Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 1 Apr 1971

Vol. 252 No. 12

Higher Education Authority Bill, 1970: Committee Stage (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following amendment:
In subsection (1), page 3, line 41, to delete "amounts" and to insert "a total amount", and to delete "institutions of", and after "education" to add "and research".
—(Deputy FitzGerald.)

Let me reply briefly to Deputy O'Donovan. He asked me to consider the addition to my amendment of the following words: "and shall have regard primarily to the numbers of students following courses leading to a degree". This, I think, arises from a complaint which the Deputy has voiced here on many occasions in regard to UCD but this is a matter which would obviously have to be discussed in the context of the various institutions of higher education. I have already pointed out that the amount of money made available will be channelled through An tÚdarás and will appear in my Vote.

It is also important to remember that one vital factor in relation to this suggestion is the differences in the cost of courses, which Deputy FitzGerald mentioned. Courses in science and engineering are far more costly than courses in arts or commerce and no amount of theory can get away from that fact. Therefore, the number of students is only one criterion to be taken into account. Apart from this, it is also a fact that it is only the manner of the payments and the conditions attaching to them which are involved in this subsection. Assessments relate more to section 10. However, Deputies can take it that these are matters which would of necessity have to be taken into consideration in any discussions which will take place between An tÚdarás and the various institutions of higher education.

Having heard the Minister's remarks earlier on the subject I have been thinking about how the amendments, in his name and in our names, could be modified to produce something acceptable to both sides. It seems to me that there is a very real issue here about the conditions being applied to grants other than grants for capital purposes. This could be met if, in due course, the Minister would be prepared to consider an amendment to his amendment —and I am not saying that this meets all our points but this particular point might be met—under which, instead of the words "the amounts" in the second line of his amendment, one substituted "a grant-in-aid for capital purposes". The Minister told us that in the ordinary way there will be two grants-in-aid each year, one current and one capital. I suppose in special circumstances there might be a supplementary one, if one does not want to confine them to two in any given year, but in the ordinary way there will be a clear distinction between grants-in-aid for capital purposes and for current purposes. If that is the intention our point could be met quite neatly, making amendment 24 unnecessary but not, I submit, amendment 22, if he would agree to make that change. I do not think that anything he has said refutes our case and while conditions of this kind are appropriate and indeed necessary in cases of capital grants they would be inappropriate in regard to current grants.

He did make some suggestion about particular circumstances in which in relation to current expenditure the authority might wish to make money available for experimental purposes to try out some new project or some new subject. That may be so but that does not mean that they have to have the legal power to impose conditions. Of course, in the ordinary to and fro of discussions between the authority and the universities if a suggestion comes up for some experiment of this kind this would influence the authority in the money to be provided, and of course informally the authority and the university could reach agreement that if some additional money is provided in the grant-in-aid it could be used for this particular purpose to see how the proposal worked out. However, I do not think that to allow for that rather minor case, which can be dealt with informally, it is in any way desirable to allow the power to impose conditions in current grants-in-aid. Therefore, I would ask the Minister if on Report Stage he would consider an amendment along these lines. The exact wording does not matter. I have made a suggestion as to how it might be done neatly within the Minister's own amendment but there may be some defect in my wording, or he may want to do it some other way. At this stage I want to be clear that he would be willing in principle to look into the question of narrowing down the power to impose conditions to cases where it is a grant for capital purposes.

On amendment 22, having heard the Minister I see the reason why the word "amounts" is in the plural in so far as even within a single year there will be two amounts at least, capital and current, and that seems to be a valid reason for not pressing my amendment. The trouble is that if this word is left in the plural and if you follow it with the words which are there at the moment, which the Minister proposes to leave unchanged, you do leave a position in which the Minister could be allocating money to particular institutions.

One good reason for my suggested change in the wording is that you will get over that. I would be happy to leave it in the form of "such amounts for higher education and research" but in the light of what the Minister has said about these grants-in-aid he may wish to specify that these would in fact be grants-in-aid. The word "amounts" may be a bit vague if it is intended that they are to be grants-in-aid. However, I would like to hear the Minister on my main point before I say anything more.

In my view there could not be any question of relating section 12 (2) to capital sums only. It is quite obvious that it would have to be related to capital sums but we must also recognise that under the present practice there is some earmarking done in relation to current grants and I have not heard any argument which would make me change my mind in relation to the question of having some ear-marking in regard to certain types of recurring grants. I mentioned some of them earlier, apart altogether from the ones mentioned by the Deputy. I mentioned specific sums being made available for temporary buildings, for adaptation purchases, for equipping laboratories, and so on. I felt I had covered the Deputy's main objections when I clearly indicated what "amounts" meant, that it did not in fact mean amounts for individual institutions but rather two global amounts. This, as the Deputy is aware, would be the way in which moneys would be made available and shown in the Book of Estimates under the Vote by way of grants-in-aid for capital and current expenditure. I feel we should go on these lines and show the global amount for current and the global amount for capital. As I said, I did feel I had covered the difficulties that the Deputy obviously saw in this when he put down his amendments.

In regard to the question of institutions of higher education these words appear all through the Bill and in fact the only purpose for which these two global sums can be voted by An tÚdarás would be to make grants to institutions of higher education designated in the Act, that is the universities, and other institutions designated by the Minister by regulation. Therefore, the reference to institutions cannot be deleted. I feel it is unnecessary to include "and research" when institutions of higher education are specified in the text.

I support Deputy FitzGerald heartily if not wholly. I do not think his amendment No. 22 is particularly relevant. If the Minister accepts his amendment to the Minister's own amendment No. 23, I think the issue of whether research is specifically carried on in an institution is not particularly important and to argue that the Minister is only entitled to detail the total amount he provides for higher education is to limit the Minister's powers a great deal too far. I certainly completely endorse Deputy FitzGerald's amended version of the Minister's amendment No. 23. Deputy FitzGerald has gone at least 50 per cent of the way to meet the Minister. The Minister says that it is a statement of intention on his part, that there are certain kinds of current moneys for what he has in mind when he speaks of control of current expenditure. When this Bill becomes an Act it will not specify certain kinds of current expenditure. I do not think the Minister has met Deputy FitzGerald's misgivings which I fully share and that is that to provide for the authority to have the power to detail the earmarked grants in relation to current expenditure creates a dangerous precedent in relation to the university.

The Minister did not totally answer my question as to whether he himself would be involved in the earmarking of grants within the total grant given to a specific institution. The HEA will come to him with a bill and we cannot be so naîve as not to believe that the first thing the Minister and the Department will ask is that the bill should be itemised. In turn they will express a desire to influence the manner in which it is itemised. In this way it seems that instead of giving a relative degree of authority to the HEA here we are changing the existing manner of paying grants to universities. We are not keeping it, as far as the Minister is concerned. We are doubling the process of earmarking which goes on, earmarking by the Minister's Department and earmarking by the HEA without any necessary statutory requirement for consultation with the university.

The Minister has totally failed to convince me here that a successor of his could not drive a coach and four through this and extend State control of the day-to-day financing of teaching in a university as opposed to major capital grants—extend control over that to a point which would be something tantamount to the manner in which the German universities collapsed into subservience in the late 'Thirties, or to the way in which the University of Milan has functioned as a body representative of specific governmental points of view. I am sorry to have to tell the Minister that he has not convinced me. While I would say to Deputy FitzGerald that I do not think amendment No. 22 is particularly important I think the amendment he has put down to the Minister's amendment is extremely important and if the Minister is obdurate in resisting either Deputy FitzGerald's original amendment No. 24 or his suggestion that the Minister should consider his revised amendment to amendment No. 23 on the Report Stage, I shall personally press Deputy FitzGerald as hard as possible to push his point of view to the ultimate.

I am glad of Deputy Thornley's support. It may be that on this particular point the best way of handling this from a practical point of view may be to press it on the Report Stage because it seems, on reflection, a neater method of coping with the problem to accept the Minister's amendment which goes some little distance and meets part of the objection to the HEA itself on this subject and then seek to amend the Minister's amendment by the addition of these words rather than to press my own amendment which may not be as well drafted as the Minister's. Probably the best solution is to accept the Minister's amendment and seek to amend it on Report Stage. I should like Deputy Thornley and the Minister to give further consideration to amendment No. 22 or to some amendment to subsection (1).

As we now see the picture emerging it is more disturbing than I thought. I and other Deputies thought the Minister would come in and give a variety of assurances that nothing of the kind was intended. He might or might not accept the amendment as is the way of Ministers but at least I expected to get forthright assurances. What I have got instead is an increasingly explicit account of the method of control which would, as Deputy Thornley said, duplicate the existing mechanism and involve a degree of interference with the autonomy of both the authority and the universities which I find totally unacceptable. As I see it, it will work as follows: universities or institutions of higher education put forward proposals to the authority; the authority considers these, "vets" them, cuts them possibly, co-ordinates them and sends them forward to the Minister. The Minister on some occasions, at least in the light of the stringency we now face, may be unable to provide the full sum and instead of going back at that stage and saying to the authority:

"Instead of £4,900,000, we can give you £4,200,000" and leaving it at that, the Minister now clearly proposes— and he has perhaps inadvertently come rather clean on this one—a haggling process. He goes back to the authority and says "We do not think we can agree on this. Come back to us and tell us what you propose to do." Instead of the authority being left free to determine this matter when the Minister has taken his decision as to the total sum he can afford, each individual item is to be haggled over so that in the Book of Estimates the figure can be put down and they are tied down to that. The Minister says it will only go in when agreed with the HEA but we have no assurance that if the HEA refuse to accept the Minister's proposed distribution of the total sum he is going to give that he will not still put it in the Book of Estimates and tie their hands. That process is completely objectionable.

I was clear originally that the intention was to give this body the authority to determine how the money should be allocated, and it is an evasion for the Minister to say "Yes, they have the authority but they must come back and tell me so that I can put it in the Book of Estimates." It may well be that agreement will not be reached on the matter and that the authority, in the time available, which may not be adequate for all the consultation required, may be unable to make up its mind. What happens then? Will the Minister put something into the Book of Estimates regardless of the authority? What guarantee have we that he will not? I think that whole process is quite wrong. I should like the Minister to reconsider that and assure us that what is intended—indeed if he cannot he will have to find some way of rewording the whole section to cover this—is that the authority will make a submission to him indicating the reasons why they want this sum of money, indicating the amount required for each institution and the reasons for it and the Minister will then say whether he can or cannot give it. If he cannot give it the authority will have to sit down and think out with the university—not with the Minister who has no further function in the matter—what it is going to do.

There is no point in having an authority if the Minister is going to argue with the authority as to how much is to go to each body. The whole purpose of the authority is to take this out of the Minister's Department. It seems that the Minister's Department have not understood at all the intentions of the recommendation made on this matter or, perhaps, they have understood them too well and are trying in this way to take control? Why burden us with an authority at this stage if it is to be done this way? If the Minister's Department is to remain involved in the allocation of sums to individual bodies as at present there is no point in having the authority. This is the nub of the matter.

It is not confined to that because the Minister visualises a further stage of control. Having insisted that the authority must clearly specify the amount for each body so that he can put it in the Book of Estimates and this must be agreed with the Department first, then he expects the authority to go back to the university and earmark grants to them for specific purposes. If there is one principle that we must stand by it is that there shall not be earmarking of grants for current purposes. The autonomy of the university or the institution depends on its ability to run its own internal affairs within the limits of finance that the Government can make available. It makes its case, it explains what it spent last year, why costs have gone up, why it needs more staff, why running costs have increased and puts in its claim for more money. If the Government cannot give it the full amount and it has to make economies, it is for it to decide where the economies are to be made. If the Government do give it the money and it finds that its needs are marginally different in some areas, more staff are required in one area and less in another in the course of a year, it must be entitled to the flexibility which it enjoys in most respects at the moment. What the Minister envisages is something that goes far beyond anything we have now. There is at present in that sense virtually no earmarking. Except for the segregating of agriculture, veterinary medicine and a grant of a couple of thousand pounds for the teaching of Irish, the great bulk of university expenditure is not earmarked at present.

Even though a case is made by the university authority for money they may not get the full amount. The Minister may indicate, although he often does not do so, the reasons why he has not given the full amount which would indicate what expenditure he thought was less desirable. Even when he does that, it in no way binds the university or college; they are free to use the money they have as they think best. What is now proposed, according to the Minister, is a much tighter control in which ear-marking which arises at the moment for historical reasons in agriculture, veterinary medicine and the teaching of Irish is going to be wiped out in those areas, but is going to be reintroduced for some other unspecified purpose.

The Minister has not given any indication why this is to be done.

If there is to be one global grant as he has told us, and we are glad of his assurance, where does this earmarking come in? What kind of earmarking of current expenditure has the Minister in mind? What new developments has he in mind? The most that happens at present is that the college may apply for additional money for, among other purposes, salary increases. The Minister may say he does not accept the need for the salary increase, in which event the college will, if it does not get the money and it cannot afford to give it, have to give it out of its own fee resources. In one instance the fees of one college were raised for the specific purpose of making such an adjustment which the Minister was not prepared to provide money for. This was an assertion of the autonomy of the college, which was both valuable and salutary in the circumstances. That is the nearest to earmarking we get at present, apart from the special historical cases I have mentioned.

What has the Minister in mind? This is a most sinister development and it is something which I had no idea was intended. I thought it was an oversight not to have realised the desirability of excluding current expenditure from the process of earmarking. I am disturbed to find far from being an oversight it is intended. I am doubly disturbed to find that not only has the authority been given the power and is to be expected to earmark current grants, but that the Department itself is to negotiate with the HEA over the question of where they are to cut back and this is to be incorporated quite improperly in the Book of Estimates.

In the light of what I have said I should like the Minister to reconsider the position. I would ask the House to forgive me if I have spoken with some warmth on this subject. I am disturbed about the revelations in the debate. I had thought a different intention was here. Indeed I had tried to allay misgivings on the part of my colleagues in university by suggesting to them that the Minister did not have these intentitons. I am a little disconcerted to find I was wrong. He appears to have some intentions of a kind I had not anticipated.

I endorse totally that incisive and correct expose of the dilemma here.

Deputy FitzGerald's interpretation of what I said this morning is a most extraordinary one. I went into some detail on this matter today and I explained the modus operandi, but he has interpreted, particularly the latter part of it, in an extraordinary way. I can only conclude that he either did not hear me or did not appreciate what I was saying and if this is also Deputy Thornley's attitude to this particular section what I have to say applies to him as well.

We shall be happy to be reassured.

The essential thing about section 12 (1) is that the amounts referred to there are two global ones and not amounts for each institution. I think that clarifies one aspect of it. Let me repeat what I said this morning as to the methods by which An tÚdarás, the institutions and the Department will operate. First of all each institution will make its application to An tÚdarás in an agreed form. An tÚdarás will then have discussions and consultations with each of the institutions concerned. It will then make its recommendations to the Minister and more than likely have discussions with him. When the capital and the current amounts which the Government will find possible to make available have been determined An tÚdarás will be notified. It will then be for An tÚdarás to have further discussions with the institutions wherever such may be necessary in order to make whatever changes in priority they think essential. When these discussions have been completed An tÚdarás will notify the Minister as to the amounts it proposes for each institution.

So that the information can be made available in an appendix, and not in a subhead, to the Estimate on Education.

Not so that they can be given it twice?

No, they will notify me as to what amount will be available for each institution and this will be shown in an appendix to the Education Estimate.

There is no arrangement like that for any Estimate at present.

The Minister must be allowed to make his explanation.

Information in relation to these proposals will be given by way of information to Dáil Éireann as an appendix to the Educational Estimate. This is done in Britain and I have not the slightest doubt that no democratic parliament would be likely to accept that two large global sums would simply be handed over without having some idea as to the manner in which they were arrived at.

This is done in the case of a large number of institutions at present.

When An tÚdarás is notified of the actual amount of moneys available they, in consultation with the institutions of higher education will decide what changes are necessary and what the priorities are. They will notify the Minister of the amounts for each institution and the Minister will put this as an appendix in the Book of Estimates. It is on this the main argument hinges because it has been suggested here, and I do not know why, because I certainly did not suggest it, that after An tÚdarás has been notified of the amount which is, in fact, available, not only will they have to have discussions with the institutions concerned as to priorities and so on, but they will have to come back and ask the Minister's approval for the particular priorities. This will not be so. The fact is that they will simply notify the Minister of the amounts for each institution and any democratic assembly is at least entitled to that information.

I apologise for not being here when the debate was resumed, but I do not think I have lost any time. I was speaking about a senior official in the Department of Education who spoke to me about the expense of the faculties. One could not have a greater amount of rubbish talked about education than about the expense of faculties. A faculty is as expensive as the university likes to make it. In fact, newcomers with new ideas want to make a different faculty the most expensive faculty from what was the most expensive faculty the previous decade. The Minister has spoken about an appendix to the Estimate. This is all nonsense. There is no such thing as an appendix to an Estimate. The Estimate is two-part and, as I say, there is no such thing as an appendix to an Estimate and an appendix to the Education Estimate will not be worth the paper it is printed on.

Let me deal now with what the Minister said. He said there would be no change made in the present position. But the whole essence of the thing is that there is a fundamental change in the present position. I understand there are more than university colleges in third level education and I am told my amendment may require some change. It can be changed. It is only a matter of words. What will the position be? Let me tell the Minister what the position will be in regard to higher education. First, there is An tÚdarás, accepting the Minister's pronunciation of it. University College will have to go to An tÚdarás. An tÚdarás will have to go to the Department of Education and the Department of Education will have to go to the Department of Finance and, since there is bound to be disagreement, it will all have to go ultimately to the Government. Up to recently all that was required was discussion between a university college and the Department of Finance. As I say, there is bound to be disagreement in the new situation and one will have to go through one, two, three, four and, if you include Dáil Éireann, five media. There will be five steps where heretofore there were only two.

Three steps back and two steps forward.

I regard this as deplorable. Take the best example we have of semi-State bodies, the Electricity Supply Board. What does it have to do? It comes to this House and gets a global sum voted. Some years back, when it was under severe pressure, we had no less a person than An Tánaiste giving out the pay about the operations of the ESB tribunal. He was going to abolish it but the whole thing, of course, ended up in a bottle of smoke. The ESB gets its money and yesterday the Minister for Transport and Power told us he will have a new Bill for the ESB soon. As I say, it gets a global sum. Is the ESB more reliable in relation to its work than universities are in relation to their work? It is in that aspect I am essentially interested. Then you have Bord Fáilte which, quite justifiably, is under a good deal of criticism because of excessive expenditure by way of grants to hotels in the west. You have the air companies. Recently they bought two white elephants. It is all very well to talk. There is no question as to what this kind of thing means. All these bodies that I have listed are not accountable to anyone. The accounts of the universities are, in fact, audited by the Comptroller and Auditor General. They are laid before the House but the accounts of these other bodies are not audited on behalf of the State. These bodies operate in a different way. They are allowed their day-to-day expenditure, without any limit being placed on it, within the global sum voted by Dáil Éireann, whatever it may be. It may be £20 million or £50 million—one can say any sum nowadays, but there was a time when there would be a good deal of discussion about £1 million. Now it can be £50 million and nobody bats an eyelid.

Let us be clear about this. I do not owe that much to university authorities that I should defend them in this fashion but I believe in what I am saying. There is no use pretending that higher education is not in a different category. We have had all kinds of messing about with it. Deputy Dr. FitzGerald talked about research this morning and he was quite right in what he said. We have all kinds of institutes being set up. They are like the business consultants. We have the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards, the Institute of Public Administration, the Institute of Business Management and the Institute of Economic and Social Research. I have complained about the operations of some of these. The proper place for research is in the universities. There is, too, that massive operation, An Foras Talúntais. When the Faculty of Agriculture got an enormous amount of money at one stage in relation to its operations it was given no research work to do. Then An Foras Talúntais was set up and it is now spending £2 million a year. It was built up too suddenly. You cannot get research people at the drop of a hat. It is easy to get a traveller, an agent, who is good at talking to people. That is not what is involved in serious research. The attitude of the Government has been to set up institutions superior to universities. All right, but the Minister should accept my suggestion that, in relation to grants to universities, the primary consideration should be the number of students pursuing studies leading to a degree.

There are other third level educational bodies. It is a matter of verbiage. There is no difficulty in dealing with these because it is only a matter of words. I have no objection to the Minister's amendment provided he is prepared to put into it something to the effect I have suggested and, if he is not prepared to promise to do that on the Report Stage, I shall certainly put down an amendment.

I have listened to Deputies FitzGerald, Thornley and O'Donovan. The Minister's amendment indicates quite a wide degree of autonomy for An tÚdarás.

Oh, yes, for An tÚdarás. Thanks very much.

Deputy O'Donovan talked about autonomy for universities and he made a comparison with other semi-State bodies.

Which have autonomy.

On other occasions and in other circumstances I have heard Deputy O'Donovan condemning the very argument he is setting up here. I have heard him condemn time and time again the fact that our semi-State bodies had too much autonomy.

Where did I get with it? I am talking about a fact.

After all, allowing for the fact that we are dealing with third level education, in this context we must take into account the fact that the setting up of An tÚdarás is a first time exercise. I am in thorough agreement with the Minister when he says that he does not want to tie An tÚdarás in a straitjacket, as it were. Neither does he want to interfere unduly in the affairs of the universities. Today in third level education we have institutions other than universities and I think it is reasonable to provide certain safeguards in the Bill setting up this system. One of the safeguards which I think should be in any Bill dealing with any semi-statutory corporation is that this House should be aware of the amount of money expended by any such corporation.

The House is not aware.

The Deputy can make his own points. He should be better "up" on this whole matter than I am. He will have plenty of time to demolish whatever humble arguments I may make. At all times and in all circumstances this House should have knowledge of whatever money it votes. To my mind the Minister is not making any error in providing for this in the Bill. I was a bit confused by Deputy O'Donovan's point because I have heard him on other occasions making different arguments.

Very recently.

He went so far as to say that all semi-State companies should be brought under the control of this House and that they should not be so remote from the House.

Certainly.

Now when the Minister is trying to give freedom to this institution the Deputy condemns it.

I am not estopped by any tradition of trying to tie down the autonomy of State bodies from expressing my views on universities. Having heard what the Minister had to say, and having heard Deputy Carter following him, it seems to me that a hare has been started which we need to stop before it confuses everybody. It has been suggested that there is some analogy between the presentation in an appendix to the Book of Estimates of the amounts to be given to each of these bodies and the procedures adopted in respect of other bodies. There is no such analogy. There is no precedent.

I did not make any such analogy.

I understood the Minister to say that this was nothing new. Perhaps I got him wrong.

I did not refer to any other body.

The fact is that it is completely unprecedented.

It is not new in relation to the Book of Estimates and there are instances——

Instances of a grant-in-aid to a body being subsequently broken down in the Book of Estimates in accordance with decisions of that body as to who to give the grant to? Will the Minister give an example of that?

I will deal with that.

My knowledge of grants-in-aid has been somewhat expanded within the past few months by virtue of my activities as a member of the Committee of Public Accounts.

I knew it would be.

It is my understanding from my work on that Committee that since there was some decision by or advice from a select committee in England in 1896, it has been the practice of Parliament in this country and in Britain, with no exception—except the single exception of the case we are now investigating— not to look behind the grant-in-aid. When a grant-in-aid is given to a body if it is a State body it may have a statutory obligation to furnish to Parliament a report on its activities. That is a different matter. There is no question of a grant-in-aid as such being investigated or broken down in the Book of Estimates. The only exception to that is the case of the authority given by this House last December to the Committee of Public Accounts to investigate what happened to the £100,000. I should hate to think that our energetic activities in that sphere would be taken as a precedent for what we are now talking about. It would make me wonder whether I was engaged on the right job at all if I thought that was to be the result.

I am quite clear that when money is given by way of grant-in-aid, if it is given to a State body, Parliament has the right to require from that body a statement about what it does with the money, and so we do require, and so we have just got from the Industrial Development Authority a magnificent report—apart from the dates on the cover—setting out in enormous detail to whom every penny was paid. We are entitled to have that in due course from the body in its annual report. I would be very unhappy if An tÚdarás managed to present reports to this House which failed to tell us to whom it gave the money. I should regard it as my duty as a Member of this House to demand that it should give us that information. That is quite a different matter from putting it in the Book of Estimates.

Putting it in the Book of Estimates involves a complete departure from the principle that grants-in-aid are not matters behind which Parliament looks. You are putting An tÚdarás into a position different from that of any other body, with less automony than any other State body in this country, if you require it before it can hand out money to anybody to notify the Government and have it put in the Book of Estimates.

Quite apart from the question of principle involved, there is the practical question. The procedure the Minister proposes is one which, working backwards from the date on which the money has to be paid out, would involve so many stages that it would be necessary for the universities to state their requirements so far in advance of the year to which the requirements related that the chances of their making an accurate estimate would be greatly diminished. Already we are being pushed back and back to an earlier date because of the inability of the public administration to do its job speedily enough.

As it is, we are asked in June, I think, to submit our requirements for a year beginning nine months later. With the procedure the Minister is suggesting just when does he think this process would have to start? He is asking something which is quite impossible. The more stages he puts into this thing the more impracticable it becomes. There may be an opportunity for him to reconsider this proposal for a couple of weeks because I do not think we will reach a conclusion on this matter in the remaining three minutes tonight. I should like him to think it over and to consider seriously the arguments I am putting. Why should he pick on An tÚdarás alone among State bodies to apply to it this peculiar procedure that it must state before the Book of Estimates is prepared in December of each year what it intends to do with the money it will not get for another four months? Why of all State bodies is the autonomy of this body to be undermined in this way when no other State body, or indeed private body, to which a grant-in-aid is made is required to furnish such information? We have a number of grant-giving State bodies which get grants-in-aid and disburse them: Córas Tráchtála which does this job to some degree, and Bord Fáilte. I already mentioned the IDA. There are a number of others in different spheres. In no case are they asked to furnish information for the Book of Estimates four months before the year begins as to what they will do with the money they have not yet got.

The proposal is one which is neither practicable, involving such a long slow procedure as to invalidate the whole process of forward estimating, nor is it desirable in terms of the autonomy of this body. The Minister has helped the debate along by explaining his thinking. It may be that I have picked him up wrongly from time to time. I am a little relieved to hear his description of the procedure and that what is involved will not require continual to-ing and fro-ing between the Department and An tÚdarás. I still do not accept that an obligation can be put on An tÚdarás to furnish to the Minister a breakdown of the expenditure before the Book of Estimates is prepared.

If we think back on the stages involved in this we see that it would be necessary for the universities to furnish the information before the beginning of the financial year in which the money is to be spent. Having An tÚdarás at all and then having this to-ing and fro-ing backwards and forwards will certainly add three months at least to the present timing which involves the whole process starting in June. I should like the Minister to consider these matters over the Easter Recess and I trust that when he is not considering them he will be enjoying himself.

I hope the Minister will also consider my suggestions.

It is very doubtful whether I have sufficient time to reply at the moment so perhaps instead I should just wish the Deputies a happy Easter.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
Top
Share