has not been given. This means that if a fire breaks out within one eighth of a mile of water the Malahide fire brigade is rendered useless and has to call for assistance from the Dublin or Balbriggan fire brigade. This problem is easily overcome. It is only a matter of an extra length of hose, which, I am sure, is much cheaper than bringing the fire brigade from Dublin or Balbriggan. I would ask the Minister to look into this and try to make available to the fire brigades in County Dublin additional equipment so that they will be able to fight fires in any area irrespective of the distance from water.

I wish to say a few words regarding the flooding of areas in County Dublin. During last winter and the winter before there were numerous floodings in County Dublin. Many roads, fields and even houses were inundated. The effort on the part of the county council to alleviate this problem starts with a survey. This survey was carried out. A report was made and work was to be done. I have yet to see the results of this effort. Only in one area, Lusk, have I seen that any work has been carried out in North County Dublin following this report.

In this area even a heavy shower can cause flooding, for the simple reason that the river is clogged with old bicycles, sleepers, prams, even a potato digger. The county council have been requested on numerous occasions to clean it out. Their reply is that they cannot enter private property. If flooding from a river is causing inconvenience to the general public, to the house-holders around and to the person who owns the land, surely there could be no objection to the county council going and asking the person who owns the land if they could enter and remove this garbage. I have no doubt that the person would readily say "yes". This effort is never made. They are prepared to throw from Billy to Jack responsibility in regard to flooding. Flooding can cause considerable hardship. One night's heavy rain can nullify all the work, energy and time which people put into decorating and generally making their houses good and worthy structures. This problem has been brought to the notice of the county council, but the river there remains uncleaned.

It may not be the county council's responsibility to clean this river but surely they have a certain amount of responsibility to the people who are living in council cottages which are being flooded. This is a serious matter. Apart from affecting council tenants, it affects farmers in the area. It means that there is a certain amount of land which in the winter is no good for grazing or anything else. I would ask the Minister to look into this and all the other matters I mentioned. The criticisms I have made are logical ones from my personal point of view. They refer to things which should be done, which are for the general good of the people of County Dublin, and it is for the people of County Dublin I speak. I have no doubt that if the Minister approaches these matters vigorously most of them will be rectified in the future.

Having listened to the tirade from Deputy Foley in regard to the inefficiency and ineptitude of this Department, I think it is only right and fair that we, who are more closely associated with this Department and who have more experience of the workings and the manoeuvrings of this Department, should congratulate him on what he has said. However, we shall say exactly what we know from our experience of this Department, with particular reference to the Minister's attitude to local authorities.

I wish, first of all, to put before the Minister the position which he allows to prevail and for which he must take responsibility, especially in regard to house building. We in the local authorities are more closely connected with this question of housing our people and their housing needs than the Minister or any one of his officials. Having been a member of a local authority for something like 16 years and having regard to our experience with this Department, I believe the Minister should rename his Department, as it is commonly known among us local representatives, the Department of snakes and ladders. It has been well named, especially when we consider that at one time or another we play this game of snakes and ladders in our dealings with the Department. When we think we are at the top we are toppled down to the bottom again for no reason and certainly through no fault of our own.

That is our experience in regard to this Department. We have been sending schemes to this Department, schemes which have been suggested by the local representatives because of their experience and of their knowledge of different areas. We give our knowledge and experience to our officials, our manager and his engineers and after due consultation and having due regard to the needs of the people we then put on paper our demands in regard to housing. We have our engineers, men who went to the same school as the men in the Department, some of them went a damn sight further, and our architects who have the experience and the day to day knowledge of dealing with these things in a practical way and not off a drawing board as prevails in the Department.

We have our engineers and our architects, better qualified than the overpaid men in the Department. Those men in my experience are there as a buffer and as a brake to the progress of the local authority. We have been sending up schemes year in year out. The same procedure is adopted: back they come, this has to be done, that has to be done, something else has to be done but there is never a mention of the fact that they want to hold us up as long as they can for some unknown reason which the Minister knows and which he has not confided to the local representatives and the local officials. Engineers, architects and managers are working overtime and not paid, all with one purpose in mind and that is to supply the needs of those unfortunate people who cannot, for one reason or another, house themselves.

There are five stages to be passed before any scheme is under way or before a sod is turned. The first stage is the preliminary report. It is sent up to the Department, back it comes, up it goes, back it comes and on to the second stage when the contract documents are sent up. The third stage is when the final documents are sent up. The fourth stage: the tender is sanctioned, and the fifth stage: the loan is sanctioned. Those are the five stages that have to be gone through before a sod is turned in any scheme and under those five headings the Minister has scope and room enough to manoeuvre and room enough to send the proposal down to the bottom rung of the ladder again. The result is that we have to start all over again. There is a replay and we are all out on the field again to start the match and then the referee orders us off the field again. This is the tragic situation with regard to this Department.

I had an experience some four or five years ago of enquiring about a particular proposal that came up and was held in the Department unnecessarily like all the other ones that are sent up. I was told that the engineer in charge of that particular scheme was on holidays and would not be back for three weeks and everything was on his desk and would lie there until his return. I questioned this and said: "Supposing he never came back what would happen?" I was told: "Oh, that is another question. We would view that matter when it would arise." This will give an idea of the ineptitude and the lack of a sense of responsibility for which the Minister must take every discredit. If the Minister had taken an honest approach and realised the needs of the people what was to prevent him —there is no law that I know of to prevent him—accepting the proposals of the engineers and architects of the local authorities, whom I have said, and let me repeat it again, are a damn sight better qualified than the lads who stick themselves in an office over a drawing board all day? If the Minister would give us the money and the go ahead there would be no housing shortage not alone in Limerick but in all Ireland today.

He has a reason for not giving this to us. He has not got it. He has another reason. He will not tell us he has not got it. If he told us he had not got it, knowing us as we are that we like honesty night, noon and morning, we would accept it and we would put our shoulders to the wheel and we would try to do something to pull him out of the dilemma which he is in. Those are the facts with regard to housing and no matter what colour brush or paint the Minister tries to put over it the fact remains. Anybody who has experience of local government will know why housing is held up. Let there be no doubt in the Minister's mind about that.

We come now to this act of Lourdes which has been introduced lately, this miracle of miracles, but my forecast is that it will turn out more like a Templemore miracle than a Lourdes miracle. It is the institution which he founded called the NBA, this body of individuals brought together under a Taca consortium. Because they failed to qualify for positions under the local authority, they are now in private practice as architects, engineers, quantity surveyors, builders and all the other accessories that go with that particular line of business and the Minister is well acquainted with them. This Taca cumann——

What did you call them?

——have come along now to take over and to tell us how we are to build our houses and to tell us because of our delays that they are moving in now to do it. I want to tell the Minister with regard to this Taca cumann and the charges that he has made against the local authorities because of his reasons for advancing this gang and helping them financially because they could not do it of their own ability, that as far as we in the Labour benches are concerned will meet with doom and we as local authority members of this Party will expose every single Taca man who is associated with this consortium in our schemes through the country. It is very interesting to know in regard to this NBA how the appointments were made and who they are, chairman, secretary, and all the others associated with it. It is very interesting to study their background and their relationship. We in the Labour Party in these benches here, and locally, will not be without exposing it throughout the length and breadth of the country.

We will send for the Minister for Education to put you in your place.

Leave him alone; he has his own problems.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted, and 20 Members being present,

As far as this Taca cumann is concerned we in the Labour Party, both nationally and locally, will expose the connection of every member of this consortium. These are the people who could not by their own intuition and ability claim a decent living, but because of their association now they are guaranteed a future, whether it be as architects, quantity surveyors, engineers, or in the building section of this Department. Their future is now ensured and their premium paid in advance.

As far as this cumann is concerned and the NBA generally, we in the local authority can very well do without this expensive luxury on the country. We have been making good progress with regard to our building and would have continued so were it not for the impediments by the Minister and his Department in holding up the plans which were sent up by men who are much more competent because they have the local knowledge and the experience of the everyday working and as to how schemes should be implemented than the lads standing over drawing boards in the Department.

We say this NBA should be scrapped immediately. It is a luxury and an expense which we cannot afford and which ultimately falls back on the unfortunate people who have to pay.

There is one other matter to which I should like to refer and that is the rumour that is going the rounds, and as we all know there is no smoke without somebody smoking. I refer to the dealings and the graft going on with regard to land purchase for house building. This has been mentioned, not alone in my area but in other areas. To allay the rumours and satisfy the people in their mind, particularly as a result of a statement made by the Minister for Industry and Commerce not so long ago about people in high places, I think, and we all agree, that the sooner these things are brought to the surface and publicly investigated the better. I am sure there are good elements and I am sure that if an inquiry of this sort is carried out it will not alone allay the fears of the people who are in a position to make these statements, but it will bring down the cost of houses for those people who under the SDA schemes, particularly, have taken the responsibility on themselves to provide themselves with a decent home for their children and saved us in the local authorities that responsibility.

We must as responsible public representatives do everything in our power to see that not alone is justice and honesty done but that it is seen to be done and it is our duty to the people who put their confidence in us to regulate matters and when we see things going too far east it is time we brought them back west and put them in equilibrium and on a footing and approach that is honest.

I would demand that an inquiry be held with regard to the acquisition and the purchase of land for this particular type of speculative building. Indeed, whoever said it was speculative was right. I am a bit of a speculator myself; it is my way of life and I am proud of it; it is an honourable profession. That cannot be said for some of the building speculators which we have in our midst today. We are licensed; we are controlled in my business, but there is no control good, bad or indifferent on the graspers and the speculators who have come amongst us in the last ten to 15 years.

As we go along, this malignancy is growing, eating us up. Unless it is stopped immediately it will be worse than any plague that could hit the country and, indeed, we are threatened by one at the moment. For that reason, I demand that the Minister and the Taoiseach do something to stop this so that people will be given houses at reasonable prices and so that they and the children who come after them will not be saddled with debt all their lives in order to swell the bank accounts and the pockets of the speculators. Whether my statements fall on fertile or rocky ground——

There are no rocks in Limerick, surely.

Did I hear a stutter or a mumble from somebody? As I was saying, whether it falls on rocky or fertile land, let me emphasise that it is the responsibility of the Minister and the Taoiseach once and for all to investigate what has been done, to inquire into the huge profits the speculators have made. They are nothing short of warble flies, blood suckers in our community.

Having said that, the day may not be far away when we shall see all this exposed on the table of honesty and justice, when people will no longer be exploited and run into debt. If these speculators have any conscience let them remind themselves that they are engaged not only in advancing themselves financially but that they are, at the same time, inflicting massive burdens on the shoulders of the house purchasers and on the shoulders of their up and growing families. Let them remind themselves that they are perpetrating very great damage on the people of this country.

Having left the Taca cumann, I wish to draw the Department's attention to the problems of water supply and sewerage schemes. Here, again, the Department are engaged in a game of snakes and ladders—the more one fights to get up the easier it becomes to be put down. We have been sending schemes to the Department. We sent a scheme on 14th May, 1965. Additional data was received by the Department on 19th January, 1966. The matter is still under consideration.

Active consideration.

It all depends on what you mean by "active". Ronnie Delaney can be active but you will get a person with no legs who could also be active; a race horse in the Curragh could be active and so could a donkey coming from the creamery. It all depends on what one means. I leave it to the Deputy's imagination, if he has any. Can you describe it as activity if the Department holds up a scheme from January, 1966, a sewerage scheme for a village in Limerick? I call it moribund and the sooner the coroner is called in and an inquest carried out the better. That is the type of stuff we have to put up with in the local authorities. This is the Department who will ask us why we do not do this and that. We are doing it.

I shall give instances of two schemes, information about which I received in reply to questions tabled this week. One refers to a scheme for a water supply for an attractive resort in county Limerick, the village of Castleconnell. The scheme was sent up on 7th February and another scheme was sent up on the 18th February, 1966. We were told a decision must await the outcome of a review. Apparently that review has been taking place since February, 1966 and we are now approaching February, 1968. They are the people who blame local authorities for not doing their job. They tell us it is under active consideration. I am sure approval for the planning of the basilicas in Rome or the cathedral in the Deputy's city of Galway did not take so long.

All we want is to give amenities to the people we represent and for which they are paving handsomely. Yet here we have this snakes and ladders Department, this yo-yo, up and down Department, throwing the blame on us instead of bearing it on their own incompetent shoulders. They treat us as if we were a lot of schoolboys or boy scouts who did not know what we are talking about. It is time this nonsense was exposed. As long as Limerick send me here to represent them I will expose the Department in regard to every scheme they hold up. I am sorry the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries is not here to hear what I am about to say. In practically every milk parlour in the country there is a water cooling system. Where will the water come from? The meagre supply of water available is taken up in the milk room. If we are to make progress in the dairying industry our No. 1 requirement is a proper cooling system. At the moment we are dealing with a Department who can take up to 12 years to make up their minds on how they will prevent a scheme being implemented.

I am sure the Minister, the Parliamentary Secretary and every Deputy over there know that group water schemes are being considered every night of the week in different areas. I am sure Deputies have been attending these meetings of people who are anxious to provide group water systems, who are anxious to instal water and in their anxiety, to show their goodwill, have put their hands deep down in their pockets and subscribed for the installation of this water. What is being done? The brakes are on again in the Department. The saboteurs are trying to find fault with what the local authority engineer and his assistants have spent nights and nights discussing with the different groups and the different committees in the various areas. They have discussed it under daylight and under nightlight and they know what the people want and have heard their views.

Despite this, those people are ignored after all their tedious hard work, for which they are not paid, when they go around at night meeting those committees. They send up their recommendations to this Department. Again we bring out the little game of snakes and ladders and down to us again the whole thing is sent, after all the hard work that has gone into it. Surely it is time the Minister realised that there is somebody else in the country besides his Department? If the Minister had control of his Department, which he has not, these things would not arise and these complaints would not be made. The housing of the country would not be jeopardised and would not be held up.

I now want to come to another very important issue which this Department have again shelved, turned their back on, in relation to which they are trying to send the fool further, to camouflage and play the three-card trick with the people who are directly concerned. I refer to the differential rents system. This system, as it was initiated and thought out, was excellent. While it was in operation for the short period in which somebody with honesty and sincerity, who introduced it, had it under his command, and under his guidance, it was an excellent and ideal system. It's intentions were good. Unfortunately when the vultures got hold of it and when the two-fisted shameless ones and the nameless ones got a hold of it, then the damage and the depredations, to the inconvenience of the tenants, were carried out.

We are told that under this differential rents system the people who can carry the burden must carry it. They must carry the burden of the people who cannot carry it themselves: beautiful, excellent, godly words. They were intended as such the first day they were spoken but what has happened in practice? What has happened in reality? I will tell you, as one who has experience, as one who knows what he is talking about. This system as it is now operated by the Minister, is nothing but a scandal, a shame and a crime perpetuated by his Department.

We find people who are paying well over the economic rent for a house. We find people who, because of their studious approach to life, are asked to pay, and threatened with eviction if they do not pay, what is much more than the economic price for the house. We find, in the operation of this differential rents system, that instead of levelling out the burden nationally, and through national funds, the same people are carrying their neighbours. This unfortunate division has caused a civic split in the city from which I come because of the action of the Minister in the implementation of the system.

When we tried to rectify the matter, when we tried to come and talk to the Minister as reasonable people would, we thought we would be accepted in a reasonable way but the door was slammed in our faces and he refused to meet us, including the Mayor of my city and myself. What did he do? The cumann lads and four members of his own Party on the City Council came up in a deputation on behalf of the tenants to try to get the Minister to see reason. I know, knowing the people concerned, that that is impossible. There is so much vindictiveness that we must be reasonable in our vindictiveness. The cumann people and the four Fianna Fáil members of the City Council were received but they came home with one hand as long as the other. He had his own in the room and he could talk away to his own but his own brought nothing back to us. Even though they said they were going to Dublin on this deputation on behalf of the Limerick Corporation tenants on the differential rents they brought back nothing. They promised that the Minister would make a statement and we are still waiting for that statement.

This is what has happened as a result of the Minister's action. If he wants details of the differential rents system and how it works—I am sure he knows nothing about it, even though part of his constituency swings around the post office in Ballyfermot —I can give them to him. I am sure he knows something about the differential rents system but like the ostrich again or the bat in daylight he closes his eyes. He sent us a document on 14th April, in the year of grace of 1967 and told us that if we did not increase our rents, if we did not review them, our housing subsidy would have to be reduced. He sent this circular on 14th April, 1967. It says that "as a condition of receiving a housing subsidy each housing authority should, as soon as is reasonably practicable, charge a rent in accordance with the scheme approved by me, which takes the circumstances of the tenant and the standard of accommodation into account." You do not have to be a Cassandra or an Aristotle to parse and analyse that sentence. If you do not increase your rents, you get no subsidy. What can you do then? This is the Department who tell us they want to help housing and see that we are building houses. My answer to that document is very simple: clear that Department out; send them off around the country doing jobs for which they are better fitted. Give us in local authorities the money and we will do the job.

You have not the engineers.

Who told you that?

You said it a few minutes ago.

I never said that. You are confused, too. But I must say it is not vindictiveness that is confusing you, like others of your Party.

I will get the Minister for Education to explain it to you over the weekend.

Let him alone. He is in trouble enough. I have suggestions for the Minister in regard to the operation of the differential system. I understand he is now going to receive a deputation from the cumann in Limerick. We formed a tenants' association in Limerick and the committee from that association met the aldermen of the city. For the first time in history, there is not a Fianna Fáil alderman in Limerick. Labour have two and Fine Gael have the others. However, there is a nice, decent man as senior member and we have brought him on. This committee is representative of the tenants, the aldermen, the manager and his officials. We dealt with this matter of the differential system for the past 21 weeks and failed to come to an agreement because the city manager is hamstrung by the Department. We brought some cumann people on to this committee. They have agreed— we have unanimously agreed—that, if anyone is to blame in regard to the system generally, it is the Minister. We have requested him to meet a deputation in order to explain to him what differential means and how it operates. The whisper has come back to the cumann that at long last the Minister is going to receive us. We will wait until we hear what the cumann members will say on that deputation.

In the meantime, I have four suggestions which were proposed and accepted by Limerick City Council on 16th November. First, the economic rent must be based on the loan repayment charges plus rates plus maintenance charges. Second, the economic rent as charged by the Minister does not make allowance for the Government grant. You cannot call this a grant because you do not get it. You do not get two-thirds of £1,600, although the Department try to bamboozle us that we are getting it. The Department pay the loan charges on two-thirds of the subsidy, which is two-thirds of £1,100. This figure obtained years ago.

I said two-thirds of £1,650, around £1,100. Can any of your officials deny that? They were very quick to jump in there. Now that they are wrong, will they apologise?

The Deputy will have to confine his criticism to the Minister.

The fact is we are supposed to get two-thirds of the subsidy: we do not. The Department pay the loan charges on two-thirds of £1,600. Today local authority houses are costing up to £2,000, £3,000 and £4,000. Those figures prevailed at a time when houses were not costing anything like that.

What local authority house is costing £4,000?

Find out what is the price of the flats in local authority houses.

Are they flats or houses?

Do you know the difference?

Only too well.

What did the flats in Dublin cost?

You are very mixed up.

Get into the mathematics of it, as I have done, and then you will find out what they cost. They only pay the loan charges on two-thirds of the subsidy. No allowance is made for the change in rates and the cost of materials.

The third suggestion is that the loss on the minimum rent is made up by increasing the maximum rent beyond the economic rent. That is what you are doing. You are charging the person on the maximum rent. This word "economic" was not introduced into our local authorities until two years ago when the Minister's predecessor had been around America looking for planning ideas and finding out about regionalisation. He came back with his high-faluting New York ideas. Then we had this word introduced into our rent system. It had always been the maximum rent during my 18 years in public life. You are now charging these people over the amount of the economic rent. If we do not do it, you will withdraw our subsidy.

The fourth suggestion is that any provision for new housing should be a national charge. Finally, with regard to fixed rents, they should remain unchanged in respect of houses that have been accepted as inferior or substandard. You are making us charge these people rents which are well over and above what they should be. If any private person attempted to charge anything like you are charging, he would find himself before the district justice or the circuit court judge.

I want to deal with the question of derelict sites and I want to ask the Minister whose responsibility these sites are. In practically every urban area, we are plagued with them. Whatever a planning authority means, and whatever regional planning means—there are about five in being as we know—I want to know who is responsible for the clearance of derelict sites.

I also want to question the Minister about appeals under town planning. It has already been stated here that when the Taca cumainn, or the Taca lads, have been turned down by a local authority, they know in their hearts and souls that, because they are in the cumainn, when they appeal to the Minister, everything will be all right.

What cumainn does the Deputy mean?

The Deputy was brought up in the Tamanny Hall way, and if he has not been oiled and greased on the cumainn teaching, he will have to start over again.

It proved well in Limerick and in Cork.

It proved well in Cork, too. You got your belly-full in Cork with all the skullduggery you introduced. You got your answer in Cork.

A majority of 6,000 is enough for anybody: Four out of five.

People were granted sub-post offices——

I am afraid the Deputy will have to come back to the Estimate.

It is getting a bit too hot for them. Planning appeals have been turned down by the local authority in the city of Limerick because they were against the regional planning, and offended against the Lichfield Report on which thousands of pounds were spent. They appealed to the Minister and the Minister granted the appeal. I want to know, and all honest people want to know, on what grounds these appeals were granted. Will we ever know?

Doctors differ and patients die.

There is only one answer. The cumainn got busy. These schemes were turned down but there was a whisper in the Minister's ear: "He is one of our own. Look after him. He is OK and we will see that he is all right." If the Minister were honest and accepted his responsibility as a Minister of State, these charges would not be levelled against him. These charges cannot be denied and I am levelling them at him. We will hear more about it as time goes on.

The Minister has made an order in regard to the purchase of corporation houses, and he expects us, in our simplicity and innocence, to put a value on these corporation houses based on the present market value with vacant possession. Did anyone ever hear such nonsense? Does the Minister give us credit for having any intelligence when he asks us to put such a value on corporation houses built 20 or 30 years ago, and inhabited by the same families for 20 or 30 years? We are to sell these houses at present day market value with vacant possession. We all know the difference between a house being sold with vacant possession and a house that is tenanted. The difference in value is three, four or five times more in one case than the other. Yet in his document issued on 14th April, 1967, the Minister expects us to offer these houses for sale in this way. We have not done it. We have more respect for the intelligence of our tenants than to do such a thing. This is cynical nonsense. This is camouflage and deception, and the quicker the Minister divorces himself from this deception the better.

I want to talk now about the road grants. Every Member of this House who has any association with a local authority will know what the road grants mean in this month of December, facing Christmas. Men are being let go in every county in Ireland today.

That is not so.

Tell me where they are not.

In my own county.

What are they doing?

Working on the roads.

If they are working on the roads now, they were not——

They were and are.

If they are, your schemes must be very limited.

We have experience in Limerick that schemes on the roads are held up because we have no money. Does the Deputy say that is not happening?

The Deputy should speak for his own county. He knows nothing about other counties, and he knows nothing about mine.

The Deputy is worried now.

I am not worried at all. I am proud of the work going on at the moment.

I am right in the Deputy's spare rib now. The road workers have been let off because of the insufficiency of the amounts granted. It is like the housing grants. The Minister told us he gave £9 million. That is the first figure I mentioned. I am not interested in figures. It is easy to fool someone by firing a batch of figures at him. The Minister told us he gave more this year than was given any other year, but he failed to tell us the cost of materials and wages. There is no use in giving one side of the picture. He is trying to fool us by giving us one side of the picture, but we know the approach and we are exposing it for what it is worth.

We also have the question of itinerants. The Minister has washed his hands of it. The Pontius Pilate again—silly talk. What has he done? He has thrown it back to the local authority. The Minister runs like a scalded cat from responsibility or anything that will entail expenditure of money and hands it down to the local authority and then jumps down their throat and says that something should be done that he knows cannot be done. That is how the Department works as far as we can see in the city and county of Limerick.

I want to draw the Minister's attention to one very important matter which was raised by Deputy Foley. I refer to fire-fighting appliances and fire-fighting employees. There is no comprehensive insurance or compensation for a man who is incapacitated or invalided in fire fighting. Men have been invalided for life as a result of their heroism in fire fighting. They have no superannuation rights. They get the usual six months full pay and six months half pay and then are left to the charity of the home assistance officer or their friends and neighbours. Is that as it should be? Is there any justice in it? It means that the courageous men who face dangers have now to take a second look and examine the gratitude they get from the Department and the Minister. That is something for the Department to be proud of. We know the make-up of the Minister and his Department and what to expect.

There is a programme on Telefís Éireann dealing with road safety, suggesting to motorists that they should keep on their proper lanes. I have seen the four lanes depicted on the screen, two going one way and two going the other way. In this respect also we see the brilliance of the Minister and his Department that stultifies us. There is no provision made for the cyclist or the pedestrian. Do the pedestrian and the cyclist not deserve consideration? Where are the side-walks. If the Minister had any experience of driving, which he has not—he gets someone else to do that for him—and if he had to go through the country as we do, he would know very well that it is not the oncoming car that is the danger at night; it is what is inside the motorist on his left, that he has to be careful about. The pedestrian or cyclist is the motorist's terror every night of the week. If the Minister has not already realised that I hope I am doing a good job of work when I put that position before him. He can take a drive into the country any night and he will see exactly what I am talking about.

I would suggest that footpaths be laid down. I would not make it a crime to cycle on the footpath after lighting-up time. It is much less dangerous for a cyclist to hit a pedestrian —which he will not do—on a footpath than to be hit by a motor car at 70 or 80 miles per hour. Accidents can be avoided by adopting that suggestion. I do not know how much money has been spent on the TV programme I saw last night and the night before, showing cars on four lanes. Will you get them to provide space on each side of the road for pedestrians and cyclists?

We have had a good deal of comment here this morning from Deputy Murphy and Deputy Foley about political jostling going on between members of the Fianna Fáil Party in County Dublin. I do not know whether it is going on or not. All I can say is that if it goes on between themselves, my experience of them can best be described in the words of Deputy Dillon, that in the face of the enemy, they are rump to rump with horns cocked and, with all these footballers and heavyweights, I do not know how I come out safe with them at all.

Deputy Foley was as eloquent as anyone on this side of the House could be in his condemnation of local government practices during his experience as a public representative. I have more intimate contact with what is happening in County Dublin than Deputy Foley has because I have been a member of the local authority for a considerable number of years. I know the problems that arise that cannot easily be overcome by officials or anybody else and the difficulties they run into.

I should like to give credit where it is due. I believe that the present Minister for Local Government is doing what he can to overcome quite a lot of these difficulties and I must say that I am glad that somebody from my own constituency, where the difficulty in relation to building and development is enormous, is the Minister for that Department.

Canvassing No. 2s.

I will have a lot to say before I finish and then, perhaps, the Deputy might not feel that I am canvassing No. 2s. I intend to be critical where criticism is called for and to be factual.

A considerable part of the Minister's speech in introducing his Estimate was devoted to housing and the problems in relation to housing. This has been the trend in recent years. We find that in 1958, 1959, 1960, 1961 and 1962, there was very little talk about housing on the part of members of the Government. During those years housing was the concern only of the Opposition.

It was not a problem.

It is a well-known fact that during those years the housing programme was allowed to drop to onehalf in the case of private housing and to one-quarter in local authority housing. That happened in the space of five years. It is the backlog of those years that has us confronted with the problems we have today. I have no hesitation in emphasising that. If the Minister is honest with himself and the House he will admit that it is that backlog and the failure of the Government during those years to build houses that has us in the position we are in today.

We had a lengthy description of this backlog from Deputy Moore—the Minister's own Deputy—but he did not tell us why the backlog exists. He did not tell us the reason for these enormous arrears, why there are thousands of people in Dublin city and county who have been on the waiting list for years and years, who are living in deplorably overcrowded conditions and who still have little hope of a house. Recently, we have been giving out some houses in County Dublin and I am plagued night, noon and morning, by people who have not been able to get housing accommodation. I have a case at the moment of a woman with five children, under eviction notice, living in one room. She would not be accommodated in a housing scheme. This is in the Minister's constituency.

The Minister, I think, appreciates the state of housing. It is all very well for a Fianna Fáil Minister to come in here and describe the enormous problem confronting them; he has an obligation to tell us why the problem is there. Who does he think was in government for practically the past 30 years, with a couple of small interruptions? It was Fianna Fáil, of course. We have a deplorable situation where housing is concerned. We have people living in wooden sheds and huts of every description.

There is not a waste patch of land in the whole of Dublin city or county that is not packed with caravans, caravans in which people are compelled to live, without any sanitary accommodation whatsoever. It is a deplorable situation. It is a situation in relation to which the Government should hang their heads in shame. It is just not good enough for the Government to wash their hands of the past and absolve themselves from these sins of omission simply by shuffling the Cabinet.

I said I wanted to give credit where credit is due. I believe the Minister is endeavouring to iron out some of these problems. I believe he has made some progress. But it is just not good enough for any Minister to come along here and start deploring the price of building land when we all know the reason for the price of that land. It is due to the failure of the Government to extend water and sewerage services and make a pool of land available for building. We know, too, that all the available land in the county was purchased by Fianna Fáil speculators, ably assisted by the Government. Whom do they think they are telling when they say that the cost of land has gone up? The Government are now concerned about the cost, concerned when their own are satisfied, having purchased all the available land and put themselves in the happy position of being able to speculate with it. This went on for a long time. Who was in government when this was allowed to happen? If I were in government, I would insist that all land for development purposes coming on the market would be offered first to the local authority. A house is a fundamental need and, in my opinion, no serious effort has been made to ensure that our people are adequately housed or that houses are kept down to a reasonable price.

I listened for a long time to the Minister's predecessor telling us all he was doing to keep the cost of housing down. In fact, nothing has been done to keep the cost of housing down. We heard about the prototype house. The Minister in his opening speech talked about two prototype houses built, or being built, in Dunboyne and a couple more somewhere else. My information is that the price of these houses is the same as the price of an ordinary local authority house, as to the first half of them and, when the second half is completed, the price will equal the cost of two houses. This is very serious. I hoped that something would emerge from the research into the provision of some kind of cheap house. There are thousands upon thousands of families all over the country living in overcrowded and insanitary conditions. There is need for a crash programme. When we had the money, I believe it was spent on luxury building and on building that could not be regarded by any stretch of the imagination as a priority in the light of the housing needs of the ordinary people. I do not believe the Government have really seriously considered this problem.

The Minister, to give him his due, has given certain instructions to local authorities. He is, of course, locking the stable door after the horse has gone. However, I suppose, better late than never. The Minister is now enabling local authorities to purchase building land. A considerable start has been made, but most of this land is not serviced and it will take a considerable time to extend services to the point at which building land will become available in such quantity that the price will be reasonable. But that is not going far enough. In present circumstances, having regard to the needs of ordinary people and to the enormous volume of arrears, I believe the Minister should now introduce legislation insisting that all land is offered first to the local authorities at a reasonable price. If necessary, an arbitrator can be appointed. At the moment land becomes available simply because of action by the local authorities, and for no other reason.

The Government have done a very bad job. In the North of Ireland, two-thirds of the houses are provided by the public bodies. In the south, the figure is one-third. That is a very poor performance and the sooner we are prepared to admit that and face up to the facts, the better it will be. We have at the moment many fairly expensive schemes under way. What can we do to open up development in the Dublin area? I confine myself to Dublin because that is the area I know best, but I also know that problems exist in some measure all over the country and in considerable measure in some areas. In Dublin, we are endeavouring now to open up building land by major schemes which should have been initiated many years ago. Had there been any real assessment of building needs and proper consideration of future development, it is not now these schemes would be initiated. I saw the time when we were building, on average, about 45 houses in Dublin county over a period of years. We built as few as 32. I know the Minister—I said earlier I would be fair; I will also be factual—went around the county telling the people that the reason the situation was so bad was that Fianna Fáil had not got a majority on Dublin County Council. Did anybody ever hear anything as childish or as dishonest as that? The position is the same today as it was then.

Not quite the same.

They were a little weaker, but they have since got an Independent and they are back now in square one. We seem to be going ahead a bit now. We are building 500 houses a year instead of 45, but we have not caught up. I do not know when we will catch up on those black, barren five years. There are so many things impeding the building of houses that it is difficult to list them all.

Deputy Coughlan spoke at some length about the effects of this dual responsibility for housing. We, on this side of the House, have been pressing for many years to have this dual responsibility resolved. I am glad to say we have had some results, but it took a long time to get the Government and the Minister to appreciate that this dual responsibility for housing was retarding the housing drive all over the country and that it was extremely wasteful of scarce professional skills needed for the initiation and implementation of any housing drive and any programme that any local authority is anxious to undertake. Here we had professional men in the Department of Local Government impeding other professional men in the local authorities.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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