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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 16 Feb 1971

Vol. 251 No. 9

Private Members' Business. - Housing Finance and Mortgage Interest Rates: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Dáil Éireann call on the Government to hold a public inquiry for the following purposes:—
(1) to examine the causes giving rise to the increase by building societies in mortgage interest rates for existing borrowers;
(2) to report on the claimed need for increases and whether and when such increases can be reduced;
(3) to recommend the measures necessary to be taken to reduce interest rates or otherwise to ease the burden for borrowers if the increased rates are necessary;
(4) to examine and report on the adequacy of the present methods of financing house purchase by building societies, insurance companies and other sources, and recommend what steps should be taken to increase the flow of private funds for housing purposes; and that the inquiry be concluded on items (1) to (3) in six months and on item (4) within twelve months from its inception;
and Dáil Éireann is of opinion that, pending the inquiry, increases in mortgage interest rates should not be permitted.
—(Deputy Clinton.)

This motion is in four parts. The first part is:

to examine the causes giving rise to the increase by building societies in mortgage interest rates for existing borrowers;

Most people who have bought a house from a building society in the last ten years thought that the rate of interest would be on a fixed basis and that if it was 8 per cent it would remain at 8 per cent. Up to three or four years ago this was the practice, regardless of whether interest rates went up in the banks, merchant banks or in any commercial business. The interest rates remained the same. This feeling was strengthened by the fact that the SDA loans were on a fixed rate of interest. In the case of a city like Dublin, up to three or four years ago 80 per cent of those who purchased a house under 1,200 square feet nearly always got SDA loans. The Government ran out of money and they forced a tremendous number of people to look for money from building societies. Prior to this, where they could not get SDA loans the people borrowed from a building society. In any given area in Dublin where there were houses of under 1,200 square feet, over 1,400 square feet and up to 2,000 square feet the majority of people were on SDA loans so that the average person thought that once he bought a house he had it on a fixed rate of interest and had a fixed rate of repayments. Deputy Clinton pointed out that when the interest rates went from 8 per cent to 8½ per cent this meant an extra £35 per annum in repayments. This extra £35 repayments was on top of the original rate at which the man thought he would repay for the rest of his life. In recent years people could not get SDA loans. They were turned down by the former Minister for Local Government. They were put to the pin of their collars to get loans. They had to have a certain salary in order to get a loan and that salary also included overtime. If they got a loan they were paying £6, £7, £8 or £9 per week repayments. On top of that, they are asked to pay an extra £35 per annum. To many of these people this is "the straw that breaks the camel's back". Many of these people run into trouble.

Deputy Clinton pointed out that in some cases people who had borrowed 15 years ago, and who would now be coming near the end of their repayments, got their money at 5 per cent, but the rate of interest has now jumped by 3½ per cent. This is a tremendous jump. A person could argue that they got their money cheaply but they got it at the going rate of interest. The bank rate at that time must have been 4 per cent or 4½ per cent. Suddenly they are asked for 3½ per cent extra. This kind of jump quickly upsets one's calculations. I am worried about a person who came in blindly thinking he would have certain repayments for the rest of his life and that the only thing that could go up would be rates. The ground rent, if any, would remain the same. We all know that the building societies must look for their money in the open market. They must be competitive against the merchant banks who offer 6 per cent, 7 per cent or 8 per cent, or whatever the rate is at the time. They must be able to collect this money. They take money on a short-term basis.

Scarcity of money is the reason for the jump in interest rates. Inflation has also caused an increase. Government spending in this country has been the greatest factor in inflation. They have spent ad lib. and have taken money out of the private sector. Their share of the national cake is now reaching unprecedented proportions and the private sector is getting less and less. The private sector is paying any rate of interest asked in order to get money for development. This in itself puts up the cost of building because the builders must repay the interest before making profit. Where the Government, because of the inflation which they have caused, are looking for loans they can go on the public market. Their loans can be greater because they are long-term. They do not have to pay out on a short-term basis. They offer 9 per cent or 9½ per cent and the person who is willing to wait five or ten years can put money into such a loan and get 9 per cent where he would get only 8 per cent from a building society. This is making money more scarce and the building societies can, and do, pay less because they are on a short-term basis of three months or perhaps six months.

Clause (1) calls on the Government to examine the causes giving rise to the increase by building societies in mortgage rates for existing borrowers. The Government could copy those who rent property in this city. That would get over the initial period in the life of a young married person with one child who is buying a house. I am sure the Minister knows about the renting of property. Property is rented on a 35- or 36-year lease. In the case of a loan it would be over 35 years. There should be a seven-year break somewhere in it. I am saying that the building society when it gives a loan at 8 per cent keeps it at that 8 per cent, regardless of what money is lent at, for a certain number of years. Perhaps there should be a break at the 12- or 13-year stage in order to have a look at the cost of money at that time. The problem arises in the first five, six or seven years of marriage. A man probably buys a house to keep up with the Joneses. That is all right if he can afford it, but if someone in the family gets sick he cannot afford it, so it is in the initial period that he should get help from the Government.

The building societies should be controlled so that they cannot increase the interest charge for a certain number of years. In property there is a seven-year break. If you can get a 35-year loan— they are not inclined to give that—there should be a break every 14 years or every ten years. If there is a level period in the economy—which I have not seen for the past ten years—the interest rate can go up but this man is on the same salary and he has nothing with which to pay for that increase. The building societies should not be allowed to increase the interest rate until the person has occupied the house for X number of years, let it be nine or ten years.

Clause (2) of the motion reads:

to report on the claimed need for increases and whether and when such increases can be reduced.

We could go into various arguments as to why the rates should go up and down but the simple practical thing would be to tie them to the bank rate. Undoubtedly this would solve much of the problem. Deputy Clinton said that one never sees a building society bringing down their charges—perhaps they did once. The interest charge should be tied to the bank rate and allowed to go only a certain percentage above it, and if the bank rate came down the interest rate should automatically come down.

I do not know much about insurance but surely some alternative building societies could be introduced? If you go to an insurance company to buy a house you are quoted a rate of interest for a period, which rate never changes. Admittedly another person who goes in a fortnight or three weeks later may be quoted ½ per cent more or less. At least a rate of interest is quoted to you and you can work out whether it is worthwhile. That rate applies until the policy runs out.

Clause (3) of the motion reads:

to recommend the measures necessary to be taken to reduce interest rates or otherwise to ease the burden for borrowers if the increased rates are necessary.

Every time we have a debate on local government this comes up. A grant of £275 was introduced by the inter-Party Government in 1948 or 1949. There was a supplementary grant for certain people of something like £300. I do not know the exact figure. In the meantime the price of houses has gone up from £1,500 to £5,000. In the meantime turnover tax of 5 per cent has been introduced. On certain items the wholesale tax applies. This very nearly wipes out the grant. The Minister may say that the greater portion of a house is not liable to turnover tax. He may be talking about quantity but I am talking about quality and by "quality" I mean the expensive articles. I think turnover tax is not charged on cement and gravel. The cost of putting up four walls is negligible compared with the cost of timber and the various fittings. All these things are liable to turnover tax and some of the more expensive of them are liable to wholesale tax, I think. I am not sure of that, but certain items are. Wholesale tax is paid on a carpet. It may not be on the price of the house but eventually it is on the cost to the purchaser. Some items involve turnover tax of 10 to 15 per cent. I do not know exactly what the charge is on each of the items.

We should try to help these purchasers and the people who are really hurt. There is a case which I have mentioned before and which I will continue to mention until something is done about it. You can have three people on the same salary buying a house. One person pays £6, £7 or £8 per week. Another person pays £1 if he has the repayments I mentioned. Another person may be paying £1 or £1 10s a week because he bought the house sometime ago. The salary of the first person is very low when he has paid his expenses and automatically he will create inflation because when he goes to his trade union meeting he says he needs money to live and that he cannot live unless he gets an increase in his wages. This puts up the cost of all the items in the building line.

When you consider the cost of housing at the moment you go straight back to the price of land. We are now thinking of providing new sewers in certain parts of Dublin. Some years ago a main sewer was put through Griffith Avenue to service the houses for the next 20 or 30 years. It did not last five years. Nothing was done about sewerage in 1961 and 1962 because there was no housebuilding. The result was that there were sites in the city of Dublin with all the services laid on for £400, plus the ground rent, plus the cost of putting in a path. Today the price of that site is £2,000 and upwards with a higher ground rent and a footpath to be put in. If you control the price of land you do not get land. Nobody will sell it. If another company is formed some loophole is found so it is difficult to control it. Dublin Corporation have a very simple way of doing this. They provide sewerage schemes and I know they have a right to charge for them. They should charge a proper price and the money they get could be used by the corporation for development or for providing loans and grans. A person who has farming land worth, say, £500 per acre may find suddenly that the land can be sold for building in which case its value may be as high as £3,000 or even £10,000 per acre depending on the area. He has already made capital out of it which is not taxable. Therefore, a certain amount of this money could be taken from him by way of a surcharge on sewerage or, in other words, a greater charge on it.

No 4 is:

to examine and report on the adequacy of the present methods of financing house purchase by building societies, insurance companies and other sources, and recommend what steps should be taken to increase the flow of private funds for housing purposes; and that the inquiry be concluded on items (1) to (3) in six months and on item (4) within twelve months from its inception;

This, probably, covers the other three. No body or society will encourage investment from private individuals unless they are competitive in regard to the amount of interest they can give. If, as I suggested, there were a sewerage tapping charge or a charge for development, the price of land could be reduced greatly provided, of course, that there would be available sufficient serviced land. There are many other aspects of this but all I can say is that there should be some government rule under which the building societies would operate. This would help to alleviate the trouble and distress that is experienced by so many young couples in the years immediately following the purchase of their house. Some help should be given to them during that period. Afterwards, when they may have been promoted in their jobs or when their families have grown up, they may find it easier to manage but until this time is reached their repayments of up to £9 per week can impose a great strain. Added to the repayments, they also have the expenses of furniture and so on. To obtain this they usually have to resort to hire purchase, having spent all their savings of, perhaps, £1,200 or £1,400 on the deposit for their house.

Many people furnish only one room after they marry and, rather than live on the local authorities, they continue to manage living in that one furnished room until such time as they can furnish the remainder of the house. It is up to us to help these people in some way during those early difficult years, at least in so far as they can be assured that the interest rate cannot be increased. If one is lucky enough to be able to avail of a loan on the basis of an insurance policy, he will find, in most cases, that the interest rate is lower than what would be charged by a building society. Also, once a loan has been obtained from an insurance company at a given rate, that rate will not be changed. A person availing of such a loan will also have the advantage of a life policy on the repayment.

I intend to be brief in my contribution this evening. I regard the motion as being a good one, one I hope the Minister will accept. This motion calls for a public inquiry into various aspects of the operations of building societies and others in the financing of housebuilding.

During the course of this debate at least two or three speakers have said that people buy houses mainly for prestige purposes. I disagree entirely with that statement. The reason most people purchase their own house, particularly in the city of Dublin, is that there has been a complete failure on the part of the Government to provide adequate housing at local authority level for people who qualify for local authority housing. Every week I attend at the Dublin Corporation housing allocation department and I see there a stream of people seeking corporation houses. Most of these are people who have one or two children and, by any civilised standard, they should be housed. Because of the failure on the part of the Government to provide adequate housing for such people they are forced into the position of having no alternative but to enter into very high financial commitments at tremendous personal sacrifice in order to provide shelter for themselves and their children.

If one considers that the approved— I underline the word "approved"— waiting list in Dublin at the moment is in excess of 4,500, one will realise the pressure on most of these people. A man working in an average job, be it manual or clerical, and who may have one or two children will not have much cash to spend. Because he cannot be housed by the local authority, he will find himself either living with in-laws or in a flat where the rent may be exorbitant. Very often to save a marriage people skimp and save and deprive themselves of the necessities of life in order to purchase a house. They enter into a commitment to repay so much over a period of 20 or 35 years. Their entire savings go on the deposit, so that in order to provide themselves with furniture they must enter into hire purchase commitments also. When they have done all this they suddenly receive notice from the building society to the effect that from such a date the rate of interest on the borrowed money is being increased. Of course, they have no redress whatever. This, if the Minister considers it, deserves to be justified and justified in public.

This motion goes a little further than that. Not only does it call for justification, but it calls for a public inquiry to examine the whole system by which money is made available by building societies, insurance companies and others for private dwellings, to examine the whole system in order to try to find if there is any better way in which it can be done and if there is any less expensive way, to the borrower, by which it can be done.

I do not know if the Minister found the same problem in Galway city but I am sure that since he took up office he became aware of the situation in Dublin and, being aware of it, he will realise that I have not exaggerated the circumstances in which very many of our young people starting out in married life find themselves. If he reflects on that for a short time he will see not only the wisdom of but the necessity for having such an inquiry. I would ask the Minister to ignore pressures which may be exerted on him from various supporters of his party and to accept the very obvious fact that such an inquiry is desirable and necessary and that he owes no less to the thousands of young people in this city who have made this personal sacrifice, who have been forced to make it because of the failure of the Minister's Government to provide sufficient local authority housing. I recommend the motion to the Minister.

Deputies Bruton and Clinton rose in their places.

The Member concluding has 15 minutes.

It is a serious reflection on the Government that an important motion of this kind should have been on the Order Paper for nearly 18 months before time was provided to discuss it. If we had had this debate when the interest rates were raised fairly steeply, for some people at least, by the building societies, and if people had heard the discussion that has taken place here and the explanations that were given, at least it would have led to a greater degree of understanding on their part and they would perhaps be partly satisfied that some of these increases were justified. The Minister in his intervention in the debate provided a considerable amount of information about how the societies operate at present. However, it is fair to say that the Minister made no attempt to suggest ways and means which the societies could consider in order to bring their terms into line with the terms for borrowers from the Local Loans Fund. The Minister did explain how they borrowed on short term and loaned on long term, et cetera, but I want to ask the Minister if there is any reason or any justification that he can give why money should not be available to people of similar incomes at the same terms? If you are lucky enough to come in in the first few months before the money from the Local Loans Funds is exhausted you are likely to get a Local Loans Fund loan but, if not, you have to seek elsewhere.

In addition to that the Minister was at pains to praise the building societies. I will give them everything he has given them and perhaps more, but one of his purposes in doing this was to hide the deficiences and the defects in his Local Loans Fund scheme which used to be very good and could still be very good if certain adjustments were made. However, it is now quite impossible for most people to use that fund because of such matters as income limits, which are ridiculous, valuations by the local authorities, also quite ridiculous, and the maximum loan, which is also quite ridiculous because these people cannot find the necessary deposit. They have to look for £1,500 or £2,000. When I was proposing the motion I explained that the number of applicants in the Dublin County Council area has dropped by half. The Minister referred to the increasing percentage of house purchase finance that is now provided by the building societies; the main reason is that the local authority loan is outside their grasp for the reasons I have given. As well as that the delays are intolerable. No builder wants to deal with the local authority because of the length of time it takes to get a loan through.

I have had this experience as a local representative; nobody wants to touch the county council, but the terms of the council loan, with the adjustments I have mentioned, would make it much more attractive than money borrowed from the building societies. It is at a fixed rate of interest; it is normally at a slightly lower rate of interest, or the same rate, but then it is spread over a longer number of years. A lot of the building societies operate on a 20-year loan whereas the Local Loans Fund is 35 years and the weekly outgoings are very much less on that account and bring it very much more within the capacity of a greater number of people to meet this weekly outlay.

The Minister dealt with this motion as if the only purpose we had in mind was to be critical of the societies. It is nothing of the sort. Certainly that was not in my mind. The one particular matter for which I criticise the building societies is that small borrowers had their interest rates increased by 3 per cent at one go. I discussed this with some of the societies and they agreed that this was not a good thing to do. They went on working on the very low rates of interest until they found themselves suffering fairly heavy losses. They let this situation go on too long, and then they had to have this sudden adjustment for all, otherwise current borrowers would have had to go up quite considerably. It was bad judgment on their part because nobody gets 3 per cent more if he is lending money and nobody pays 3 per cent more if he is borrowing money, just like that. It goes up 1 per cent or ½ per cent, or it goes down ½ per cent, but that is rare. This is the one instance in which I would say the societies were wrong. Apart from that they are doing an excellent job and in fact they could do a better job.

At present they have to pay 70 per cent of the normal income tax rate. There are proposals before them at present to increase that to 72 per cent, but where is the justification for that? This is on money with which unfortunate people are trying to get something which is absolutely essential if they are to bring up their families in reasonable comfort. But it is taxed by the Government and the Minister has the hardihood to describe this as an "aid" to a house purchaser. Simply because he does not tax him more heavily, it is aid——

It is described as one of the Minister's aids. The Minister was completely off beam when he described this income tax relief. The people who need it most, those in the lower income group with family commitments, would not normally be taxable in any case and, therefore, there is no aid in this direction. This is one of the reasons I suggested to the Minister that he should consider the provision of some kind of graded subsidised interest rate.

I hoped the Minister would come in with some kind of concession, some additional help over and above what is at present available. He tells us that a body has been considering this matter since 1969. I would ask the Minister what this body have been doing and what are they examining. He did not give us the terms of reference of this body. All I can say is that they must be very wide if they have been in session for 18 months and have not yet reported. The Minister did not tell us at what stage they were other than that he hoped to get a report in two months. I know that the building societies have not yet been called in by this review body. Will the Minister state if this is so? We heard from Deputy Foley and the former Minister for Local Government that this review body was sitting and that they were really going to investigate the whole business of the building societies. Of course, before the election everything was going to happen and the people were not going to suffer in this way. However, the people are still suffering and, in fact, they did not even know this review body was sitting. I have some doubts as to what this body are doing or whether, in fact, they exist only in name.

It should have been a fairly simple operation to consider the question of house purchase finance in all its aspects. The Minister did not state if this review body would make a searching analysis of all sources of house purchase finance, how it could be made less expensive and how the flow of money should be increased. The maximum investment that a man and wife can make with one of the societies is £5,000. Having regard to the present value of money and the cost of housing, there is no justification for retention of this figure. Why should it not be doubled if we want to increase the flow of money available for house building? The Minister should consider urgently the question of increasing this maximum. This is one of the ways in which the building societies could get much more money and have it available for house purchase loans.

The Minister made a valid point in justification of the operations of the building societies, that they only make a net surplus of 5s 8d per £100. I am informed——

Net profit.

It is a net surplus, it should not be called profit. Many people believe it is a profit that somebody gets and puts into his pocket. Nobody gets a profit from the building societies. The amount will be reduced to 4s 3d with the increased tax the Minister proposes to impose. That sum of 4s 3d goes into reserves. It is a very modest surplus——

A capital of £13 million is not so modest.

It is modest enough when you consider the possibility of bad debts and the fact that it is used for more loans. It is not used to enrich any person. The directors are paid modest directors' fees, if my information is correct, and I think the people should know this. I was one of those who felt strongly about building societies and I had quite a wrong idea about them. I considered a number of people were getting quite a good thing out of the whole business but this is not true. If this notice of motion has done nothing else than to put this on record and inform the people it has been worthwhile. People have said to me, "We are in trouble with the building societies and I am glad to see that this matter has been taken up". When I gave them the information I received as a result of putting down this motion, they were happy enough to accept it. Previously they considered they were being exploited to a very large degree but they now accept that they are not.

However, this motion is more comprehensive. It does not deal only with building societies and at least we have cleared them. It is disgraceful that money that is needed for an essential item such as housing should carry a Government tax to the extent of 70 per cent, and, with the proposed increase, of 72 per cent. It is also wrong that the maximum of £5,000 has not been increased in order to give the people concerned an opportunity to get money. The Minister is not providing enough money through his Department. There is an enormous backlog of housing needs as a result and an immense amount of hardship is being created.

I should like to see fair play in this matter and there is not at the moment. By accident, one person can get house purchase finance on more favourable terms than another on the same income level or even on a lower level. This should be a matter for concern; the Minister should give it speedy and careful consideration. I recommend the Motion to the House.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 38; Níl, 56.

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Joan.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Clinton, Mark A.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • Enright, Thomas W.
  • Esmonde, Sir Anthony C.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Fox, Billy.
  • Governey, Desmond.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • L'Estrange, Gerald.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • O'Donovan, John.
  • O'Hara, Thomas.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, John L.
  • Taylor, Francis.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Tully, James.

Níl

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Boylan, Terence.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Brennan, Paudge.
  • Browne, Patrick.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Burke, Patrick J.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Carty, Michael.
  • Childers, Erskine.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Connolly, Gerard C.
  • Cowen, Bernard.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • Foley, Desmond.
  • Forde, Paddy.
  • Gallagher, James.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gibbons, James.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hillery, Patrick J.
  • Hilliard, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Kitt, Michael F.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • Meaney, Thomas.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Des.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Sherwin, Seán.
  • Smith, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies L'Estrange and Bruton; Níl, Deputies Andrews and Meaney.
Question declared lost.
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