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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 6 May 1971

Vol. 253 No. 9

Committee on Finance. - Vote 39: Labour.

I move:

That a sum not exceeding £3,626,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1972 for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Labour, including certain services administered by that Office, and for payment of certain Grants-in-Aid.

By agreement the following motion and Supplementary Estimate are being considered with the main Estimate:

That, in connection with the supply granted for the year ended 31st March, 1971, the Dáil takes note of the activities of the Department of Labour.

That a supplementary sum not exceeding £200,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1972, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Labour, including certain services administered by that Office, and for payment of certain Grants-in-Aid.

In this review of the services for which I have responsibility, I propose to deal first with manpower policy, next with the services concerned with worker-protection, and finally with industrial relations.

In discussing manpower policy, it is appropriate, I believe, to give priority to training. Expenditure on training is channelled through three bodies—An Chomhairle Oiliúna, better known as AnCO, the Irish Management Institute and CERT, the Council for the Education, Recruitment and Training for the Hotel Industry.

The provision of training at all levels in industry and commerce is at the centre of the Government's manpower policy. The importance which I attach to AnCO's role in the development of the national programme of training is evidenced by the substantial provision now being made for AnCO. Between capital and current, the total provision was £1,530,000 in 1970-71 and will be £1,850,000 in 1971-72. The supplementary estimate now being moved will add a further £200,000 to the Grant-in-Aid.

Deputies will find a detailed account of the activities of AnCO in the third annual report of the organisation, covering the year ended 31st March, 1970, which was been presented to the Dáil. It is appropriate, however, that I should refer to some of the most important activities of AnCO in opening this debate.

Six industrial sectors employing 275,000 people or 95 per cent of all employed in manufacturing and construction, have so far been brought within the scope of the Industrial Training Act. Industrial training committees, representative of employers, workers and other interests, have been established for each of these six sectors to advise AnCO on training requirements and on the formulation and introduction of levy-grant schemes.

Levy-grant schemes are already in operation for the textiles, clothing and footwear industry and the food, drink and tobacco industries. In these cases the levy amounts to 1 per cent of payroll, and the grants are aimed mainly at getting companies to appoint and train training managers and training instructors. The first priority is to get individual companies into the position in which they can identify their own training needs and can prepare and implement plans to meet those needs. This can best be done by the appointment of qualified training staff. AnCO, in co-operation with the Irish Management Institute, is providing the necessary training courses for training managers and training executives for industry.

The preparations for levy-grant schemes for the construction industry, the engineering industry, and the printing and paper industry are well advanced and will be brought into operation on various dates between now and the end of October, 1971. While final decisions have not yet been taken, the indications are that the industrial training committees will recommend levies of the order of 1 per cent to 1¼ per cent of payroll in these industries. AnCO contemplate a grant structure similar to those already in operation, although there may be special grants in industries such as construction and engineering to stimulate apprentice training. I have asked AnCO to keep the various schemes under special review for the first year or so. If, by then, the schemes do not look like attaining their objectives the whole situation can be reviewed to see if more effective measures can be devised.

On the basis of a levy of 1-1¼ per cent of payroll, it is expected that a total of about £3,000,000 will be paid in levy in a year. Firms who train according to requirements will get their money back from AnCO with little delay and normally would not be out of their money for more than four weeks. It will be possible for industries to recoup between 85 and 90 per cent of levy in the form of grant if they take the necessary action in regard to training. The balance of the levy will be retained by AnCO mainly to meet the cost of the training and advisory services which that organisation will have to provide.

I have set up a tribunal under the Industrial Training Act, 1967, to determine appeals by employers against any levy imposed by AnCO, and the tribunal has heard 17 appeals so far.

The most expensive part of AnCO's operations, so far as the Exchequer is concerned, are its direct training centres. These are currently costing about £500,000 a year to run. AnCO has three training centres in operation —at Shannon, Waterford and Galway —providing a total of 600 training places. Since courses seldom last more than six months this means that there is a capacity to train over 1,000 persons each year. The main aim of the centres is to train unemployed workers. To date about 900 persons have been trained in this way and nearly all of these are now working in industry. It costs about £500 to train one person in a training centre for six months. The figure includes trainees' wages, lodging allowances and travel expenses. To offset some of these costs there is a saving in unemployment benefit or assistance; we must also take into account the additions to national production, and the taxes to be paid by the employed person in due course. In view of the amount of money involved and as this activity will be increasing, it has been decided to have a cost-benefit analysis carried out on the training centres to see whether the money we are providing for them is being spent to the best advantage.

In addition to adult training, one year off-the-job training for a limited number of first-year apprentices was also provided in the AnCO training centres at Waterford and Galway during the past year. These are mainly pilot courses to demonstrate that systematic, programmed training of apprentices on a full-time basis can achieve useful results. They have also helped to overcome shortages of skilled workers in some trades. Over 200 apprentices were trained in this way in the first year of the experiment. Another 200 apprentices are currently undergoing training.

The erection of a training centre in Dublin with 400 training places, that is a capacity of 800 trainees a year, is well under way. It should be in operation in the early months of 1972.

When the Dublin centre is opened AnCO will have 1,000 training places with a throughput of 2,000 trainees a year. I should like the House to realise, however, that notwithstanding the substantial progress made in this field we still have a good way to go to catch up on other European countries.

The provision of direct training will be materially advanced by the new projects mentioned in the Budget Statement for which the supplementary estimate of £200,000 is now being moved.

Of this additional sum, £100,000 is being allocated to enable AnCO to establish and equip a new training centre in the Cork area. The Cork Council of Trade Unions has agreed in principle to the inclusion in the new centre of training up to fully skilled level. AnCO is at present actively negotiating with the council on such detailed matters as the content of the training courses, the conditions of entry to the training centre, the recognition of the trainees as eligible for fully skilled union cards, et cetera. I am hopeful that there will be a quick and successful conclusion to these negotiations which will mean a very welcome addition to the country's skilled workforce. It is estimated that £50,000 will be required in 1971-72 to run the centre. The centre will have 150 training places of which 50 would be for training to fully skilled level. This sum will be provided from the additional amount now sought in the supplementary estimate.

The location of the new centre has been chosen because the shortage of skilled workers in the Cork area shows signs of becoming more acute than elsewhere in the country. As well as that, the demand for skilled workers in Cork will increase further as industrial development plans come to fruition over the next few years. The aim of the Government's manpower policy is to provide the necessary training facilities in good time so that the skills will be available when required. I should like to pay tribute to the Cork Council of Trade Unions whose co-operation has enabled arrangements to be made for what I hope will be an historic break-through in training in this country.

I have been aware for some time of the need for immediate retraining facilities for workers disemployed because of the closure of an industry or serious curtailment of production. This need for retraining could be particularly acute in an area heavily dependent on a particular industry where opportunities of other jobs might not be available locally. I believe that the prospects of early re-employment of the redundant workers would be improved if retraining facilities were provided on the spot; and, of course, the prospects of attracting a new industry to the area would also be enhanced. I have in mind that retraining will be provided on an ad hoc basis immediately the kind of skills needed for the new industry can be predicted. Up to the present AnCO did not have the resources to provide such facilities. Accordingly, and as foreshadowed in the Budget Statement, £50,000, that is, the balance of the amount provided in the supplementary estimate, is being allocated to AnCO for this purpose. The choice of areas for these facilities will be made in each case by AnCO in consultation with the IDA.

In order that young Gaeltacht workers should be trained in the skills required for modern industry in the Gaeltacht, AnCO and Gaeltarra Éireann are in consultation with a view to setting up a special training centre in the Gaeltacht, probably in Donegal. The training will be carried out in the Irish language and the skills to be taught will be those required for industries already operating, or to be established, in the Gaeltacht.

It is hoped to have the centre established by the end of the year. The expenditure on the centre, which should not be very substantial this year, will be met out of the moneys already allocated for manpower services and Gaeltacht development.

A part of AnCO's activities is to administer existing apprenticeship schemes. This costs AnCO about £250,000 a year. Included in this figure is a sum of about £85,000 contributed towards the cost of block-release courses for apprentices in technical schools and colleges. Expenditure here is mainly for apprentices' travel and subsistence allowances. A total of nearly 4,000 apprentices attended block-release courses during the past year and it is expected that even more will attend such courses this year. There are not sufficient block-release courses for all apprentices but the vast majority not taking block-release courses are attending day-release in the technical schools.

AnCO is engaged in a review in depth of the whole apprenticeship system. If apprenticeship is to continue to be the main method of producing skilled workers, the system will certainly need to be up-dated. For example, some experienced persons who have discussed the matter with me have suggested that there should be a more systematic training of apprentices in the early part of their apprenticeship. As Deputies know it takes some years for an apprentice to attain fully-skilled level. This suggests a need to supplement the apprenticeship system by special training arrangements especially where there are shortages of skilled workers.

A most important aspect of AnCO's activities has been the establishment of an instructor training centre in Dublin and the bringing of instructor-training courses to the provinces. Already over 400 persons from industry have been trained by AnCO in modern techniques for the instruction of operatives and other workers. Very worthwhile results have been achieved by these instructors on their return to their own firms. They have introduced systematic training schemes for operatives and other workers. This has resulted in a reduction in training times, in increased output and in worthwhile cost reductions. AnCO is at present considering a major expansion in its instructor-training activities.

I feel it my duty to repeat what I have said before, in the House and elsewhere, that full co-operation between all concerned — management, trade unions, educational and training organisations—is vital for the success of the national training effort. Deputies have mentioned the risk of wasteful overlapping or duplication of effort with other organisations, particularly the regional technical colleges and the vocational education committees. I can assure the House that my Department and AnCO are very much alive to the need to avoid any such overlapping. Special liaison arrangements have been established for consultation and co-operation so as to prevent waste and duplication of effort.

The national training programme requires that companies improve the quality and quantity of training provided within their own establishments. This is essentially a job for industry itself and the main purpose of the levy/ grant schemes will be to provide the stimulus to secure progress in this direction. AnCO will make available all possible advice and assistance to companies which have a commitment to training: and in this context commitment means the full involvement of top management. There is encouraging evidence that, as time goes on, the importance of training is being recognised more clearly by senior people in our leading industries and companies.

This growing awareness by management of the importance of training is due in no small measure to the efforts of the Irish Management Institute. I have mentioned earlier that the institute is co-operating with AnCO in providing the necessary training courses for training managers and training executives for industry. For some years now the institute has been providing a variety of courses for managers at all levels. Some months ago it drew up a programme for developing and expanding this work over the period up to 1975. The aim is that all practising managers in Irish industry should be in a position to take a comprehensive course in the broader aspects of modern management, tailored to suit the needs of firms of different sizes. Particular attention is being given to the needs of managers in small firms. I am glad to say that the institute's courses are well supported and the number of managers attending them is increasing every year.

It is vital to have the standard of management at the highest attainable level; otherwise, the other skills which we are developing will not have the best chance of being used. That is the main justification for Exchequer support which, in the form of a grant to the IMI, was £120,000 in 1970-71 and will be £175,000 in 1971-72. Apart from this grant, management training is also stimulated through grants under AnCO's technical assistance scheme which enables firms sending personnel for training to recover portion of the cost.

To complete the picture of training as far as this Vote is concerned, there is the grant to CERT—the Council for Education, Recruitment and Training for the Hotel Industry. The Estimate for 1970-71 contained a provision for £120,000 for CERT. With the approval of the Minister for Finance this provision was increased during the year by £12,000 which was met from savings in the Vote. This year there is provision for a grant of £165,000 to CERT. The increased provision reflects the growing training needs of our hotel industry which is of some importance to our tourist effort.

At present there are between 700 and 800 boys and girls in training at CERT schools. CERT are completing a survey of the manpower and training requirements in the hotel industry. The findings of this survey are likely to influence policy on hotel training during the coming decade.

All the signs are that a further expansion in the training for hotels and catering establishments will be required in the years ahead, and that this will involve a substantial addition to the bill for training in the industry.

The setting up of the national manpower service is well under way. A number of regional directors and placement officers have been appointed following public competitions run by the Civil Service Commission. Some have taken up their appointments and are undergoing training. Additional placement officers are being recruited, also through public competition. For a start, there will be five regional directors, in Dublin, Cork, Waterford, Limerick and Galway. Placement officers will be stationed in these five centres and also in a number of other important centres, including, for a start, Dundalk, Drogheda, Sligo, Ballybofey, Tralee and Athlone. Premises have been procured in Athlone, Dundalk, Galway, Limerick, Cork and Sligo, and negotiations are proceeding for premises in the other centres. I am hopeful, therefore, that the service will be effectively in operation in another few months.

The manpower service will have an important role to play in the country's future economic development. It cannot be said too often: the aptitudes and skills of our work-people are our most important natural resource. The most effective deployment of the workforce is essential from the economic point of view and important too in the human sense. The broad aims of the service are accordingly to place job seekers in the employment best suited to their abilities and inclinations, and to secure for employers the workers best suited to the needs of the work on offer. The individual person will benefit by way of job satisfaction and probably greater earnings, and for these very reasons will make a greater contribution than otherwise to the economy. But the service cannot be fully effective in placement work unless it has the co-operation of employers and workers and is used by them. I hope it will have their support and the support of all concerned with national development.

Reliable information on manpower is vital for industrial and general economic and planning purposes. Another important function of the service, therefore, will be to collect detailed information on the supply and demand for manpower at local, regional and national level and to keep this information up to date. In so far as this aspect of its work is concerned the service will work in close co-operation with the State agencies and other bodies concerned with industrial and economic development. Indeed I might mention here, as an indication of the recognition of the desirability of such co-operation, that the service will be occupants of the same premises as the IDA in both Cork and Sligo.

When introducing the previous year's Estimate I referred to the Waterford and Galway manpower surveys. Both reports have since been published. Detailed scientific surveys of this kind are very useful but they take a long time to complete and they are also very costly. When the manpower service is in operation the basic information on manpower will be complied on a continuing basis throughout the country and can be readily made available to industrial promoters, education authorities and others interested. Unless particular needs arise which cannot be met by the manpower service, the special type survey done in Waterford and Galway will not be necessary in the future.

Forecasting is another element in the area of manpower information. I said last year that we would be going through a development stage for some time to come in the field of manpower forecasting. I mentioned then that the Manpower and Social Affairs Committee of OECD was concerned at the slow progress being made internationally with forecasting techniques, and had arranged a meeting of experts to review the situation. This meeting, which was attended by the head of the Department's Manpower Forecasting Unit, was held last summer. It is clear that other countries are experiencing difficulties similar to our own. The unit is keeping in close touch with its counterparts in other countries so that it can take advantage of any developments. Even allowing for the existing limitations on forecasting the unit has been able to produce an amount of useful information for bodies concerned with economic development by way of estimates of manpower potential in various areas throughout the country. It has also made substantial progress in the preparation of the new occupational classification system which it commenced last year. This classification will be completed during the present year.

The programme to replace unsatisfactory employment exchange premises, initiated some years ago by the Minister for Social Welfare, is continuing. A new exchange for Clifden is under construction and arrangements are being pressed ahead for the replacement of the existing premises in Drogheda, Cork, Limerick, Manorhamilton, Thurles and one of the women's exchanges in Dublin.

I have at present before the Seanad a Bill entitled the Employment Agency Bill to provide for the licensing of employment agencies, the approval of their scales of fees and to require them to furnish returns of their activities. The Bill also contains provisions dealing with advertisements for the recruitment of Irish workers for employment abroad. I expect that the House will soon have the opportunity of discussing the Bill.

Information on the various occupations open to young people in this country is fundamental to their making a good choice of career and to their parents and teachers in helping them to make the choice.

The careers information service in my Department has published leaflets covering about 200 careers and aims at producing leaflets for all worthwhile jobs. Because of changing conditions these leaflets can go out of date quickly and need to be revised. Many of the original leaflets have already been revised.

The leaflets are distributed free to schools, libraries, youth clubs and to any other organisations or persons who ask for them. There has been a steady demand for them. Over 30,000 letters were dealt with during the two years and there were also many inquiries by people calling to the Department or by telephone. The Department have also taken part in various careers exhibitions in Dublin and throughout the country.

The Government's approach to the problem of emigration is that the solution lies in the creation of full employment at home at the earliest date. The industrialisation programme is directed towards this end. Voluntary organisations engaged in emigrant-welfare work have noticed a falling off in the number using their services. This is, of course, because of the substantial decline in emigration in recent years. While the employment opportunities offering in the country are not yet sufficient to absorb all those coming on to the labour market, and consequently, sizeable numbers are obliged to seek work elsewhere, nevertheless, I am satisfied that not all those who leave the country for work abroad have to do so. Instances have been cited where young people have given up jobs at home only to engage in similar work in Britain at the same, or sometimes lower, wages than at home. Indeed, in some cases they were soon back home again, wiser I hope for their experience.

In October, 1969 I set up a committee to advise on the problems of persons going abroad and of Irish people living abroad who were anxious to return to work at home. Money was made available from the Vote to help voluntary emigrant welfare organisations in this country.

The advisory committee took as a first priority the strengthening of the voluntary information and advisory services. To enable the voluntary bodies to give a better service, grants have been paid to a number of them on the committee's recommendation. The emphasis is on discouraging unnecessary emigration. People thinking of going abroad are advised about jobs at home of which they may have been unaware. In the event of people going to Britain, they are informed by the voluntary bodies about the employment situation in Britain and, if possible, jobs and accommodation are arranged for them in advance. Discussions have taken place with Irish welfare organisations in Britain about the reception and advisory services for newly arrived emigrants. The discussions also included ways of providing information and advice for Irish people there who are interested in jobs in Ireland. My Department are co-operating fully with the voluntary bodies in this work. The provision in the Vote for this purpose last year was £10,000 and this amount is also included in the Estimate for 1971-72.

From time to time, there have been complaints by some industrialists about shortages of skilled workers. Following these reports, I had the situation investigated. In December, 1969, the National Manpower Service sent questionnaires to about 9,000 firms in manufacturing industry. Results of the survey showed that there were about 1,100 vacancies for skilled male and female production workers in about 200 firms. Particulars of these positions were then circulated to all employment exchanges. They were also circulated to a large number—150—of Irish organisations in Britain. In addition, they were given wide publicity by advertisements in the national newspapers and in the Irish Post which has a big circulation among the Irish in Britain. From the large number of inquiries received from abroad—over 1,200—it is evident that many of our skilled people are interested in returning to jobs at home. Up to now more than 100 people have returned as a result of this campaign. I am sure that others who are pursuing inquiries with the service will also return. Some of those who have inquired are very highly skilled, many with professional qualifications. A list of these persons has been prepared and, with the co-operation of the Confederation of Irish Industry, over 200 copies have been distributed. The filling of skilled vacancies by returning emigrants where the necessary skills are not available at home will have the effect of creating jobs for semi-skilled and unskilled workers here. The number of skilled workers on the live register is very small.

The number of unemployed continues to remain at about the same level as last year. This is a matter of serious concern and it is no consolation to know that the trends of unemployment in some other countries are worse than they are here.

I accept that, by any standards, the figure is too high. I suggest that our common purpose in this debate ought to be first to identify the reasons for this high figure and then to suggest how the situation might be improved.

As to the reasons, the basic one is that there has been a shortfall in overall growth, a fact which was noted in the Third Programme Review presented to the House before the Budget; there has been the unexpectedly big fall in the numbers engaged in primary production; there have been redundancies to offset some of the new jobs in industry; there has been the slowness of the building industry to recover from the cement strike and there has been the reduction in emigration as shown by figures of net outward passenger movement last year. These are the principal elements contributing to a rate of unemployment which is higher that any one of us would like it to be.

There is, of course, only one way to improve the position and that is by expanding the national output of goods and services. Here there are some encouraging signs. Present indications are that the growth of national output, which was 1½ per cent last year, should be about 3 per cent this year. This doubling of the rate of economic development is bound to improve the employment situation substantially.

Policies designed to promote economic growth and increase job opportunities are the responsibilities of other Departments and agencies. As far as I am concerned as Minister for Labour, the services for which I have responsibility will be so directed as to cooperate with the various economic development programmes, in the interest of increasing the number of jobs in the country.

The redundancy payments scheme continues to operate to alleviate the hardships caused to redundant workers and their dependants. The lump-sums payable under the scheme provide compensation for workers dismissed because of redundancy for the loss of their jobs, while the weekly payments provisions of the scheme help to maintain the incomes of redundant workers close to their pre-redundancy earnings in the period following disemployment if they are unable to get alternative employment.

The number of notifications of dismissals under the redundancy scheme in 1970—3,896—was almost the same as for the year 1969, which came to 3,696. In the first quarter of 1971, however, the number of notifications of dismissal under the scheme was 1,931 as compared with 975 for the corresponding period of 1970. Deputies will not expect me to go into any detail about the operation of the redundancy payments scheme as the matter is being discussed in conjunction with the Redundancy Payments Bill, 1970, at present before the House.

The second annual report of the Redundancy Appeals Tribunal was published in July, 1970. A feature of the report is the substantial increase in the number of appeals coming before the tribunal, 367 in 1969 as compared with 133 in 1968. The upward trend in the number of appeals has been maintained in 1970 when a total of 434 appeals were heard. The increase in the number of appeals may be attributed, I think, to the growing awareness on the part of workers of their rights under the scheme and, I am sure, to an increasing recognition that the tribunal gives all parties a full and fair opportunity for having disputes resolved.

The Resettlement Allowances Scheme provides for financial assistance of various kinds to move to new areas to take up employment. Up to last year the scheme was being used only to a very limited extent. The situation has now changed. In recent months the scheme has been used much more widely. In 1968 only 17 persons were given grants under the scheme and the number increased to 37 in 1969. In 1970, however, 186 applicants qualified for assistance. This increase reflects a greater degree of mobility of labour within the country which I regard as desirable. I believe that the scheme is capable of being developed further, with benefits to our workers and, as Deputies are aware, I am seeking authority in the Redundancy Payments Bill now before the House to extend the scope of the scheme so that Irish workers in Britain coming home to jobs can be assisted under it. In anticipation of a substantial increase in the numbers taking advantage of the scheme, the provision for it is being increased from £3,000 last year to £15,000 this year.

The Department participates in the work of the OECD Manpower and Social Affairs Committee. That organisation as part of its programme of work, plans to carry out an examination of Ireland's manpower policies during the coming year. The examination will assess the effectiveness of our manpower policy measures and will pay special attention to our problems in this field. The exercise will also enable us to draw on the experience of other OECD countries.

Before leaving the subject of manpower policy I should like to make a general observation which may help Deputies in discussing the matter. A manpower policy is accepted by the Government as an essential ingredient of overall policies of national development. However, it should not be thought of as a substitute for other policies such as those concerned with curbing inflation. These will continue to be developed side by side with manpower policy measures. I consider it necessary to stress this in view of exaggerated claims which are made from time to time about what a manpower policy can achieve.

The Department of Labour has important functions in the area of worker protection. The Factories Act, 1955, and the Mines and Quarries Act, 1965 give industrial workers a right to certain standards of safety, health and welfare. The industrial inspectorate has the task of ensuring that employers meet their obligations under these Acts and the relevant regulations. The inspectorate also provides a safety advisory and accident prevention service to industry.

I should like to stress one aspect of the work of the industrial inspectorate; namely, its advisory functions. If an employer has a problem impinging on the safety, health or welfare of the workers and needs advice on how best to solve the problem, the industrial inspectorate will be only too ready to respond to a request for helpful advice. I would, accordingly, encourage employers to avail themselves fully of the advisory services of the inspectorate.

Increased pressure continues to be placed on the resources of the inspectorate, due mainly to general industrial growth and new technological developments in industry. Each succeeding year brings an increase in the number of workers coming within the scope of the industrial safety legislation. When moving the last Estimate, I indicated that steps were being taken to build up the strength of the inspectorate to enable it to cope with these increasing pressures. Some of this extra staff have been recruited and further competitions are being arranged by the Civil Service Commission to get the numbers built up.

The adequacy of our existing industrial safety regulations is under continual review in the light of the ever-changing requirements of the safety situation. There is a programme of up-dating existing regulations and preparing new regulations to meet these requirements. This programme, which embraces close on 30 codes of regulations, is now at an advanced stage.

A survey of occupational health hazards in Irish industry has been launched. A team of inspectors, specially trained in up-to-date methods, has been provided with specialised instruments for assessing such hazards and has commenced the field work for the survey. Medical experts are co-operating with the inspectors in this.

It has long been realised that the statutory and extra-statutory activities of a Government Department cannot, of themselves, prevent industrial accidents and diseases. Each firm and each worker has a role to play in raising safety standards. In 1970 industrial accidents in premises registered under the Factories Act amounted to 2,760 of which 22 were fatal. It goes without saying that full worker/management co-operation will be required if we are to achieve the maximum possible reduction in the numbers of such accidents.

Safety committees afford workers and managements an excellent opportunity of making a positive contribution towards improving safety standards. However, despite a joint promotion campaign by the industrial inspectorate and the National Industrial Safety Organisation, these committees exist only in a very small minority—about 130—of the many workplaces where safety committees could usefully be established. In December last, I was asked in this House if I would introduce amending legislation to ensure that safety committees are a legal requirement in all employments with ten or more workers. I said at the time that I would invite Deputies to discuss this matter during the debate on the Estimate for my Department and I should be glad if they would do so.

The statutory position in regard to safety committees is set out in section 73 of the Factories Act, 1955, and the section clearly invites the workers to set up these committees for the purpose of promoting their own better safety, health and welfare.

It is of interest to recall that the text of section 73 was presented to the House, by way of Ministerial amendment, by the late Leader of the Labour Party, Deputy Norton, who was Minister for Industry and Commerce at the time. Deputy Norton submitted the amendment as representing the viewpoint of the different parties who had participated in an examination of the matter in a Special Committee. Labour Deputies complimented the Minister on introducing the amendment, the purpose of which, he said, was to encourage workers in factories to take an intelligent interest in legislation which protects them against dangers to health and dangers of physical injury. Personally, I think it would be a pity if it became necessary to ask the Oireachtas to enact legislation making it mandatory to set up these safety committees if the ground for such legislation was that workers had failed to avail of the opportunities given to them to have the necessary committees set up.

The National Industrial Safety Organisation — NISO — was founded seven years ago and its membership is representative of employers, workers, insurance companies and the industrial inspectorate. It is a voluntary body and since its foundation has done much to promote higher safety standards in Irish industry. The functions of the inspectorate and NISO in the provision of a safety advisory and accident prevention service to industry are complementary. The effectiveness of the work of the inspectorate has been enhanced by the work of NISO which has been active in promoting and maintaining safety consciousness.

The organisation is housed and staffed by the Department and it also receives a Grant-in-Aid from the Vote to help it in providing safety training courses and lectures and in preparing and distributing safety literature and propaganda.

The provision for NISO in the Estimate is being increased from £10,000 in 1970-71 to £12,000 this year and is paid on the basis of £4 for every £1 raised by the organisation from other sources.

The organisation deserves the greatest support including financial support, which it can get from industry and I again appeal most earnestly to industrial managements to join NISO and take part in the continual campaign it is conducting in the promotion of safety in industry.

When presenting the Estimate for 1969-70 I reported that I had initiated a programme of gradually replacing the Acts dealing with the protection of workers by a series of enactments each of which would deal with one main aspect of the subject and would at the same time apply to as wide a range of occupations as possible. The broad purpose of this is to ensure that the conditions under which our workers are employed conform with modern standards.

In our kind of free enterprise economy, matters such as pay, hours of work and holidays are settled for most workers by negotiations between employers and trade unions, and in the present state of our development it is the collective bargaining strength of the trade union that sets the pace in improving them. In such a situation the primary purpose of State intervention is to establish minimum statutory conditions of employment.

Legislation on conditions of employment has to be revised from time to time so as to ensure that the statutory minimum standards bear a reasonable relationship to those secured by organised workers through collective bargaining, and to ensure also that no group of worker is left too far behind.

At present the law on hours of work is contained in two Acts—the Conditions of Employment Act, 1936 and the Shops (Conditions of Employment) Act, 1938—which have now been rendered obsolete by the general level of conditions of employment and changes in patterns of working. Also they cater only for industrial, shop and catering workers. Last year my Department circulated to representative employer and employee organisations, and indeed to anyone interested, a consultative document on a proposed new Hours of Work Act, which would apply to as wide a range of occupations as possible. Observations, many of them very useful, were received from a number of sources and have now been considered. I expect soon to be in a position to seek Government approval to the general lines of a Bill to be placed before the Oireachtas.

In the area of holiday rights, the Holidays (Employees) Act, 1961 conferred on all non-agricultural workers a legal right to a minimum of two weeks annual paid holidays and six public holidays with pay. In view of the changing pattern of industrial holidays, I have decided to review this Act also to see whether an amendment ought to be proposed.

I hope to circulate shortly the text of the Dangerous Substances Bill designed to protect workers and the general public from dangers associated with the manufacture, transport, storage and use of certain substances used in modern industry.

I am working on proposals for new legislation to give workers and employers a statutory right to a minimum period of notice when employment is being terminated. I hope to bring a Bill before the House later in the year. In this legislation, I shall also be proposing to give an employee the right to get from his employer a written statement setting out the more important terms of his contract of employment.

As Minister for Labour, I attended the International Labour Conference for the first time in June, 1970. It is a rewarding experience to see this conference in action. As Deputies are aware, the ILO is a forum in which workers' and employers' representatives co-operate with representatives of government to forge together what are called "the bonds of common purpose". The 1970 ILO conference adopted three new international instruments, on youth employment and training schemes, on minimum wage fixing machinery and on holidays with pay. As I have mentioned, I am about to review our existing holidays legislation and the ILO instrument on holidays will be of assistance in this.

Ireland has been a member of the International Labour Organisation since 1923. It was the first international organisation which we joined as a separate State. During that time Ireland has participated fully in the work of the organisation. Of the 132 conventions adopted by the ILO, Ireland has ratified 46, which compares favourably with the record of other member States. It is hoped in the near future to ratify some more conventions.

Ireland participates in the ILO technical assistance programmes. Irish experts have worked in developing countries and we have provided study facilities for fellowship holders from a number of these countries. Ireland has also endowed a number of fellowships for personnel from developing countries at the international centre for advanced technical and vocational training at Turin. As has been widely reported, the ILO is at present experiencing some financial difficulties. Ireland continues to support the ILO and hopes that these problems can be surmounted so that the organisation will not have to curtail its important international programmes.

I now come to the subject of industrial relations. If we have our problems in this area, it cannot be said that we are unique in this respect. The problems, in one form or another, exist across Europe. And it is interesting and somewhat disturbing to note that industrial conflict does not seem to diminish with the rise in the level of education, the improvement in pay and conditions, the rise in the standard of living and the many other material advances experienced in recent years.

In trying to interpret the industrial relations scene since my appointment as Minister for Labour, I have come to the conclusion that there is no such thing as an ideal once-for-all solution precisely because the heart of the matter consists of people: people with their aspirations, hopes, fears, virtues, and their failings too. It is the people themselves, employers and workers, who conduct their industrial relations and it may be misleading to think in terms of a Minister for Labour being "in charge of" or "responsible for" practical day-to-day industrial relations. There has, of course, to be someone in Government in contact with the overall situation but there is a very definite limit to the extent of ministerial intrusion. The situation of a Minister for Labour in the area of industrial relations is, therefore, an unusual one. There is an impression, shared by some Deputies, I think, that the Minister for Labour should be continually involved, especially when disputes threaten. I want to tell the House that a Minister for Labour very quickly finds out that the parties directly involved in pay negotiations and the like do not want him in there at all. The ritual of our collective bargaining system and our institutional arrangements tend to support this attitude of the parties concerned. We settle our pay problems by way of free collective bargaining. In other words, the trade unions negotiate directly with the employers and reach agreement or fail to reach agreement. In the latter event the workers may withdraw their labour in support of their demands. Our institutional arrangements consist of an independent Labour Court and its conciliation service which the Oireachtas in 1946 placed at the disposal of the parties engaged in the bargaining process. I consider it opportune to remind Deputies of the independent status of the Labour Court because from time to time some people seem to want to believe that the Minister for Labour somehow controls the working of the Labour Court. I try to carry out my job on the basis that, unless in the most exceptional circumstances where the public interest is involved, there is no justification for a Minister for Labour intruding into the area of collective bargaining.

One thing emerges clearly from our situation. The freedom within which industrial relations are conducted carries with it the possibility of disruption, of suffering and, in fact, of disaster. My reading of the situation is that we all want this freedom to continue. We must, therefore, be prepared to accept the implications, one of which is the disruption of our lives whenever parties to a dispute decide to use the means available to them to press their claims. A statistic which is often quoted when discussing industrial relations is the number of man days lost through industrial disputes in a year. Last year this figure was just one million, a slight increase over 1969. As in previous years, when a few disputes accounted for the bulk of the days lost, so also last year two disputes, those in the banks and in the cement industry, accounted for over 870,000 of the days lost, leaving 130,000 days between all the other disputes which took place in the year. Thus was continued last year the trend for one or two strikes to be prolonged, with such unfavourable consequences for our international reputation in this field.

I commissioned an inquiry into the banks' dispute, mainly with a view to seeing how a similar disruption could be avoided in the future, and I expect to receive the report shortly. Following the settlement of the cement strike, I asked the Labour Court to inquire into conditions in the industry, and I am awaiting the court's report on this. In this case also, I am hopeful that some guide will be provided to the company and the unions, and to employers and workers generally, to help them to avoid disruptions of this kind in the future.

The number of conciliation conferences held by the industrial relations service of the Labour Court in 1970 was nearly 900, covering 564 disputes. Of this number of disputes 451 were settled by conciliation. Eighty disputes went to the Labour Court. I regret to have to record once more a high rejection rate of court recommendations by workers. About one-half of the workers involved in Labour Court recommendations in 1970 rejected the recommendations, although a number of the disputes concerned were later settled by conciliation, so that it could be claimed that the court's recommendations contributed to a settlement in those cases also. The high rate of rejection of Labour Court recommendations is still a matter of concern however.

In March last year, I used the power given to me under the Act to appoint two Rights Commissioners. Their services have been availed of to investigate and recommend on disputes about what are described as "rights" issues. These disputes usually involve one worker or at most a few workers and are generally concerned with grievance matters. The machinery is operating satisfactorily and up to the end of March this year the commissioners have dealt with about 70 cases. There is a right of appeal to the Labour Court from the recommendation of a Rights Commissioner on condition that the decision of the court will be accepted. So far, there have been two such appeals and in both cases the Labour Court upheld the Rights Commissioner.

One general comment I should like to make about trade disputes: whatever the reasons why they continue, whatever the reasons why they sometimes erupt into stoppages of work or interruption of supplies or services, whatever the reasons why in some cases they defy efforts to solve them, no one can lay the blame on any inadequacy of the conciliation or other services available to the parties. These services are freely at the disposal of employers and trade unions to help them to settle the conflicts that inevitably arise between them.

Before dealing with the national pay agreement of December, 1970, I should like to refer briefly to the significant feature of the background as far as trends in pay were concerned.

Deputies will recall the maintenance craftsmen's agreement of early 1969 which provided for aggregate increases in basic wages of £3.50 per week for a 40 hour week over 18 months or so. This agreement set the pattern for wage increases generally. In the early stages of the round initiated by the maintenance settlement the increases were of the order of £3.50 for craftsmen and £3 a week for general workers. As time passed, however, settlements tended to increase and, during 1970, settlements for £4 a week in two phases became common.

An important factor during 1970 was the report of the commission, set up under the maintenance settlement, to assess the place of craftsmen in the wage structure. The commission's report led to the negotiation of a short-term agreement providing for further basic wage increases amounting to £2 a week for maintenance craftsmen for six months from July to December 1970, increases which were gradually extended to other craftsmen.

In the climate of public apprehension following these unprecedently high pay increases, and consequential increases in costs and prices, the employer/labour conference recommended by the NIEC assembled and tried to negotiate a national agreement on pay increases.

The parties in the conference were not succeeding, however, and the Government, in an effort to contain the situation proposed statutory measures to operate should the efforts to make a voluntary agreement fail. In the event, as the House knows, the employer/labour conference was reconvened and eventually succeeded in December in concluding a national agreement. This made it unnecessary to proceed with the proposed legislation as far as wages were concerned.

The Government's attitude to the national pay agreement has been spelled out by the Minister for Finance in his Budget Statement. We want it to work as those who signed it intended it to work.

We believe that the interests of the community require that the agreement be maintained. As far as the Government are concerned, we are determined to create and maintain an economic climate favourable to the implementation of the agreement, and, as the Minister for Finance has already indicated, this was an important consideration in the framing of the Budget.

Some problems have arisen, as had been foreseen by those who negotiated the agreement, but there are built into the agreement the means for solving these problems, provided, of course, that the parties involved in particular cases have the capacity and the authority and the will to find solutions which are in line with the agreement.

As the Minister for Finance has pointed out, the agreement was accepted by the Government, notwithstanding its inflationary terms, because of the hope it holds out of moderating inflationary pressures in an atmosphere of industrial peace.

The agreement, as signed, was truly national, with benefits for all and with obligations for all as well. Before the community can be assured of the benefits of the agreement, such as a curb on inflation and an improvement in industrial relations, then there must be a sustained willingness by all those covered by the agreement to accept the obligations as well. I have observed, however, that some parties to negotiations are trying to settle on a narrow, sectional base without giving due thought to the wider, national purposes which inspired the agreement.

I accept that unions work for the benefit of their members, or that section of their members for whom they are acting when processing a particular claim for better pay or other conditions. I accept also that management's aim is to maintain and develop its business and to do its best to avoid any interruption in the supply of goods or the provision of services. Under the procedures developed over the years in this country for resolving industrial disputes, the confrontation of parties with these interests uppermost in their minds tends sometimes to produce settlements which, while they may be accepted by the parties, could, nevertheless, have repercussions in other industries and other employments. This danger is especially to be watched when a national pay agreement is in operation, because if groups of workers who have accepted settlements complying with the agreement see other groups securing improvements in pay or conditions which go beyond the limits laid down, then it is easy to see that the acceptance of the agreement could be endangered.

This can be prevented if management and workers take proper account of the national agreement, take account especially of the long-term national purpose which it is there to serve and act in accordance with the aims accepted on the 21st December, 1970, by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, by all the main employer bodies and by the Government.

I believe that it would be helpful in opening this debate if I were to repeat these aims, as set out in the national agreement, and invite Deputies to endorse them, so that the message will go out from this House that, in this area of containing inflation and preserving industrial peace, we are all in general agreement as to the objectives to be worked for.

The parties to the national agreement agreed that

(a) it is essential that the rate of increase in costs and prices be moderated substantially;

(b) all possible measures should be taken to ensure improvements in efficiency to offset increases in costs and charges so that increases in incomes represent real increases; and

(c) industrial peace must prevail to achieve these objectives.

I believe that all of us, the Members of this House, would be doing a service to the people we represent by echoing these sentiments on all appropriate occasions and by using our influence to see that the agreement is observed in all situations, so that the high hopes held out for it can be fulfilled and we can reap the rewards in the form of moderation in the rate of inflation, real improvements in pay and living standards, industrial peace, higher production and more employment.

In commending these Estimates to the House, I should like to say that I look forward during the debate to hearing views and suggestions and criticisms of the running of the Department and I can assure Deputies that points made by them will be given due attention.

I have given the house a very lengthy introduction to this debate, an introduction covering all the essential features, I think, of my Department. I believe that this makes things easier for those who are interested in the different facets of the Department of Labour and I trust that it will be accepted by the House as an effort to make readily available to Deputies information in which every Member of this House is bound to be interested.

The Minister's speech on this Estimate, like most Government statements, is a history of what has happened in the past. We have not discussed an Estimate for the Department of Labour here for 18 months. We missed last year's. On the occasion of the Minister's speech 18 months ago he mentioned the various things which would be done by 1970. He is still mentioning them; they will now be done by 1972. The other day I listened to the Minister's speech on the Estimate for the Department of Posts and Telegraphs. Again, it was a history of what has been done. There were no targets laid for the future. There was nothing to be done by a certain specific date.

A good deal of labour has admittedly gone into the Minister's speech here this morning but, to me, it is a case of we will do it some time. There is no definite time set. Will it be 1972, 1973 or 1974? Will something be done next week? This is not just the case where the Minister's Department is concerned; it is the case with every Department of State. Since I came into this House—it is not so very long ago —the system has not changed. In modern business the first thing one does is to set a target. If one fails to reach that target one is asked why. If one reaches it, so much the better. If one improves on it, better again. There must be a target to make a business or a Department of State succeed.

Last year most Labour and Fine Gael Deputies said that AnCO had been set up in a businesslike way and agreed that the Department were doing very well but most people said they would want to see what the results would be in the coming year. We did not have a discussion on that Estimate the following year. We want to see how many places are now available for training and by how many is has increased. The Minister mentions the number of people being trained but he does not compare that with the number in Northern Ireland, England or any other country in Europe. We are just doing well with no comparison. He mentions—I may be wrong in this figure—that they will take 1 per cent of the wage bill for retraining. About 20 per cent of the turnover of a business would be wages. If one takes 20 per cent as wages and 10 per cent as profit it would mean they would be taking about 2 per cent of a company's net profits. This is a charge that must go on to the selling price of a product.

In the case of CERT the hotel and licensed trade are taken together. I have a sort of vested interest in this. The licensed trade must contribute towards this although they do not need the same number of trainees as the hotels. As well as that, the hotels are subsidised by grants and interest free loans and the other people are not. Is it not possible, when this Estimate comes up, particularly in relation to industrial training, for us to get a comparison between the number of trainees in the North of Ireland and England and the number we have here as a percentage of the population? If we could have this we would know how well we are doing. We would all like to see 4,000 or 5,000 more people being trained but we must compare like with like, the North of Ireland with the South of Ireland. The Minister avoids this because the picture is not so good. In the North of Ireland they have more training centres and more people being trained and their population is much smaller than ours. Admittedly, in the North of Ireland there are industries which go back to the early part of the century, whereas in the South of Ireland we have not had the factories with the big worker content.

Deputy Desmond told us in the last debate we had on this that Northern Ireland in 1965 had 50,000 square feet to train apprentices. They had brought that up to 250,000 square feet in 1969. We have not been told here how many square feet we have in the 26 Counties. I do not think the comparison would be very favourable. There is no point in boasting and hiding the facts. There is no good in the Government telling us they did this and they did that unless they tell us what they did not do. I should like to know now the square footage they have in Northern Ireland for training, the square footage they have in England and the square footage we have here. Northern Ireland has a population half the size of ours and they have 3,000 apprentices. We have an output of 1,000 per annum, space for about 500 or 600. We have a very small spread over the country— Waterford, Shannon, Galway—and Dublin and Cork to come. In Northern Ireland they have Belfast, Lisburn, Craigavon, Omagh, Derry, Newry, Enniskillen and Ballymena. I do not know what premises the Department build for apprentice training, whether they buy them, build them and pay the whole cost or rent them. My experience is that it could be done a lot quicker by renting existing buildings. Perhaps they rent in Galway and Waterford but in Dublin I think they are building them. I do not know whether they are selling them and renting them back or what. In 10 or 12 years time if this is a success and if things are speeded up these might be obsolete so why bother putting capital investment into them?

I mentioned before that I have a tremendous admiration for the Kilkenny Design Centre. I suppose 40 or 50 per cent of the furniture business is done in Navan at the moment. They have 10 to 15 new designs, a new one every time one visits Navan. They are competitive. The workmanship is very good. Some of these factories are small and some are big. The trouble there is that they have not got enough designers. AnCO should try to get people to train as designers even down there and there should be some type of subsidy. AnCO could even keep them and allow each company that requires them to draw on AnCO. I have seen better furniture being made down there than one would get in England, Northern Ireland, or the Scandinavian countries. Other countries have designers. They may be a bit too contemporary for my taste but it is the designs that sell. Their workmanship is not any better than ours.

At the moment we have 1,000 trainees. In the North of Ireland there are approximately 3,000, and maybe more. We should have at least 5,000 or we will fall further behind the North of Ireland. We should rent property and start this and get it going. This is the one area in which we have a chance of getting new industries when we go into the EEC. We must have trained people. The number of our trainees should be around the 5,000 mark now. At least we should have one-third more than they have in the North of Ireland.

There are two items that will affect the workers when we go into the EEC. The first is how well we negotiate in Brussels. We have top civil servants there who know their job. The Minister is there too. The Opposition are snapping at their ankles, so to speak, and vested interests, trade unions and employers are watching to see that everything is all right. Secondly, we must be prepared at home. There are various things—they are almost abstract—that must be done to get the country ready for the EEC. The Department of Labour should be in contact with other Departments and the Minister should have some say at Cabinet level.

Before I come to that I want to say that we have absolutely no retraining here. I think the Minister said that eight people are being retrained. That means that when a person becomes redundant it is goodbye to him. We are training people but not retraining them. The Minister told us that 1,931 became redundant in the first three months of this year. The Minister also said that 1,150 people became redundant in the first two months of last year, and only eight are being retrained. That does not show that any great effort is being made. What the Government are telling the people is that if they become redundant they have had it.

If an industrialist wants to come in here and set up a business or an industry or a factory he will want several things. He will want the Department of Posts and Telegraphs to provide proper and quick communications so that his time will not be wasted. We have the dearest postal and telegraph charges in Europe and our standard of wages is lower than in the Continental countries. The chances of decentralising industry are nil unless we have a completely automatic exchange right through the country. An industrialist wants to be able to fly into Ireland, check on his business as quickly as possible and then fly out again. He does not want to spend two days here when he can do his business in two hours. Time is important to him.

Running through the Minister's statement is a condemnation of wage increases. We may admit that they make us a bit less competitive, but we must remember that the Government had a lot to do with it themselves because they increased the cost of living and priced us out of certain markets.

Co-ordination between the Department of Transport and Power and the Department of Labour is essential. Articulated lorries must be able to fill up, drive straight on to a boat, drive off at the other end, deliver the goods and drive back again or we must have container traffic, whichever is the more advantageous. Have we done anything about this? Are our factories off the main road? What have the Department of Labour done to co-ordinate these problems? If it is a run to Belfast it is a straight run but if the factory is in a small town off the main road the articulated lorries may not be able to go into it. Have we thought of all this?

Another aspect is the tourist business. The weather is not as reliable here as it is in other countries but we have many other attractions. It has helped countries like Spain and Portugal to have drink and luxuries moderately priced but the Minister for Finance has increased the taxation on drink and other commodities. The Minister for Transport and Power says there is no problem. He talks about the turnover in the industry but the Department of Labour must watch the number of people employed in it. Is the number going down? If people have to emigrate they should be trained but we should be training them to keep them working at home. If the tourist business falls off more people will emigrate and we will be training people for jobs we have not got for them.

The Department of Industry and Commerce have some worries too. An industry may fail in one area and another factory is put in to replace it. This is all right provided the factory is viable and is not located in a certain area for political reasons. It is no good locating a factory in the midlands, for example, merely to save the local situation. If the factory would be more viable in Donegal or Dublin it should be located in one of those areas. I do not want to intrude on the area of the Minister for Industry and Commerce but there was a case recently where a factory was not located at Ballinasloe. I am not saying that it would be more viable there than in Clara but I should hate to think that the change was made for political reasons.

It had better be viable or there will be another factory collapsing.

In view of our entry into the EEC it appears to me that it would be advisable to have the more bulky type of goods manufactured near ports and harbours with consequent less haulage costs. This need not apply to the smaller quality-type goods because the haulage costs for them would be much less.

Among the many events of the last year there were some occurrences that must have worried the Minister for Labour. He is the person who must face the music if we have another year in which more than one million man-days are lost. The Minister for Finance broke the 12th round wage agreement. If I were a trade union official I should find it very difficult to ask my members to consider a phased agreement. The Minister asked the civil servants to accept initially a 7 per cent increase with a 10 per cent increase later. Subsequently the Minister intervened in this arrangement and tried to refuse the 10 per cent increase. If this kind of nonsense continues it does not matter what the Department of Labour do as regards training because there will be no jobs available for the trainees.

In this country the tax on a company has been increased from 50 per cent to 58 per cent. Needless to say, this is the cause of much of the redundancy we are speaking about. In England the tax was reduced from 42½ per cent to 40 per cent. The Minister came in here with one example of how a company with a turnover of £40,000 would be better off in Ireland. The Minister did not go up or down on that figure; if he did he would see how much better off the company would be in England.

A company will create employment but the measures that are now taken do nothing to help the company. The Department of Labour are looking for investment by companies and they are training people for jobs. At the moment if an Irishman has money to invest in a business he would be much better off to go to England, although it is a dreadful thing to have to admit. We are trying to encourage industrialists to start businesses here but we are not giving them any incentive. In the Budget of last autumn the Minister increased the tax on companies. He wanted to get rid of it in this Budget but he realised he would look very foolish. He met the FUE and the Confederation of Irish Industry who put up their case to him. The Minister realised he was wrong but instead of admitting his mistake he allowed them for the next financial year to buy machinery they can write off in one year.

Then there was the dole question. It was impossible to get information from any Department and this applies up to the Taoiseach's office. All the facts that have emerged about this issue will not inspire confidence in workers or trade unionists. One sees the amount of money taken out of the economy by the Minister for Finance and yet the Government continually shout about wages. It would be more honest for the Government to shout about "Government and wages".

It is estimated by the NIEC that by 1980 capital investment needed annually to attain full employment would be more than £600 million; in present day money values it is more likely to be £800 million. At the moment the tax on beer is 6d more than what is charged in the North; prices for drink, road tax and petrol, are more expensive than in the North; we have wholesale tax and turnover tax and there has been an increase of £11 in income tax for workers. These costs will continue to rise. Surely they can be kept down at some stage? In former years we heard quite a lot about the national cake. The Government must have taken about three-quarters of the national cake and there is little left for the workers and the people in business.

The Government have taken 8 per cent more out of the profits in industry. The business man must buy machinery, and so on, and in order to recover that 8 per cent the cost must be passed on to the consumer and we will be in great trouble. A reduction in that might have brought about more employment and a better chance for industry to get on its feet and create more home demand. It is very difficult to promote exports unless there is a buoyant home market. There were other matters mentioned about which the Department of Labour and the Cabinet should have some say. There is the question of dividends control. If there were such control a company need not be efficient at all. People would not have to invest intelligently because, no matter what company a person invested in, there would be the same return on the money.

The Minister mentioned the manpower service. Eighteen months ago we were told that all these places would be ready. Clifden is the only one that is ready. Drogheda and other centres are only at an advanced stage. If we were told in relation to a previous Estimate that certain things were being done, surely they should have been completed a year and a half later? Nothing has been done in the interim. I am not blaming the Department or the Minister. The Minister for Finance is not providing the money. If trained workers are not available there will be no industry, and we will not do well in the EEC in those circumstances.

There has been a gradual increase over a number of years in the number of man-days lost through strikes. I agree with the Minister that in Ireland when there is a strike it tends to be of long duration and when a relatively large number of people are involved as in the case of the bank strike and the maintenance strike they account for many man days being lost. In 1967 there were 182,000 man days lost; in 1968, 405,000; in 1969, 760,000; and in 1970 it was over 1,000,000.

Again 18 months ago the Minister mentioned his intention to bring in legislation to consolidate all the different Acts. That was two Estimates ago and nothing has been done. They are working hard on it but it is not here yet. If that happened in business and if you had a target, you would have failed to reach that target. The same goes for the other legislation that was proposed, for instance the Dangerous Substances Bill. All these were promised 18 months ago but there is nothing here. Departments should have targets in relation to these matters so that Deputies can see how much progress has been made.

I do not think the Minister said a great deal about the underpaid workers. I suggested last year that children's allowances should be abolished for people over a certain salary and those workers under £X, whatever figure would be agreed upon as indicating an underpaid worker, would get double or treble the present amount, whatever we can afford, of children's allowances on top of their wages.

Deputy Barry Desmond said last year that he did not intend to press the Minister as he thought the Minister for Finance, Deputy Colley, was about to bring in a different rate of taxation for married women. More than a year has elapsed and nothing has been done. People looking for women workers cannot get them. The Minister himself said there was a shortage of skilled labour. Many married women are skilled but they will not go out to work if they get little or nothing for it.

I have always believed that it would be a good thing to get trade unions and employers to make their wage demands at the same time of the year so as to obviate the leapfrogging that occurs. I would like to see all claims going through the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. If it was thought that Congress would be too strong for individual unions, there could be some appeal machinery. However, Congress should be given more power and all claims should go through them. Although it would be very difficult to make it so, it should be compulsory for all to be members of Congress. In that way there would be fair bargaining.

Last year I suggested that we should endeavour to have a national pensions scheme in so far as it would be possible to do so. This would prevent the leapfrogging that goes on where one person thinks of a good scheme today but another thinks of a better one tomorrow.

We are told that an additional sum of £100,000 is being allocated to AnCO for the establishment of a new training centre at Cork. However, there is nothing definite about an opening date although, so far as I can remember, when the Minister last spoke on this matter he said that the centre would open some time in 1971 and that there would be 2,000 apprentices by then but we have only reached the halfway mark with 1,000. The Minister mentions also that people will be trained in the Gaeltacht through the medium of Irish. For what will they be trained through the medium of Irish? Are, say, carpenters to be trained in this way when, by the time they have completed their training, we will be using the metric system of measures and when these men will probably have to travel abroad? I agree that the training centre in Dublin is very good but we probably need an even larger one.

In relation to strikes the Minister says that during the years postmortems have been carried out in this regard. One might give as examples, the ESB and Bord na Móna. However, nothing much seems to have been learned from these postmortems and many of the recommendations made, particularly by Professor Fogarty in the case of the ESB, were not implemented. In the meantime, we continue to have those industrial disputes. I am not saying that there is any easy way of solving the problem but surely recommendations should be examined carefully and not put away with the dust and the cobwebs.

I agree with the Minister when he says that it is a pity to see so many cases that go to Labour Court being rejected before the recommendations are made. It is a pity that more cases could not be fixed by the Labour Court. It was either the first or the second inter-Party Government that appointed trade union officials to the Board of the conference. This was successful and surely it would be possible now to appoint a man from the floor, at least as a try-out. There is not much use in having postmortems into industrial disputes if nothing is done subsequently. There is not much point either in asking the workers to tighten their belts when the Government, by increasing taxation, are preventing companies from making money and are also putting up costs.

In his speech the Minister has given a list of 18 different areas in which his Department are concerned. So far as I am concerned the most important area with which the Minister will have to deal is the area of redundancy. Last week we discussed the Redundancy Bill and we hope that the various suggestions put forward to improve the Bill will be embodied in it.

Apart from redundancy payments I wonder whether we realise the human side of redundancy because, basically, this is a very human problem. In most cases redundancy does not concern the young unmarried man but, rather, the married man who is in his forties or fifties and who has worked for a particular firm for a number of years. From my experience as a trade union official I know how difficult it is for such men to obtain alternative employment. As soon as a man reaches his mid-forties, there is a definite reluctance on the part of employers to employ him. I do not think we realise fully the effect of redundancy on a man and his family, particularly if there are teenage boys and girls in the family. One would have to experience redundancy in one's own family to realise the full implications of it. The atmosphere of the home is shattered completely. In most cases, redundancy comes as a bombshell because, in so far as a number of employers are concerned, the question of prior consultation with the men's representatives is not considered and the attitude is that the men will not be told until the final decision has been reached whereas the dire consequences of redundancy could be lessened to some extent if adequate notice were given or, at least, if the men were told what was likely to happen.

I am glad to see that the Minister is contemplating legislation which will specify the minimum notice to be given to any worker who is about to lose his job. I do not blame the Minister for this but I think that the notice that will eventually be prescribed by law will not give a person in the circumstances I have described much chance. Apart from the man himself we undermine the confidence of the children in the family when they see their father, who is willing to work and capable of work, capable of holding the job for a considerable time, possibly having been promoted to chargehand or foreman, losing his job for some reason entirely outside his control. Deputy Belton mentioned this morning that out of the whole AnCO training programme, of all those trained, only eight were in fact being retrained. If that figure is correct or approximately correct we should look at the situation in regard to AnCO. I fully agree that we should train young people but it is a far more difficult problem and a far more serious economic situation arises when a man in his 40s or early 50s or older loses employment through redundancy.

What do we—I mean we, as a society—do for these people? Over the last few years we have provided redundancy payments and we are now in the process of improving those payments. That helps very considerably but I think we also have employers who feel that once redundancy payments are there if redundancy comes about their full obligation is met. Perhaps that is so, so far as the law is concerned, but has their full moral obligation been met? In many cases redundancy does not occur when a factory is closing or a firm is going out of business but it occurs, because—to me this is jargon—the firm "must become more viable", has to be "rationalised" or there is a merger. If these things are properly examined, what exactly do they mean? Many mergers, as far as I am concerned, do not mean that firms must become more efficient but that they have to make a quick buck. When they must become more viable and more efficient and do so by reducing the number of workers and introducing more modern methods of production, you seldom find that it does not also include becoming more profitable.

If these things happen, and I believe they do in many cases, employers should remember and the Minister should remind them that redundancy payments are a minimum and do not relieve an employer of his moral obligation to people who have given him many years of service, made his profit for him and left him in a position to become more viable.

While we have redundancy payments, what the worker concerned really wants is suitable alternative employment. Training is the key to future employment. The number of jobs workers will be able to secure without proper training or skill will be very few. The new replacement services are a very welcome development. They are in their infancy but it is absolutely vital that they be got off the ground immediately and be given top priority as far as Government expenditure is concerned. Not only must money be provided now but people must be made aware that such services exist. Very many people who need the services are not aware they exist and that may account to some extent for the figure of eight people being retrained, as mentioned by Deputy Belton.

In his Estimate speech a considerable time ago the Minister said that the manpower service would not be operated out of our present labour exchanges. Unfortunately, while we were told at the time of the last Estimate that suitable buildings would be provided, that has not happened except in some cases. It is not so much the actual delay that matters as that it appears to be an indication that the money that should be provided now is not being provided by the Government.

This is a short-sighted policy because as far as I am concerned a great deal of our present redundancy has come about as a result of the decisions and direct actions of the Government. In the first two months of 1970 the number of redundancies was 553 and in the first two months of this year it was 1,149. In 12 months redundancy has doubled. That in itself would be disconcerting but we know, and I think the Minister knows, that because of actions taken by him coupled with things outside our control, we have to be honest about this, there is going to be a great deal more redundancy. The Department is conscious of the problem but they do not have the resources to deal with it. The Government do not place training, re-training, placement services and forecasting very high on their priority list as far as money is concerned. The present redundancies result from the free trade agreement and the Government are directly responsible for that.

Hear, hear.

That agreement, if not totally, is very largely responsible for redundancies being doubled in the first two months of this year as compared with last year. We have repeated this over and over again but all we hear from Government benches is: "Not at all, it could not possibly be true." It is true, and whether the Government like it or not the public are now, and, unfortunately, only now, beginning to realise that it is a major contributing factor in the number of redundancies. In eight weeks 1,149 people were made redundant. The free trade agreement was lauded as being the answer to at least most if not all our ills and it can be laid directly and solely at the door of this Government. We can attribute these figures to that agreement, the lack of Government planning and the complete lack of economic policy.

The tragedy behind these figures is that they only show the people directly affected by redundancy. They do not tell us about their wives or children or the misery in which they put many. Possibly one of the most serious aspects of redundancy is the complete sense of insecurity ingrained in children who see their fathers after many years of service in a factory or industry being told that they are redundant, which is another name for unemployed.

Twenty-five to 30 years ago it was comparatively easy for an unskilled person to get employment. When I say "comparatively easy" I do not mean there was much employment available but being unskilled or untrained did not automatically debar a person from obtaining employment. We all realise that without some skill, specialisation or training, it is going to become increasingly difficult for workers to find employment. With the present rate of technological progress it must be realised that the key to employment in the future is training. The chances of unskilled or untrained people obtaining employment are going to become very remote.

Some eight or ten weeks ago the Minister stated that a large number of unemployed people need not necessarily be unemployed because there was work available to them. That was a very unfortunate remark for a man holding the office of Minister for Labour to make. I would go so far as to say that a fair number of people who are unemployed were never given the opportunity to learn a trade or skill. Unless we wake up to the magnitude of the problem we are going to find many more people unemployed.

I attended a prize-giving function at a technical school some months ago at which the Minister spoke. The conditions under which the pupils were trying to learn something about the particular trade or industry in which they are entered were anything but adequate. I also attended the same prize-giving approximately six or seven years ago when a different Minister for Labour was in office. At that time we were being told by the then spokesman for Labour in the Fianna Fáil Government that all sorts of improvements would be made and all sorts of facilities would be provided.

This is the School of Retail Distribution in Parnell Square. Not satisfied with having landed us into a mess with the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Area Agreement they are also saddling us now with a headlong rush into the EEC and our people in the distributive trades will have to face this competition. One would think that, in those circumstances, there would be some realisation on the part of the Government of the fact that we cannot meet that competition unless proper facilities are provided for our young apprentices, who will be by the time we enter, if we ever do, our front line troops as far as retail distribution is concerned.

Another aspect showing the importance of money being spent with all possible speed for the training of our people is that we are a country, like many others, trying to develop and expand an export market. This is a good thing. Expansion is essential. But the process of expanding our export market leaves us very vulnerable because, the more we succeed in expanding our export trade, the more we become vulnerable to influences outside our control. If we have a market with a country and that country suffers a recession, or something else, something which is completely outside our control, the effects of that will be felt by the workers here. We have made considerable efforts, and rightly so, to expand our export markets but we should realise that this is just another reason why the Government should be aware of the need for top priority being given to expenditure on the proper training for our people.

To me, the Department of Labour is somewhat unfortunate. I do not apologise for saying this because the matter is too important, but I do not think the Government which set up the Department of Labour realised at the time and do not realise now just how important that Department will be. If the present attitude of the Government towards that Department continues it will no longer be important. There should be a realisation on the part of the Government of the fact that what is happening now so far as the Department of Labour is concerned will be of tremendous importance to us and it is very disturbing to me to find that the Government consider it half a Department; it has half a Minister. We have one man who is simultaneously Minister for Labour and Minister for Social Welfare. Frankly, when the horrible mess over the dole was on here the week before last, I had a certain amount of sympathy for the Minister because, if the Minister is being asked to look after two Departments, it is no wonder he occasionally signs something he has not read. The most disturbing feature is the fact that this is an indication in itself of just how important the Government consider the Department to be. Maybe it is an indication of how important, apart from their votes, the Government consider the working-class people to be. You will notice that the two Departments that are amalgamated deal with working-class people, one the Department of Labour and the other the Department of Social Welfare. The Minister for Lands has declared that his Department is redundant and, remembering that, one wonders how far down the list of priorities the Department of Labour comes.

Some years ago the Department said they were going to review the Conditions of Employment Act. It is rather tragic that the basic Act governing conditions of employment dates back to 1936. But the Department of Labour was set up some years ago. There have been a great many changes since 1936 in conditions of employment and the operative Act at the moment has provisions in it like a 48-hour working week. One would have expected the Department to have got down to the job of amending legislation quite some time ago. The Shop Hours Act dates back to 1938. I understand the Irish Congress of Trade Unions made representations three years ago to the Department to have this Act reviewed. But nothing has been done.

I wonder just where the energy of the Minister is being spent. Is it in the Department of Social Welfare, or in the Department of Labour, or in the Cabinet room trying to get the Government to realise just how important the Department of Labour is, at least as important as the Department of Lands, and more than justified by virtue of its importance to the nation in the immediate future? Of course, there should be a separate Ministry.

I shall not go into the question of industrial relations but I welcome the Minister's comment that only in extreme cases does he consider it desirable for him to intervene in trade disputes. He said that as far as employers and workers were concerned his intrusion would be resented. I agree entirely with the Minister. I am glad that the Minister realises that it is undesirable for the Government to interfere with free collective bargaining. I wish there was some realisation on the part not only of the Minister's colleagues but of other Members of this House, from all sides of the undesirability of, for the sake of catching a headline, intervening in trade disputes. There has been a considerable lack of responsibility on the part of certain Members of this House in past trade disputes where they have not furthered the interests of the workers or the interest of settlement. They probably achieved their initial object—they got their names in the paper-but it might have been a very expensive headline as far as the workers engaged in that particular dispute were concerned because it might have set back a settlement by two to three weeks or maybe more. I hope they will follow the Minister's good example and stay out of places where they are not wanted and not only not wanted but in 99 per cent of cases not helpful.

The Minister mentioned the question of safety committees and his reluctance to introduce legislation regarding safety committees. Unfortunately, and I think we should be frank about this, there has been a failure on the part of many workers to establish safety committees in their places of employment. I agree with the Minister that it would be undesirable to introduce legislation and I would join with the Minister in appealing to workers in their own interests to take full advantage of the law and to set up these committees. I am not saying that the Department have been completely blameless. The number of safety inspectors would not indicate to me any great enthusiasm on the part of the Department for the safety committees but it should be acknowledged that workers have, in the main, fallen down on something that is vital to their own interest. I appeal to them now to go about setting up safety committees if they have not done so already.

I have said some critical things about the Department but I think it is only fair to say that in any dealings I ever had with the Minister, anything I have requested the Minister to do, meeting deputations or things of that nature, I have always found him to be both courteous and helpful. I have also found the staff of the Department on all occasions to be very courteous and helpful.

The Minister in his speech regretted the number of cases where recommendations of the Labour Court had been rejected by workers. I do not want to refer to anyone outside this House in an unfavourable way but I think I can say this—it is favourable incidentally—I have had experience of the Labour Court, I have been to the Labour Court at conciliation level on many occasions, and I think the workers and employers of this country have been extremely fortunate in having as chief conciliation officer of the Labour Court, Dermot McDermott. The number of cases that would have been rejected at conciliation level without his real insight and knowledge into the difficulties of trying to reach a settlement would have been far greater. I should also say that in many cases the conciliation officers in the Labour Court are not of the calibre of Dermot McDermott. In recruiting these people we should be a little more selective and try to ensure that they have some knowledge of industrial relations and the difficulties of trying to bring two parties together to compromise.

I was listening to the Minister's opening statement and subsequently to some of the remarks of Deputy Cluskey. I agree with him that the Labour Court, which has been in the news of late, has been doing a good job. I also agree with the remarks he made regarding the personnel. I have here the Review of 1970 and Outlook for 1971 (Incorporating Third Programme Review) published by the Stationery Office. Under the heading of industrial relations there is a paragraph which reads:

One of the aims of the Industrial Relations Act, 1969, was to emphasise the important status of the Labour Court. This was done by means of a provision whereby parties in dispute are generally required to make every effort to settle at Conciliation before jointly approaching the Court for a formal investigation. It is significant that there has been a decline in the number of disputes formally investigated by the Court in the last two years.

The comparative figures were: 1970: 72; 1969: 82; 1968: 139; 1967: 131. It is a matter for regret, however, that the workers continue to reject a high proportion of the Court's Recommendations.

This is a point to note. Deputy Cluskey praised the work of the Labour Court and said with regard to industrial relations in general that the Government were to blame for inaction and that, in effect, we had half a man in charge of the Department of Labour. To my mind, since the Department was set up no Department of State has advanced as quickly. I am not given to fulsome praise of any Department. Indeed, on a number of occasions I have criticised the shortcomings of some Departments. In the short time since the Labour Court was set up it has gone a long way, in conjunction with the guidelines we laid down on our Third Programme for Economic Expansion where we set out the headings for a manpower policy to be carried into the 1970s and the 1980s, towards trying to promote harmonious relations in the industrial area. I do not say this lightly. It is unfair to say that there is inaction on the part of the Minister or the Labour Court in regard to manpower services or industrial relations in general.

Under the heading of manpower we see that every effort is being made to build a system which will induce the young people who are most amenable to training to participate in the various schemes, all of which are calculated to promote and enhance their future. When the State sets up a Department to deal with some particular area I often wonder does the voluntary ambition of the individual die? Are we inclined to leave it all to the Minister and the Department and to blame the Minister and his Department for every shortcoming in any scheme? This relates not merely to our own industrial scene but also to that in Britain.

To emphasise this point I should like to quote a short paragraph which was reproduced in the Sunday Times of the 2nd May which was taken from The Times. The heading of the article is: What is the British Disease? One might well ask what is the Irish disease? I am taking the paragraph out of context but it is indicative of the point I was trying to make that when we set up a Department of State to help to lead the public in any given area, voluntary effort ceases. The paragraph reads:

The very emphasis on the state as the provider of welfare is some discouragement to voluntary welfare effort. An even greater one is the trade union professionalism which makes people hesitate to think they can be of use.

There is a quote within the quote:

I did not bind up his wounds because I was not a member of the appropriate union, nor had I an adequate training in first aid. In any case I regarded it as the duty of the state to do it. I am naturally sorry that he bled to death.

I have said this before not merely in the Dáil but in the council chambers: day after day we hear calls for the extension of the various services all designed, no doubt, to uplift our standard of living. We never refer to the naked question of where we are to get the money to provide those services. Outside the area of manpower and outside the scope of industrial relations, even in nature conservation, people are inclined to leave it all to the Government and the State, and this is a bad spirit. It is up to the Government and this House to do something about this, shall we say, mean attitude, because that is all it is. The Minister rightly said that, apart from providing leadership by way of various schemes, he was no party to industrial relations in general beyond providing the services to help to bring about better industrial relations. When we speak in terms of manpower we know very well that there are a number of ways of trying to upgrade the standard and bring about better industrial relations between employer and employee.

The Free Trade Area Agreement was mentioned. It has nothing to do with it.

With redundancy?

Just a moment. Let us not think for a moment that because in the 30s Seán Lemass had to coerce the Irish people to buy their own goods produced on the factory floor at home —and he literally had to coerce them; he had to build a tariff wall around them——

Some of them were pretty poor at the time.

Let us not think that we can carry that into the 1980s.

The goods are much superior nowadays.

Let us not think in terms of 1934 because this is not 1934.

The goods are not the same now.

I do not want to generate any heat.

I do not want to put the Deputy off his stroke.

Deputy O'Donovan is the last man I would care to fight with. I am trying to make a point. We are supposed at any rate to be shaping up to Europe. If we want to shape up to Europe, in my submission we must be able and willing to shape up to the country next door to us. If we cannot withstand some of the competition provided there we will not make much headway in Europe. This is not really relevant except in so far as manpower and industrial relations are concerned. The point is that of course we will have competition and of course we will have redundancies. Of course we will have disputes. We are not going to help matters by putting a coat over our heads and saying "I cannot face this; it will pass away". We must face up to reality, we must face up to the problem of competition and something that may arise out of competition, namely, the problem of redundancy. We must realise the necessity for mobility of labour and we must adapt ourselves to change.

A Minister cannot be expected to interfere in the ordinary day-to-day running of the Department of Labour as regards industrial disputes. The Minister and his Department have taken a very wise course in laying down guidelines in order to help the parties concerned to reach agreement among themselves if possible and, if this does not succeed, then at conciliation level or at the Labour Court. If we cannot do this we have no business talking about the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Area Agreement or entry into Europe. Part of the cause of the malaise which afflicts us, and this is true of Great Britain also, is that people do not appear to have faith in their country; voluntary effort is lacking in all of us. It may be said that I am preaching to the converted but I should like to see a better sense of purpose in the field of industrial relations and also in the training of manpower.

We know that the Department are establishing centres for industrial training and that AnCO are providing opportunities for off-the-job training. I am sure we all agree that off-the-job training can be a tremendous aid to young people who are in jobs. In regard to training for the hotel industry we admire the work of the Department of Labour in laying down guidelines in order to help the work of CERT. While we are all working for the same objective, I think that frequently Government Department are inclined to work independently of each other. There are other Departments who are working actively in relation to CERT and there should be the greatest degree of co-operation between them when it comes to a scheme for the training of hotel personnel.

It is regrettable the number of young girls who by-pass the subject of domestic economy in their CERT training. Perhaps it might help if it could be arranged that girls who would take this subject could have the opportunity of obtaining a degree; this would upgrade the subject. In view of the scarcity of manpower in this sector it is regrettable that so many girls do not take up this subject.

The Department have provided scope for management training. Those of us who did not have this benefit appreciate the many aids that are provided now and the many outlets for training. The Department have gone a long way in providing the framework for retraining in the case of redundancy. When we think of redundancy payments we think of the people involved and it is regrettable that quite a number who become redundant are of an age that is not conducive to their taking part in training for other jobs. It is indicated here that this retraining is an opening for the younger people who may become redundant and in many cases it leads to better jobs. Certainly I would not regard it as the end of the line particularly with regard to the younger people. It is understandable that the older generation may not think that this retraining will lead anywhere.

In industrial relations the national pay agreement was a tremendous step forward, particularly as it was achieved voluntarily. Even allowing for the fact that it generated some heat last year the fact that we have got this agreement indicates that the effort was well worthwhile. We hope that the parties concerned will work to the full the terms of the agreement and arrive at settlements without recourse to industrial disputes. I shall be referring to that aspect in a few moments. The establishment of Rights Commissioners was a very good step. They provide a good service for those in need of it.

Deputy Cluskey referred in his speech to the School of Retail Distribution in Parnell Square. Undoubtedly this school is providing a first-class service. I happen to know the head of the school; he is a dedicated man, and I would hope to see in a short time that they would have established there a school with all the facilities which would lead to a first-class training in retail distribution, because at the present time we stand very badly in need of trainess in this sector, both in the wholesale and retail end of it. No effort should be spared in promoting and expanding the activities of the school of retail distribution in order to bring about a higher standard of service in the various commercial businesses.

The subject of restrictive practices was also mentioned. We have a wide range of restrictive practices, not easily detected and, unfortunately, those practices are indulged in on both sides. For this reason I am glad to hear from the Minister that legislation is being prepared to provide for stricter control of monopolies, particularly in take-overs and mergers. It is about time some legislation was introduced to deal with this matter. From now on take-overs and mergers will possibly become more a feature of the commercial scene. It would be too bad if take-overs or mergers were allowed to develop to such a degree that there would be no reference to the personnel involved. Therefore, I am glad the Minister is taking steps in this direction.

Each of us knows, not merely from the Minister's statement here, but from the Budget Statement—and we have the best authority—that no matter how we try to explain it away, we have a bad industrial image, and this image has been developed largely in the last three years. In listening to a Minister's statement one inevitably see the larger picture. Last year gross national production was increased by 1½ per cent to 2 per cent. If that 1½ to 2 per cent is measured against the 8½ per cent increase in consumer prices a pattern emerges that is not favourable to manpower, production or improved living standards.

Have we an answer, or a partial answer, to this problem? It is said in England and it is said here by writers and by professionals that what is involved is the psychology of the worker, the psychology of the unions and the psychology of dealing with the employer. It could be all boiled down to a bit of commonsense. Even the most dense of us can see that if we continue to increase our national product at 1½ to 2 per cent, and continue voting ourselves 14, 15 and 20 per cent, increases in salaries and wages, we are doing it on credit. The credit will run out.

Hear, hear. A 25 per cent increase in Government expenditure.

Deputy O'Donovan is a party to it as I am——

I have protested against it time and again.

——and he has much greater scope for condemning it than I have, because the Deputy is a professor of economics and he is dealing with it every day of the week.

I continually condemn it.

I hope so. We all should condemn it. At the same time, we should try to prevail on those who are indulging in this practice to accept that there is another way. Undoubtedly the other way is a slower means of attaining higher living standards, but it is sure. It would also provide more job security. We should change down into second gear, not in regard to the growth of production but in regard to the industrial situation in general. If we keep on as we are going the funds will run out and we will not be able to keep up the pace.

It happened to the Americans yesterday, did it not?

To a point, I suppose, but there is a little manipulation outside of that.

I do not know. Paper is a poor substitute for gold.

I do not hold with that either. Manpower is the answer to it, if we handle it properly, and it always was. It will be our intelligence and our ability to adapt ourselves to changing standards that will win out in the end. In this way we would make a little more progress than we are making at the moment. When we come to talk about industrial relations, one of our problems is that we do not always see the point at issue. I often think we are not willing to find an answer to the problem or, having found the answer, are not always willing to agree to apply the remedies indicated in the answer. At any rate, the disturbed industrial scene here, especially during the last two or three years, is sufficient to make us all wish to agree on a common policy. Often in this House while listening to a hypercritical speaker, I have asked him what he would put forward as a remedy but I have found that he finds it very difficult to mention what is the remedy.

Unless we can make the national voluntary pay agreement between workers and employers work, we have no business talking about the Free Trade Area Agreement or in dragging in extraneous matters such as the extent of our imports and so on. The plain fact is that, if we continue as we are, our goods will be priced off every market abroad.

We could keep the home market for them.

No, we could not.

I wish the Deputy would suggest how we could do that and, at the same time, export.

It was done in the 1930s.

Yes it was but we were then, shall we say, in a much more moderate climate and competition was not anything like what it is today. Also, that was at a time when there were no schemes or guidelines such as we have now. Some of us may look back on those times in terms of their being good times but I think most of us would agree that they were not so. However, we must remember that they were not good outside the country either. Unless we make proper use of the schemes that the Department of Labour have provided, I am afraid we are facing bad times again. Last year and in 1969 I could not help thinking in terms of the maintenance men's dispute. As a result of this dispute by a comparatively small group, 31,000 men were put out of work throughout the country. If we are adult at all or even shaping in the direction of adulthood, we should be able to have an answer to a threat such as that.

If it is not given, it has to be taken.

It was being given. What appalled me was that this particular strike occurred towards the end of a decade of intense industrial development because the 1960s were particularly buoyant in so far as our economy was concerned. One might say that that period was the most buoyant in our short industrial history. Looking back, that period could be regarded as having been a commercial success. During that time there was a steady fall in emigration which was reduced from more than 50,000 in 1950 to about 17,000 in 1969. We were catching up then but, looking back, what disappoints me about the whole scene is that, despite our having achieved a greater degree of stability in employment and despite the fact that the economy was good and that there was more job security, we were hit by the thunderbolt of the maintenance men's strike which resulted in so many people being out of work.

Taking that strike and the cement strike into account, our industrial picture is a very muddy one. In saying this I am not casting any reflection on labour. I have taken the figures from those of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. Unless we can arrive at a situation, where, first, workers will obey their unions and, secondly, where the Trade Union Movement in general will do something about the proliferation of trade unions, we shall not achieve industrial peace. This would be too bad both for the workers and the trade unions. We have surpassed Britain in our record of strikes. Admittedly, we have not had as many unofficial strikes as they have had but we have had more union-led strikes. Indeed, our record was worse than that for most parts of Europe.

I am glad to hear that the Minister is concerned with the question of take-overs and mergers because at present there are certain elements in business circles who, no doubt, have been trained to a high degree in administration but who are attempting to take over business here or to take over concerns for which they have no training. In considering legislation to deal with such matters, the Minister should bear the human aspect in mind.

One final point concerns the employment register: our employment register is bogus and unrealistic. We have a high number represented as unemployed. Are they unemployed? I do not think they are. In the upper age group there are people such as farmers and fishermen and so on and I do not think a man over 50 is unemployed——

They were unemployed when the Deputy was in opposition.

I am not talking about that but we had the same people on the register when in opposition. I am calling for a reclassification of the unemployed register so that the different categories may be sorted out and so that we shall really see how many are unemployed. We shall then have a better appreciation of the whole problem. There is no better man for this job than the present Minister because he has lived where unemployment is severe and he knows a good deal about it.

Notice taken that 20 Members were not present; House counted, and 20 Members being present,

I am glad to have such a distinguished audience to listen to the early part of my remarks at any rate.

Do not extinguish it with your remarks.

I think it will extinguish itself. Last year on this Estimate I said I agreed with the policy of moving ahead slowly. I do not know if I can say the same today. It would be no harm if the Department set about digesting the many new schemes and approaches it has in hand. Subject to my disagreement with the Minister about the handling of two major disputes last year, the Department has a good record. I certainly disagreed very heartily with the Minister in those cases. There was a time when Deputy Burke was accustomed to settling disputes but I do not notice any activity in that regard on his part in recent years.

I think the Minister is truthful when he says disputes cannot be settled by him. Yet, if a major dispute occurs which shows no sign of being settled it is clearly the Minister's duty and the duty of his Department to see if they can do something. I know that if part of his Department, the Labour Court, is dealing with these matters, the remainder of the Department is not inclined to intrude. If a dispute reaches the stage the cement dispute and the banks dispute reached last year it is essential that somebody outside those who are normally supposed to look after such matters should come into the picture.

I propose to go rapidly through the Minister's speech. I shall not refer to some parts of it because, frankly, I know nothing about them, for example, safety measures. As regards training, up to the present the areas covered have been limited to AnCO, CERT and the Irish Management Institute, which cover very limited areas. There are other training groups, the universities, the technical schools and colleges. AnCO in co-operation with the Irish Management Institute has provided a training course for managers and executives in industry. I am told our management has greatly improved: I do not know. I do not believe that those who shout loudest are doing most and I do not believe that what is fashionable is necessarily the best. It is fashionable to employ certain professional men to do certain kinds of work and everybody wants to employ these men. They are not necessarily the best and very often they are so hard pressed that they have no time to do their work properly.

In connection with the levy grant schemes for various industries the amount is very large, £3 million, and this is in addition to the£3.6 million which the Minister spends in his own Department. This is big money and I want to see sizeable results from it. The various training schemes do not appear to have covered a large number of people. The Minister said: "Since courses seldom last more than six months this means that there is a capacity to train over 1,000 persons each year." This is a relatively small number. The Minister went on to say, "It costs about £500 to train one person in a training centre for six months." This is a very reasonable sum compared with the £2,000 a year apiece we allow for the training of agricultural scientists and vets and as the Minister pointed out there is very often a saving in unemployment assistance.

The Minister goes on to say—it is correct he should approach the matter in some way but it is the way he approaches it that worries me—

In view of the amount of money involved and as this activity will be increasing, it has been decided to have a cost-benefit analysis carried out on the training centres to see whether the money we are providing for them is being spent to the best advantage.

One of the fashionable expressions in recent years among the macro-economists is, "cost-benefit analysis". People who know something about these studies are concerned with the value and benefit of them. Cost-benefit analyses have been carried out by Bord na Móna and the airline companies. I regard the cost-benefit analysis on the airline companies as a big joke. It worked on the supposition that the air companies did not exist at all and then went on to deal with the cost-benefit analysis, in other words the benefits, and came up with a 20 per cent return. The cost-benefit analysis on Bord na Móna was an excellent study but it analysed one particular year, which happened to be a year in which Bord na Móna made the second highest profit in its history, but this is not a cost-benefit analysis as I understand it. Certainly this study was done on a very different basis from the study on the airline companies. The difficulty about cost-benefit analysis is that we all know the cost but the problem is how to assess the benefits. The benefits of training and of education in particular are extremely difficult to calculate.

I am prepared to accept that the reason Cork was chosen for the location of the new centre is that there is a shortage of skilled workers there. The difficulty here is that although there might be a shortage of skilled workers in Cork this year there might be a surplus next year. The need for retraining could be particularly acute in an area heavily dependent on a particular industry where opportunities for other jobs might not be available locally, which would seem to suggest the setting up of one of these bodies in a small town like Clara, which is fairly remote.

The Minister went on to say, "AnCO is engaged in a review in depth of the whole apprenticeship system." It is 200 years since the first English classical economist, Adam Smith, criticised the apprenticeship system as being too long-drawn-out. Most apprentices now have the intermediate certificate and subject to the necessity for training technicians, who are a higher kind of skilled worker, anybody with the intermediate certificate could become fully qualified in the ordinary trades within a period of two years. It is not as important as it used to be for the aprenticeship period to be shortened because apprentices are now paid a gradually increasing wage while serving their apprenticeship.

I was glad to see an increased provision for AnCO in the Estimate. There are all kinds of other increases as well. There is an increase from £120,000 last year to £175,000 this year for the Irish Management Institute. What we have seen happening in industry in recent months does not suggest that the influence of the Irish Management Institute has been all that effective. The provision for training for the Council for the Education, Recruitment and Training for the Hotel Industry has also been substantially increased. There are between 700 and 800 boys and girls training at the CERT schools. Let us hope this is not another example of a bad piece of forecasting. I am all the time saying it is just not possible to make this sort of forecast. I have given the example before in this House of a colleague of mine who talked about manpower policy. I am glad to see the Minister has expressed doubts about the possibility of doing a great deal with manpower policies. I agree fully with the Minister but we must do something about them; we cannot simply not do anything.

The way things are developing at the moment it is possible that a large number of trainees in the CERT schools will have to go oustide the country for employment. It is infinitely better that people who are qualified should go outside the country because they will not have to be the scullions in the kitchen as so many Irish people have had to be previously. On the last occasion I spoke on this Estimate I praised the Minister for his attention to emigration but the £10,000 he has made available to these voluntary bodies will not set either the River Liffey or the River Lee on fire. The Government deserve credit for the fact that they have at least grasped the nettle. It astounded me in the 1940's and the 1950's to hear the argument: "We cannot do anything about it". The political lines were sharply drawn then and there was no certainty from one year to the next what group would be in office.

Just like now.

At the moment it is certainly a very doubtful matter, especially with the developing economic situation.

The developing political situation.

I agree with the Minister setting up a national manpower service. I see it is very broad. I hope the people he employs will show some judgment. A colleague of mine, who is a real enthusiast about this kind of thing, went on television one night with the head of Bolton Street Technical School some years ago; the latter is now the head of the Industrial Research Institute. I must give credit to the interviewer. At the end of the discussion he asked the key question. My friend had been eulogising all this—it was a most wonderful idea and you could solve nearly everything with it. The interviewer turned to the head of Bolton Street Technical School and asked him: "How many boys have you leaving Bolton Street this year?" and he replied: "About 300" and the interviewer then asked him: "What will they do?" and he replied: "I have not the foggiest idea." That was the answer. That was in March and the boys were leaving in June. Anybody who talks in those circumstances about planning a detailed manpower policy is talking so much bunk.

This is the great age of paper. In the first world war the great users of paper were the Americans. They produced six copies of everything. When the Americans arrived in France this was regarded as the greatest joke of all time; a number of copies was made of every little order and they were all floating around the place. We seem to have copied them now. I have been in this House off and on for a considerable lenght of time and the quantity of paper that comes into one's letterbox and floods one's hall is three or four times what it was in the 1950's I doubt if that is an improvement. Some Deputies have told me they burn the stuff en masse.

The provision in regard to emigration is too small, a sum of £10,000. However, I suppose the Minister and his Department deserve credit for tackling it. The Government's approach to the problem of emigration is to say that the solution lies in the creation of full employment at the earliest date. The Government have only one economic policy at the moment and that is to get this country into Europe. If, by some unfortunate accident, we are in Europe in 1975 we will certainly not have full employment here in 1980. As of now, I agree absolutely with Deputy Cluskey that the numbers being declared redundant arise largely from the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Area Agreement. It is no use anybody trying to convince me to the contrary: if we had kept our tariff system in operation and retained the home market there would be a great many more people in employment today than there are. One has only to use one's eyes. I was in a restaurant attached to an institution largely kept up by public funds and I looked at the cups; they were imported. I looked at the cutlery; it was made in England.

We have not heard a word recently from the Government about this agreement. They are carefully directing their attention towards discussions about going into Europe. What are they doing at the half-way stage about the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Area Agreement? There has not been a word from them. Are the negotiators secretly in London at the moment? This is the month of May and the key date is 1st July, the month after next. Is it that the British have told us: "Look, boys. You signed and you got the benefit for a number of years and you are now not going to rat on it when the shoe begins to pinch." The Government have been very reticent. There was not a word about it in the Minister's Budget Statement.

The Minister talked about unemployment. His statement makes sorry reading though it is damped down in the way that officialese damps things down. The Minister says he he accepts that, by any standard, the figure for unemployment is too high. It is the worst in Europe and it is too high. He says there have been redundancies which have been offset by some new jobs in industry. Have not redundancies so far this year exceeded the increase in employment in industry? That is a simple, straightforward question. Have not more people become redundant in industry—forgetting about agriculture altogether—than have been put into employment? I use the phrase "put into employment" because it is the official phrase. More accurately I could ask have not more people been sacked than have found employment? There is no question about it. A greater number have become unemployed in the first four months of this year than have found new employment.

The Minister says present indications are that the growth of national output, which was 1½ per cent last year, will be about 3 per cent this year. Of course GNP will go up this year. Once you increase taxation GNP goes up. That kind of calculation is worthless because every salary is put in as a unit of productivity. Let me give an example: if a man had £2,000 at the beginning of last year and he has £2,500 this year—the normal 20 per cent increase—that goes into GNP as £2,500. Where does a great deal of it come from? From taxation. This is just an arithmetical escalator. It has no meaning. I cannot stop people talking about it though I preach enough about it. Anybody who looks at the Review of 1970 and Outlook for 1971 will see what I mean.

The Redundancy Payments Bill which the Minister has before the House is excellent as far as it goes. I hope it will be law shortly. The Minister said at the conclusion of the Committee Stage that he could not make it retrospective beyond a certain point. The Minister should remember that any Minister's standing in this House or anywhere else is determined primarily, since this is a legislative assembly, by the number of changes he personally is prepared to make in a Bill he brings before the House.

The Labour Party tabled a large number of amendments to that Bill. I am not saying I would die in the last ditch for all of them, but the Minister to the best of my recollection accepted three out of the 50 amendments. I was a long time a civil servant and indeed I was the hod man on many Bills. If a Minister is not prepared to listen to careful criticism in the House, as some Ministers were, his stock goes down. I am not saying that his stock necessarily goes down with me. He must show himself prepared not to stand behind the stone-walling tactics of the men who prepared the Bill. Anyone who does a job of work is inclined to think: "I put my heart and soul into it and it is the best thing in that line that is possible." Ministers must be prepared to give way. I am not talking about money, I am talking about the philosophy behind these things. I hope that when the debate on this Estimate is over the Minister will reconsider his attitude in regard to the Redundancy Payments Bill.

I should like to ask the Minister a question in this connection. The number of redundancies were, roughly speaking, double in the first quarter of this year what they were last year. Deputy Belton told us the fund amounted to £1¾ million. The Minister was concerned about the fund and about the actuaries though he admitted that the actuaries are pretty careful people, a bit too careful at times. I want to ask the Minister whether this abnormal redundancy has reduced the amount of the fund. If it has not, the Minister has plenty of room for movement. It is not so much the amendments that will cost money I am talking about. I am thinking simply of the whole philosophy behind it. It is only fair to say that the period being reduced from four years to two years is a big improvement. This is what the Minister is all the time falling back on. The Minister spoke about OECD. He said:

A manpower policy should not be thought of as a substitute for other policies such as those concerned with curbing inflation. These will continue to be developed side by side with manpower policy measures.

I agree with the Minister. The Minister and his colleagues may have devoted a lot of time to cutting down the Estimates as submitted by the various Departments but does the Minister and do the Government not know how this game is played? The minute the word gets out that there is to be an economy campaign this year all the Departments increase their demands so as to allow plenty of room for cutting out.

It is not as simple as that.

This is one matter on which I can claim to have more knowledge than the Minister even though my knowledge may be a bit rusty. I had long experience of this game.

The safety measures are something I do not know anything about. Obviously this is a matter of great importance and I am glad the Minister is attending to it. The Minister said.

I am working on proposals for new legislation to give workers and employers a statutory right to a minimum period of notice when employment is being terminated.

This is an excellent idea. It is not so long since one hour's notice was regarded as adequate.

Still is, in some cases.

The standard practice was that workers were not sacked at all. At the end of a week a worker was paid his week's wages and handed his social insurance cards. A friend of mine in industry told me that this was the method of dismissing a worker. Both sides understood the meaning of this. It was not a very humane outlook.

The Minister attended the ILO, an organisation with which Irishmen were very concerned during its early years. He said that we had ratified 46 out of 132 conventions and the Minister says this compares favourably with the record of other member States. I do not think it compares that favourably. There is one convention I would like to see us ratifying and that is equal pay for men and women doing the same work. I do not often agree with my colleague, Deputy Garret FitzGerald, but I do think he showed great wisdom the other day when he said that this would increase employment for men. He is quite right.

Of course that is an argument against women's rights.

I did not know the Minister was a women's lib. advocate.

Does the Minister say it is wrong because of that, because it would increase employment for men?

No, but it is not a good approach to it.

The Minister is now talking politics. He is not talking about a serious social matter.

Give them equal pay and many people would employ men.

There has been a lot of emphasis on the million man days that were lost last year. The bulk of them of course were lost in two disputes which the Government, in my opinion, fostered. Certainly in one of these disputes the company represented by Danes as spokesmen, was going to regulate our whole economy. They were not going to pay their workers because they thought it would set guidelines for others.

The figures in relation to the conciliation service of the Labour Court are excellent. It is remarkable that of 564 disputes, 451 were settled at conciliation. The conciliation end of that service has been very lucky in the late Dan Sullivan and now in Mr. Dermot McDermott. This is a remarkable achievement. There is no doubt about that. Does the Minister say that my idea about equal pay for women was not such a good idea? I do not think it is a very good idea to have a dispute going back to conciliation from the Labour Court. The Minister then goes on to deal with the national pay agreement. We all wish him well but I do not think that the Government's Budget this year has helped the national pay agreement.

The Minister to conclude.

I understood you were calling Questions.

I have not called Questions. It is not yet 2.30 p.m.

If the Ceann Comhairle insists on that there will be a riot.

This is nonsense.

The bells stopped ringing and I sat down. That was the only reason I sat down.

That has nothing to do with it.

The Deputy should have reported progress.

However, if Deputies wish to speak I will call them. No Deputy offered when Deputy O'Donovan sat down.

Deputy Cott has been here for the past two hours.

He may be in the House but no Deputy offered when Deputy O'Donovan sat down.

The bells were ringing for Questions.

The bells have nothing to do with it.

Deputy O'Donovan sat down when the bells stopped ringing.

Deputy O'Donovan does not come into it. He sat down.

If Deputy O'Donovan thought he was reporting progress and made a mistake, surely the Chair will not allow the Minister in to conclude the debate?

I am not responsible for what Deputy O'Donovan thinks. Is Deputy O'Donovan reporting progress or will I call another Deputy?

I think the Chair had better call another Deputy.

Deputy Cott might report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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