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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 15 Jun 1971

Vol. 254 No. 9

Ceisteanna—Questions. Oral Answers. - Special UDR Force.

1.

asked the Taoiseach if, in view of the widespread alarm caused by the announcement from British army headquarters in Lisburn that the British Ministry of Defence is considering the formation of a full-time army battalion within the Ulster Defence Regiment, the Government will now take effective steps to bring home to the British authorities the dangers inherent in such a move; and if he will make Britain aware of the growing resentment in this country at some of the policies and actions of the present British Government in relation to Ireland.

2.

asked the Taoiseach if any information has been received from the British authorities concerning the proposed new full-time army battalion within the Ulster Defence Regiment which would be under the control of the British Army.

3.

asked the Taoiseach if there have been any recent discussions with the British Government concerning the proposed reorganisation of the Ulster Defence Regiment; and if he will make a statement on the matter.

4.

asked the Taoiseach whether any communication has been conveyed to the British Government on their proposal that a full-time force should be raised from amongst the present UDR; whether any such proposal was raised by the British Government in previous meetings with the Government; and whether he will state the Government's attitude to this development.

5.

asked the Taoiseach if, in view of the considerable concern over the reports that a new battalion is to be set up in Northern Ireland, he will seek assurances from the British Government that such a force will not be a para-military one.

6.

andMr. Begley asked the Taoiseach if he has had any discussions with the British Prime Minister regarding the proposed formation of an army battalion in Northern Ireland within the Ulster Defence Regiment; and, if so, if he will give details.

7.

asked the Taoiseach if he is aware of the proposal to form in Northern Ireland a special army battalion within the Ulster Defence Regiment; and, if so, if he will make a statement on the matter.

With your permission, a Cheann Comhairle, I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 7 together.

The Government does not favour the establishment of a full-time army battalion within the Ulster Defence Regiment and have made these views known to the British Government.

Would the Taoiseach indicate precisely the manner of communication to the British Government and disclose the actual wording of the message sent to the British Government? Would the Taoiseach not agree that the proposal to establish a full-time army battalion within the UDR, the proposal and request made by the British Government to the EEC to maintain the Safeguarding of Employment Act, the slowing down in the pace of reform and a number of other matters seem to indicate that this "softly, softly" approach to the British authorities is not working and that they are not paying the attention to representations from the Irish Government which, I am sure, the Taoiseach considers should be paid in the circumstances?

This does not relate to the Ulster Defence Regiment.

In my question I referred also to the policies and actions of the British Government in relation to Ireland.

I should like to assure the Deputy and the House that our views were conveyed at a very high level, in a very direct manner. I do not intend to disclose the wording of the communication. So far as the other matters of which the Deputy complains are concerned, we have made our views known about the suggestion that the Safeguarding of Employment Act should be extended into the transitional period of membership of the EEC. Also we have indicated very clearly that we want the pace and quality of reforms increased.

Has the Taoiseach noted the feelings of certain Opposition members in the North that our communications with the British Government are acquiring a rather perfunctory flavour and that they have expressed their dissatisfaction with the communications procedure at present operating between the Dublin Government and the Government at Westminster? Would the Taoiseach not agree it is time that a more clear expression of our views and the manner of our communications with the British Government were made public? There is much dissatisfaction that the British Government are beginning to treat all representations from the Dublin Government as a routine gesture on the part of Dublin and in Northern quarters they are beginning to think that our representations with the British Government no longer have any effective impact.

Again, I want to make it clear that we would deprecate any development that in any way would increase community tension in the North or would endanger in any way the implementation of the Downing Street declaration. I might say to the Deputy that responsible opinion in the North has indicated satisfaction with the manner in which we are indicating our views on these matters.

Can the Taoiseach say if it has been made clear to the British Government that this is an attempt to revive the B Specials under another name and that we object to it in that form?

I might agree with the Deputy to this extent that it could create a sectarian force out of what is now, at least to some extent, a non-sectarian force.

Does the Taoiseach consider that there has been some change in the British approach in recent times? In the light of this apparent change, would he consider warning the British Government that any effort by them to use the North of Ireland as a pawn in their own domestic politics to acquire Unionist support in the Westminster Parliament on the EEC vote could trigger off an explosion which could have disastrous consequences in Ireland and in Anglo-Irish relations?

Since the Tories came to power, in fact.

I do not know what would be the Unionist approach in Westminster towards the application of the United Kingdom to join the EEC. I do not know if the British Government have taken account of it either.

Arising out of the Taoiseach's reply in which he referred to the satisfaction he claims responsible opinion in the North has expressed about his approach to this matter, would the Taoiseach inform the House whom he regards as the spokesmen of responsible opinion in the North at the present time? It is important that the country should know this.

I think I can claim that I have access to responsible opinion at least as much as has Deputy Cruise-O'Brien.

I am asking a question.

I am not going to indicate to the Deputy my sources of information.

Is it not Cardinal Conway?

It is not Cardinal Conway.

The Taoiseach states his views were conveyed in a direct way at a high level. To whom were they conveyed? To the British ambassador? To the British Foreign Secretary? To the Prime Minister, Mr. Heath? Is the Taoiseach aware that the people in the North feel they are being let down by the present Government?

I expect the purport of my views will have its effect. At this stage I do not propose to say to whom these views were conveyed.

(Interruptions.)

Can the Taoiseach say he is personally satisfied our representations are being listened to and acted upon? Is he personally convinced this is so?

I am giving the House an assurance that our views have been conveyed forcefully and effectively. I cannot prognosticate what pattern future British policy may take but, as far as we are concerned, we are making sure British policy will conform to what we want to see done in the North—that is, the maintenance of peace there and the acceleration of equality of treatment.

I am calling Question No. 8.

I have only one final supplementary. In the British Parliament yesterday a representative of the British Government said that only once in the last year had they received representations from the Irish Government about the situation in Northern Ireland. How does the Taoiseach reconcile that with his statement here today that he is perpetually making representations?

I have conveyed our views on frequent occasions during that period. I do not know on what basis the gentleman in the British Parliament made that statement. I am making my statement categorically.

(Cavan): Could the Taoiseach tell the House what objection he has to stating to whom he made these representations?

Because I think that not disclosing what was said and to whom——

Deputies

To whom?

Let me finish— will have more beneficial results from the point of view of the purpose we want to serve.

London has heard the Taoiseach's voice only once in the last year.

Will the Deputy not take my word?

I am prepared to accept the Taoiseach's word. I also accept what was said in the British Parliament; the Taoiseach's voice was heard only once in the last year in London.

What reply was received to the Taoiseach's representations and what comment was made on his representations?

A proposal to revive the B Specials.

There is no question of any such suggestion. We have made our views known.

Deputies

To whom?

If it were implemented at all it would have to be done by legislation.

(Interruptions.)

I will allow Deputy Keating a final supplementary.

In view of the conflict between the statement the Taoiseach has made here today about his communications with the British Government and the statement made in the House of Commons very recently about representations by the Irish Government—these two statements do not agree with each other—would the Taoiseach not reconsider his reply and his refusal to tell us the mechanism of his communications with the British Government? This is, I think, something we are now entitled to know.

I want to say again that if the statement was made in the British House of Commons yesterday that my views were heard only once in the last year or that I made representations only once in the last year that is just not true. I have already said I have made my views known on several occasions.

(Interruptions.)

I am calling Question No. 8.

Are we to take it now that the British Government do not think it worth their while to reply to the Taoiseach's representations?

I am calling Question No. 8.

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