asked the Taoiseach whether it is intended that prior to entry to the EEC a White Paper containing the final proposals which have been negotiated by the Government will be submitted to the Oireachtas for consideration and debate before acceptance.
Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Membership of EEC.
1.
As I indicated in the Dáil on 25th July, 1967, the Dáil will be given an opportunity of debating the terms of entry to the European Communities as part of the procedure for ratifying Ireland's accession to the Treaties establishing the Communities.
The manner in which the terms of entry will be presented to the Dáil will be decided in due course.
Would the Taoiseach now consider—and I think this was promised through his Whip a week or two ago—the resumption of the debate on the Government's motion on the EEC? It is very important that we should have this resumption because I think the last real discussion we had was away back in June, 1970. Since then, we are told, there have been more or less detailed discussions and negotiations. The House and the country are entitled to know what has gone on since June of last year. Apart from the various speeches that Ministers make at Fianna Fáil cumainn around the country, we should have a debate here in Dáil Éireann.
I am anxious to resume the debate as soon as possible, possibly in about a fortnight's time, if we can arrange it.
I was under the impression, related to a question which was put down to the Minister for External Affairs last week to which he circulated a reply, that there would be a resumption of the debate last week.
The Minister did not say it would be last week. What the Minister said was that apart from the resumption of the discussion which was adjourned we might be able to arrange short discussions as the negotiations progress. We are anxious to do that as well.
I should like to insist that the House should be kept informed on this at least every month. Let it be a limited discussion but the Government should let us know what is going on before we are sold out altogether.
In view of the importance of this decision——
If there is anyone selling it out it is you. You are not reading what you are getting. That is the way you sell out the public. You are the one who is selling out. You will not even do your work.
You are exaggerating what agriculture will get.
Something was circulated last week on your own agreement and if you did not read it I cannot help that. That is selling out by my terms.
In view of the importance of this decision to the country, and allowing for the attitude of every Member of the House, could the Taoiseach tell us now whether a free vote of the House will be permitted on this vital national issue?
We vote as a party. We take our responsibilities as a party. That is how we propose to approach this question.
In view of what the Minister for External Affairs has said, would it be possible to have a new debate so that those who are keeping abreast of what is happening can speak on it?
We will have to continue the debate as it is but the Minister said already that he is prepared to facilitate short debates as the negotiations progress. I think that is what Deputy Corish suggested.
2.
andMr. Timmins asked the Taoiseach if his attention has been drawn to a statement by the Confederation of Irish Industries that the unemployment rate here is higher than in the member countries of EEC and in the other three applicant countries; and if he will comment on same.
The Government are well aware of the comparative statistics for unemployment in this country, the EEC member countries and the other applicant countries.
The Government's economic programmes and the NIEC's report on full employment laid emphasis on the objectives of raising employment and reducing unemployment and emigration, and on the need for rapid economic growth to achieve them. The Third Programme was drawn up against the background of the NIEC Report on full employment and is a first step on the road to that goal.
Economic circumstances in 1970 did not favour increasing employment. Most recent indications are that the economy grew at something under 2 per cent during the year. There was a drop of 1,000 in the number employed between April, 1969, and April, 1970, as an increase of 9,000 in the industrial and other domestic sectors was more than offset by a decrease of 10,000 in the agricultural sector.
A far more favourable outturn could have been expected had the conditions for steady economic progress as set out in the Third Programme been observed, in particular, the conditions of an appropriate relationship being maintained between the growth of incomes and of output and the existence of a substantial measure of industrial peace.
A resumption of steady economic progress and improvement in the employment position depends on the measure of success achieved by the Government's medium-term policies. Broadly stated these are intended to bring about more rapid industrialisation, higher exports, greater investment and more saving to finance it. A precondition of all of them is price stability, interpreted as no more, and preferably less, of a rise in prices here than in the countries with which we trade. Equally obvious is the need for an ordered and disciplined approach in the conduct of industrial relations.
Recent development on the incomes and on the industrial relations fronts allow reasonable grounds for hoping that the importance of these conditions of our progress is being realised and that we can look forward to a period of greater industrial peace. With such peace and with the requisite response to, and co-operation in, Government development policies we can expect a resumption of steady economic progress.
Would the Taoiseach not agree that the Third Programme for Economic Expansion is a failure, that we have gross inflation today and an increasing cost of living, and that we are heading for a financial crisis which will have a further adverse effect on employment? Will the Taoiseach not agree further that the Government's inflationary policy means that much of our own production is being priced even out of our home market, let alone the foreign market?
I will do everything in my power to offset the kind of sabotaging speeches being made by the Deputy.
Is the Taoiseach aware that Government policy has led us into this position because the Taoiseach is more concerned with other things than with ruling the country?
Referring to the NIEC report, is not this a repetition of the kind of egregious rubbish that was thrown out four years ago about so many jobs and so much employment by 1980? I do not know who wrote the report but the men who signed it obviously did not believe it.
The Deputy may not make statements.
Those associated with the Deputy in the Labour Party benches signed it as part of a unanimous recommendation to the Government. Will the Deputy sit down and let me finish? The background I refer to is one of full employment that we hope to achieve. It was set out as a target by the NIEC and it is reasonable to try to achieve that target.
Will we be alive by the time we achieve it?
Did the Taoiseach say there was a representative of the Labour Party?
I said there was a representative of the trade unions, and on that representation are members of the Oireachtas Labour Party.
Would the Taoiseach not agree that, because the chances of reaching the employment targets set out by the NIEC by 1980 are nil, there is an obligation on the Government to provide fresh, revised and more realistic figures as a background attending our application for EEC membership?
A reappraisal will have to be made because the targets set out in the Third Programme are based on certain assumptions and events have proved these assumptions not to have been justified. As happened last year, the assumption was not justified. Unfortunately, we will have to reassess our position in the light of that situation.