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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 10 Feb 1971

Vol. 251 No. 7

Northern Ireland Situation: Statement By Party Leaders.

In a period of a single week nine people—possibly more —have died by violence in the North. Even a child is dead, by accident, and this must give us a special sense of grief and of sympathy for the bereaved parents.

I have already expressed the Government's abhorrence of the activities of those who deliberately advocate or use force in the North for any political objective. In all the statements I have made in regard to the North and in all my activities on behalf of the Government, I have attempted to explain and to establish that the Irish people, with very few exceptions, are committed to a peaceful resolution of our divisions. The greatest contribution which I would urge in these days of change in the North is patience on the part of the minority and generosity on the part of the majority.

An extraordinary effort of will by the Stormont Government is required to reverse practices which were wrong and failed and which brought the community close to total destruction. The depth and extent of what needs to be done demands courage and compassion. Major Chichester-Clark's task towards this end, which needs to succeed, can be lightened by the support of all the elements of the Northern majority who must realise now that the stability and progress of the community depends on the participation of the minority in its affairs and in its economic wellbeing.

Patience, in addition to their own constructive gifts and talents, is the best contribution the minority can make at the present time. The errors of two generations cannot be corrected overnight. The important thing is that they are in course of correction and that there could be no question of a reversal of this progress. Senseless violence and destruction are the surest way of interrupting progress and benefit no part of the community either in the short or the long term. On all sides there must be forbearance.

In a community which is divided, as the North is, tolerance must be extended by each side to the other. The majority must take the lead in this as they control the organs of State. The authority of the State should not be used to offend the sensibilities of the minority much less to discriminate against them. Against the total background of Irish history needless impositions are humilitating and dangerous. The majority bear a special responsibility to avoid them.

Similarly the minority must refuse to be incited to actions contrary to their own interests by the provocations of people, not in authority, who threaten them and the peace with words—words which can be rendered impotent only by being ignored. They should equally refuse to respond to the provocations of agitators in their own midst whose peculiar view of the history of Ireland and its future gives no hope of peace and brotherhood among the Irish people.

I have never been anything but frank with our Northern brethren that reunification of our country is our purpose, reunification through peace, by promoting friendship, goodwill, co-operation and understanding so that mental barriers which are more powerful than physical borders will be broken down. We have engaged in co-operation with the Northern Administration in various economic fields in the past. I myself initiated and administered as Minister for Industry and Commerce the extension of tariff concessions to Northern Ireland firms. We are willing and anxious to seek out and promote other forms of practical co-operation.

The leading article of The Guardian today says that economic underprivilege and civil strife are twin problems. While we know that there are many difficulties other than economic underprivilege, we want to promote further economic co-operation—for example, we are willing to examine the possibility of co-operation in regional development in areas like Leitrim-Fermanagh that could promote the wellbeing of people on both sides of the border.

We are prepared to spare no effort to promote increased knowledge and understanding of each other among the Irish people and to work positively towards reconciliation in the North and in Ireland as a whole. May I express the hope that all our fellow-Irishmen in the North will reciprocate this spirit of goodwill and co-operation thereby bringing nearer the day when all of us in this island will live in peace and harmony.

I should like at the outset to place again on record the sympathy of my colleagues and myself for the relatives of the unfortunate people of all denominations and all shades of political opinion who lost their lives in the tragedies in Northern Ireland in recent days. Clearly there is an immediate need for new initiatives to put an end, first of all to the present bloodshed and sordid civil strife.

In a statement that I issued on Saturday I said that these shootings and explosions, and all the horrible incidents and atrocities of civil war, will inevitably recur in the North unless an immediate reappraisal of the whole situation is undertaken. Keeping things as they have been for the last 50 years is no solution. At the same time it is important that there should be no doubt about where majority opinion in this part of the country stands. I have no restraint in expressing without reservation, what has been the consistent attitude of my colleagues in this party and amongst the members of this organisation: we have publicly expressed the view that the only way to achieve the ultimate unity of the country is through peaceful means and through co-operation. We have given practical evidence in the past of a start in that direction. It is, of course, our aim, as it should be the aim of every Irish man and woman, to unite the whole people of Ireland and the whole territory of Ireland into a united Ireland, to abolish the memory of all past dissensions and to substitute the common name of "Irishman" in place of the denomination Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter.

The problem of mutual fear is the biggest obstacle to the realisation of that aim and, until that is resolved, the people of the North will never be able to live normal lives, whether they find themselves continuing in Northern Ireland or in a united Ireland. The situation would be farcical if it were not so tragic, with rival groups shooting and killing each other. None of these groups has any authority to act for this country.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

These actions must be regarded as against the interests of Irish men and women in both parts of Ireland——

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Indeed, in all parts of Ireland—and these people cannot be described by any extension of phraseology as patriots. The only army that has legitimate authority in this country is the army responsible to Dáil Éireann.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Fear thrives on ignorance and unfortunately at present ignorance appears to abound in the North of Ireland. I previously expressed the view that the time had arrived for tripartite discussions to try to work out an acceptable solution to this problem between the Government in Britain, the Government in Stormont and our own Government here. British politicians never have, and never will, understand Ireland or the Irish people.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Very few of them have tried to. There have been some— indeed, there was one recent notable exception. The reforms have been dilatory and, in some cases, halfhearted. Some of the mistakes that have been made would have been avoidable if those responsible had an elementary knowledge of or acquaintance with the situation.

Since the establishment, or the creation, of Northern Ireland under the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, Britain has had a responsibility, be it complete or partial, for conditions there. It is obvious in the time that has elapsed since August 1969 that the units of the British Army now in Northern Ireland are incapable of maintaining peace in that area. Indeed, British Army units can never be accepted or welcomed in any part of this country. The fact that special units with certain historic associations have been sent there has made it even more difficult than it might otherwise have been to establish and maintain peace.

I want to repeat what I suggested earlier when a United Nations peacekeeping force was rejected; the events of the last 18 months show that this was a mistake. A United Nations peace-keeping force should now be requested to undertake the task of restoring peace and order in the North of Ireland. It would command the respect of and acceptance by the people which the British Army will never get. Unfortunately, 18 months ago, a proposal made from this side of the House that an all-party committee should be established was not acceptable. At that time an undertaking was given that consultation would take place between the Government and the Opposition. So far, as far as I am aware, no consultation has taken place. If consultation had taken place it might have been possible to ascertain the full facts of the situation; at times, one is tempted to wonder what is going on or do the Government know.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

So far as we are concerned—I repeat that I speak without reservation for every member of this party and every member of this organisation—we reject the arrogant assumption by any group, or groups, that they are entitled to act or speak in the name of the people, to foment or contribute to civil war between one section and another.

Deputies

Hear, hear.

Any assistance we can give to a constructive solution of this remaining political problem between Britain and Ireland and, indeed, between Irish people in both parts of the country will be given and is readily available. I am convinced that only a genuine effort to initiate tripartite discussions, without any inhibitions because of past failures or past mistakes, can provide the groundwork within which peace and concord can not only be restored but made permanent between every section of the people of this country.

I should like to put on record my sympathy and that of my party with the relatives of those who lost their lives, particularly over the weekend, be they civilians or military personnel. Some months ago it was the unanimous belief in this country that there was an easing of what we call the situation in the North. Events in recent weeks have demonstrated that there has been a steep down turn which, in my opinion, makes the situation now graver than it was at any time since October, 1968.

The gravity of the situation has to some extent been emphasised by reason of the Taoiseach's suggestion that the leaders of the three parties make statements here today. I regret very much that this is not in the form of a discussion, even over a limited period of some hours, as I suggested yesterday. The events of yesterday, particularly those in Fermanagh and in the streets of Belfast, seen by all of us on television or read about in the newspapers, evoke not alone a feeling of deep sympathy but also one of revulsion and fear, a fear which is not confined to the people in the Six Counties but is to be found also amongst those here in the Republic of the 26 Counties.

We are in such a situation now that I believe—and this was my motive in asking for a debate yesterday on a Resolution—that Dáil Éireann should make some gestures in order to try to lessen the undoubted fear there is in the North particularly in cities like Belfast, Newry, Dungannon and Derry. This should be done—may I emphasise this—without qualifications from any of the three parties and without qualifications from any member of the parties. This is of vital importance particularly in view of a discussion we had some time ago. As far as the Labour Party are concerned I speak confidently for every member of this Party: we believe a rational and responsible policy as far as the North is concerned should resolutely exclude from the national concensus those who encourage and condone violence and especially those who engage in surreptitious collusion with violence practised by others. May I respectfully suggest that we should put our own house in order first in view of recent events and in view of recent statements because we are not in the strongest position to preach to others?

The Taoiseach, in a weekend statement, listed ways in which, he said, in Northern Ireland the British authorities had contributed to the present dangerous situation. It is certain that past policies of the Northern Ireland Government and some of their attitudes have contributed to the situation in which we find ourselves at present. So too have actions of the British military authorities and some of their troops especially when it appeared that they were selective in their searches for arms by a concentration on the minority areas. It must also be recognised that the untoward developments have been greatly aggravated by persons working inside the Catholic areas deliberately and of set purpose fomenting, at first, friction and then actual confrontation with British troops, the troops they welcomed some time ago, the troops originally brought in for the protection of this minority group against the Paisleyite mobs.

It is now alleged that these elements in these areas received support and encouragement and money and arms from, among others, members of the Taoiseach's party who are Members of the House and who were formerly Government Ministers. There was the delusion that arms being sent to the North were for the defence of the Catholic minority. That surely has now been dispelled by recent events and by recent allegations. There is nothing defensive about nail bombs, about a landmine on a lonely mountain road. There is certainly nothing defensive about a booby-trapped car. Neither my party nor I believe that such activities will make the minority safer: on the contrary, we believe that such activities will increase the danger to both communities. Therefore, in the current escalation of violence elements, mainly the so-called provisional IRA, are using the Catholic areas as their base for armed attacks on troops. The cruel irresponsibility and dishonesty of these tactics presented as a defence of our people need not be spelled out now. In these circumstances the allegations by the head of the Special Branch before the Committee of Public Accounts will add to the fear of the people in the North. It is not good enough for the Taoiseach to say that investigations are continuing. Grave charges have been made against two Members of this House, Deputy Haughey and Deputy Blaney and, of course, there have been denials also. If these charges are true these two Deputies should not be Members of this House purporting to support the Taoiseach who professes—and I believe he is sincere in this—rejection of all types of force in trying to unite the country.

That does not arise on the statements permitted to the leaders of the parties.

May I submit that statements from Government Ministers with regard to statements made within this committee have been made continuously over the last three or four days?

The Deputy should relate his remarks to the statements allowed to the leaders.

I believe this is very relevant to the situation which we have at present in Northern Ireland.

It is totally out of order.

I am not trying to get behind the Chair. All I am asking is that this matter, the allegations that have been made against these two Deputies I have mentioned, be cleared up. How can the people of the North, whether the minority or the majority, have faith or trust in us, in view of what happened or what was disclosed on 4th May? I shall not pursue this but I think I am entitled to refer to it.

No, it is out of order.

We have a situation in which these two Deputies say by their votes that they have confidence in the Taoiseach. How can people have confidence in the Taoiseach and at the same time, as alleged, contravene Government policy? These are matters that must be cleared up.

The great majority of the Irish people have condemned the recent murders and killings and the Taoiseach has rightly expressed the Government's condemnation but it is not enough to deplore and condemn when something particularly shocking occurs. We must make sure that at least none of us in this House is encouraging or condoning those acts. We must make sure that nobody, no party in the Republic is playing politics at the expense of the lives of the people in the Six North Eastern counties. That is why the charges made by the head of the Special Branch must be speedily investigated. The House and the people of the country are entitled to know who is right and who is wrong. There have been allegations and there have been denials. We may be somewhat close to it but the ordinary man in the street is certainly frustrated and confused with these allegations and counter-allegations and denials.

May I repeat—and the situation has become worse—the people are rapidly losing faith in our public institutions and in the idea of this public institution called Dáil Éireann? We have done little but talk here. I do not say this in criticism of what the Taoiseach or Deputy Cosgrave said or even of what I am saying now. We have passed resolutions; we have talked about co-operation and about meeting people. We have blueprints, long-term though they may be, for a solution of Partition. There have been some practical suggestions and I think the Taoiseach should not stand idly by and should listen to people who are sincere when they say they want to help him and the Government of the country in trying to allay the fears of the people in the North and in trying to put a stop to this mad killing that has been going on for so long.

I have no hesitation in supporting, as I did on the last occasion, the idea of an all-party Committee of the House to watch the situation in the North and take whatever action is necessary in order that we may help and do a little more than make speeches and try to advise and assist in this particular problem. I suggested yesterday—I think Deputy Cosgrave suggested it also—that there should be talks between the three Governments. Some time last year the Taoiseach said he had sought an appointment with the then British Prime Minister Mr. Harold Wilson. It never materialised. We are asking Protestant and Catholic, Unionist and Labour in the Six Counties to talk to each other and get together. We are inviting our own people to go up there and the Northern people to come down here. Surely if the Taoiseach and the Prime Minister at Stormont and the Prime Minister at Westminster were to meet and talk seriously about the northern situation it would be a good example?

I believe also, and this I have suggested, that the possibility of a joint session of Dáil Éireann and Stormont should be explored. Think what you may about the personnel at Stormont, in respect of certain people, but at least let us hear their point of view. If they have fears let them express them and let us, if we can, allay them. I believe that this as an experiment would go a long way towards cooling the very hot atmosphere that exists now as far as the Unionists in the north are concerned and the people in this Parliament and, if you like, the members of the SDLP. There are many in the SDLP who could by their experience and knowledge of the situation be very helpful to us. I suggest one is the leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mr. Gerry Fitt, who with his other colleagues is living in the centre of this strife torn city of Belfast and who can speak with first hand experience and first hand information.

It would not be contravening the rules of this House if I were to read a message that I received this morning from Gerry Fitt, this courageous man. I quote:

There are people undoubtedly in Northern Ireland at the present time who see Irish unity only being brought about by the sacrifice of many lives. I am utterly opposed to this concept. I believe Ireland can never be united at such a terrible cost. I am convinced that the only way to bring about the unity of this island is by taking positive steps to unite the Catholic and Protestant people in Northern Ireland so that they may all realise that the only hope for future prosperity and happiness is by the acceptance of all the people in Ireland that Partition has been a signal failure. Steps must be taken immediately to involve the British, Irish and Stormont Governments in discussions in the full realisation that things can never be the same again. I am a Socialist and Republican but I do not wish to see my objective of a 32-County Socialist Republic achieved at the expense of human lives.

That certainly echoes my sentiments as far as the North of Ireland is concerned.

In conclusion may I say that as long as the present situation obtains the credibility of our Parliamentary institution, of our machinery for law enforcement, remains in serious doubt. The Taoiseach, though sincere in his peaceful aspiration, has a share of responsibility for this grave situation, a situation which has been brought about by the acts, omissions and collusion of what he himself describes as his first Government. Neither the Taoiseach nor any of us can do much directly for the people of Northern Ireland. His claim to be second guarantor for the minority in the North has always had an element—I think he must admit it now on recollection—of pretence about it. What he can do for the people in Northern Ireland is to set his own house in order here in the Republic and for that the main responsibility lies squarely on his shoulders.

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