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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 16 May 1973

Vol. 265 No. 9

Financial Statement. - Budget, 1973.

Economic Prospects for 1973.

There has been an upturn in the pace of economic activity in recent months and the indications are that, on current trends, the growth rate for 1973 will be slightly over 4 per cent. For the past three years the economy has been running well below capacity and it is encouraging that this year we can look ahead to a growth rate nearer to what we must attain if unemployment is to be reduced and living standards raised substantially. A growth rate of a little over 4 per cent, however, while welcome, will not be sufficient to take up the slack which has developed in the economy and it is clear that a higher rate of growth could be achieved this year without causing serious difficulties. Accordingly, the Government have decided to expand economic activity to obtain a higher growth rate which, apart from increasing employment and improving living standards, will help to take up the slack and underused capacity of recent years.

A major problem facing the economy in 1973, however, is that of prices. The Government have inherited a very high rate of price rise—the consumer price index at mid-February was 10 per cent higher than at mid-February, 1972—and it will be difficult in a short period to bring this rate of increase down significantly. Factors originating abroad, which are outside our control, will unfortunately continue to push up prices in the months ahead. At least in so far as food prices are concerned, there will be compensating benefits to the whole community, particularly to those engaged in agriculture, and to the balance of payments. This does not apply, however, to the prices we pay for our imports which are likely to cost considerably more this year.

Favourable conditions in external markets for agricultural produce are again likely to result in a substantial addition to farmers' incomes. The agricultural sector, which for long tended to lag behind in income increases, has made considerable progress in the past year or so and future prospects remain promising.

The volume of consumer demand is expected to rise by, at least, the same rate as in 1972. Investment, aided by the stimulus resulting from the increase in the public capital programme this year and also by the rise in the general level of economic activity, is likely to move ahead noticeably faster than in 1972. This is particularly encouraging since, in the years ahead, increased business investment is imperative if we are to realise our full potential in more competitive trading conditions.

Assuming that our competitiveness is not seriously affected by the likely rise in unit production costs—a rise which is all the more a matter for concern in view of the efforts being made in other countries to moderate the increase in incomes and prices—we can expect that the strong upward trend in industrial exports that was evident in 1972 will continue this year. Agricultural exports are also likely to be dynamic. Tourist receipts should be somewhat higher although, of course, the trend of events in Northern Ireland will continue to be a major factor affecting the industry.

Imports have shown a very substantial rise so far this year. In the first quarter they have increased by a third and, for the year as a whole, a significant increase over the 1972 level is likely. This rise is largely related to the quickening pace of economic activity together with certain other factors such as the reduction of tariff barriers and the increase in import prices. However, the increase in exports, together with the current inflow from the EEC agricultural fund, should go a long way towards offsetting the prospective rise in imports and ensure, despite a much higher level of growth, that the balance of payments will improve somewhat in 1973.

Prices and Inflation

A strong—and accelerating—upward trend in prices has plauged the economy for some years past. The year 1972 saw no real improvement in inflationary pressures. During the year as a whole the consumer price index increased on average by 8½ per cent as compared with 9 per cent in 1971. While there was some improvement in non-food prices during the year, food prices rose rapidly and continued to accelerate into 1973. The indications for the present year are far from reassuring. As I mentioned, at mid-February, 1973, the increase in the index was 10 per cent, of which food prices represented over half.

High meat and potato prices accounted for by far the greater part of the rise in food prices in the past year. Because of the present international shortage of beef and other quality meat, the prices obtaining for our cattle have rises considerably. While this brings worthwhile benefits to the farming community, it has also meant that the price of meat to the shopper has risen. The shortage of potatoes-because of falling acreages and a generally poor growing season —was an additional and quite an unexpected adverse development in 1972. I must stress that these increases in food prices are entirely outside the direct control of the Government. However, every effort is being made through the operation of the price control machinery to ensure that, as far as possible, unwarranted increases are not being passed on to the consumer.

A further external factor pushing up consumer prices has been the increase in the price of our imports which in turn partly reflected international currency realignments, especially the floating of sterling.

While external factors have been important in contributing to domestic inflation in recent years, we cannot overlook the undesirable fact that the rate of increase in money incomes in Ireland has been out of proportion to the growth in national output. In manufacturing industry, earnings rose by about 15 per cent in 1972: the volume of output, on the other hand, rose by only 4 per cent. The consequent rise of 11 per cent in unit wage costs was by far the highest among EEC member countries and has a bearing on the fact that the rate of increase in our consumer prices was also the highest among those countries.

Excessive rates of increase incomes and prices of this type have the most serious consequences for the economic and social life of any country. While few are completely unaffected, those who lose most are persons in receipt of fixed incomes and those out of work or those whose jobs are jeopardised. Real improvements in incomes and purchasing power are more important than illusory and inflationary monetary increases.

For these reasons, it is vitally important that any future wage settlement following the expiry of the National Agreement, 1972, must make an effective contribution to slowing down the rate of increase in prices. Profits, professional earnings, fees, dividends and other non-wage incomes must, in equity, make a similar contribution.

National Pay Agreements

The National Pay Agreements are a recognition that the social partners see voluntary agreements at national level as making a positive contribution not only to reconciling the interest of the social partners themselves but to the achievement of national economic and social objectives.

The current agreement, therefore, offers the prospect of a further period of peace on the industrial relations front. Considerable effort have been made by most trade unions and employers to ensure that the terms of the agreement are fully observed and these efforts are greatly appreciated and must clearly be maintained and intensified. The agreement marks the first step on the national level to the implementation of the principle of equal pay for equal work—a matter to which I will return later in my speech. It is noteworthy, too, for its constructive contribution—both in relation to increases in basic pay and improvements in conditions of employment—towards improving the relative pay position of lower-paid workers.

As Minister for Finance I am aware, however, that the agreement has other effects on the economy. Inflation arises from many causes—import prices, profits, costs other than wages, wage costs—nearly all of which are interrelated. Yet, if compensation is sought in full to meet rises in cost which have already taken place, the rate of inflation is consequently multiplied. It is in this context, and not overlooking the other inflationary factors at work, that I note that the pay increases given under both phases of the current agreement are likely to result in arise of about 9 per cent in our unit wage costs this year and they will bring about a further substantial increase in the wage and salary bills for 1974.

Increases of this order, inevitably limit the scope for achieving any appreciable improvement in the rate of price inflation this year or next year. Yet, unless we begin to get our rate of inflation down to at least the level of the other EEC member countries, we will find it increasingly difficult to avail of the opportunities presented by EEC membership. Unless we avail fully of these opportunities, we will make little headway in reducing unemployment and providing more jobs for our people.

The Government are committed to the principle that voluntarily negotiated National Pay Agreements, which meet the economic and social objectives of the community, are the best basis for economic development, stability and growth in jobs. They have noted that the statement of objectives in the 1972 National Agreement makes it clear that the social partners are looking at increases in wage and salary incomes in the wider social and economic context. The Government intend in the near future to explore with the social partners ways and means by which wage and salary developments might best contribute towards these objectives. The next National Agreement must be an essential part of an anti-inflationary campaign and must, therefore, be one which will contribute to a slowing down in the rate of price increases. In the national interest, other income earners and profit makers will be required to play their part, too.

A prime aim of this year's budgetary policy is, therefore, to set a favourable climate for the conclusion of an agreement that will be of maximum advantage to the economy and thus to the community as a whole.

In accordance with the National Coalition's announced intentions, substantial increases in social welfare benefits and services are being provided in this budget, as a first step towards implementing our comprehensive social programme. These welfare increases, together with this year's move towards fulfilling the promise to remove health charges and housing subsidies from the rates over four years, and also the removal of value-added tax from foodstuffs, constitute major contributions by the Government in the fight against inflation.

Price control

The Government are giving urgent attention to devising ways and means of strengthening existing price control machinery. Under the Prices Acts, wide powers, which were in fact extended during the past year, are at present available to the Government in relation to a broad range of prices and charges. Guidelines disallow any element of price adjustments sought as a consequence of pay increases in excess of those provided for under the National Pay Agreements. The Government draw on the advice of the National Prices Commission. Steps have been taken, under the Housing Acts, to bring the price of new houses under control. A major task immediately facing the Government is to ensure that the removal of the value-added tax from food—a measure indicating our determination to combat inflation—will be fully reflected in consumer prices. The Minister for Industry and Commerce has undertaken that his Department, in consultation with the National Prices Commission, will give top priority to this task. Special precautions are being taken to ensure that traders do not increase prices in anticipation of the removal of value-added tax.

The European Communities and the budget

As this is the first budget to be presented since our accession to the EEC, I now propose to refer to the budgetary implications and to certain other matters arising out of membership which are of particular significance to this country.

We must, as a member state, contribute to the operating costs of the Communities and the net contribution this year being provided for in today's budget is £5.0 million. Also arising out of membership, Ireland will make certain other small payments not falling to be met out of the current budget and amounting to about £0.5 million in all.

That is the debit side. On the credit side of the current budget, there are certain consequential reductions in expenditure which would otherwise have had to be met by the Exchequer and provided for in today's budget. These represent mainly relief from agricultural support payments. As a result of our participation in the Community's Common Agricultural Policy, our farmers have access to higher market prices. Furthermore, the Community's Agricultural Fund bears the cost not alone of subsidies necessary to close any gap between the domestic and the export prices for our agricultural products but also the cost of any intervention necessary to keep domestic prices above the particular floor, or guaranteed, level set by the Community.

It is estimated that the resultant gross savings in current Exchequer expenditure in 1973-74 will be about £33 million. This fact should be borne in mind in connection with table 5 of the current budget tables detailing State support for agriculture.

A further financial gain is that, under Community regulations governing social security for migrant workers, we will be recouped by the British Government in respect of the provision in this country of social services for dependants of persons resident in Britain or for British pensioners resident here. Estimated receipts under this head in 1973-74 will amount to about £1.5 million.

In sum, taking account of the items I have mentioned, the net Exchequer gain on the current budget in 1973-74 from EEC membership is estimated to be of the order of £29 million.

Effect of EEC entry on agriculture

The most immediate gain from entry to the EEC arises in relation to agriculture. However, even before joining the Community, farm prices and incomes had begun to show a dramatic improvement. The year 1972 was an exceptionally good year for farmers. Farm prices rose by about 20 per cent and out put by 2 per cent. With the price of farm inputs rising at a slower rate than farm prices, this gave rise to the greatest ever annual increase in farm incomes. Total farm incomes rose by over £70 million or about 35 per cent. All the indications are that there will be a further very substantial increase in farm incomes in 1973.

The EEC Common Agricultural Policy to which I referred earlier has operated in Ireland since February last. While it will be some time before our farmers can enjoy its full benefits, it will nevertheless have a striking effect on farming, even in its first year. The most immediate and obvious effect has been on prices. The minimum intervention, that is the floor, or guaranteed, prices recently decided on by the Ministers for Agriculture are on average about 20 per cent above the level ruling in Ireland 12 months ago. For cattle and milk, which are our main products, guaranteed prices are some 30 per cent above last year's level.

The second gain to farmers is security of access to markets. No longer do we face the threat that trade barriers will be erected against our exports to the Community. Such trade obstacles as still exist will be gradually dismantled, thus further obviating the need for costly Exchequer export subsidies.

The third and, in the long term, perhaps the most important effect of the Common Agricultural Policy is that our farmers will be put on the same competitive footing as those in other member countries. Also, a common scheme for modernisation of farms and improvement of farm structures is being implemented throughout the Community. A new scheme of aids for certain less-favoured areas, which can benefit large parts of this country, is being formulated.

Our farmers, therefore, through higher prices, secure access to markets and improved competitive situation vis-á-vis fellow producers in other countries, will be in a position further to contribute to the growth not alone of their own industry but to that of the whole economy. This, I am happy to say, they appear to be doing already. Indications are that the level of investment in agriculture has increased significantly, particularly in the livestock and milk sectors where the greatest opportunities exist. Demand for investment grants and especially for credit has increased sharply and it is the Government's intention to provide the necessary resources to meet this demand. Increased financial allocations have already been made for farm building grants and land reclamation. Particular attention as drawn to the increase of over £11 million provided in the capital budget for agricultural credit.

I might add that prices this year for our main agricultural products—except those for sheep—have been settled satisfactorily by the EEC Council of Ministers. The Minister for Agriculture is, however, pressing the EEC to introduce a common policy for sheep. Although prices for sheep and lambs were good during the year, our sheep flocks are not showing the desired expansion and, accordingly, I am providing an additional £500,000 in this budget to promote the development of the sheep industry. This sum will be spent on improving the hogget ewe subsidy scheme and on renewing and improving the extension made last year to the mountain whether lamb scheme. The Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries will shortly announce details of the improvements.

The EEC price settlement resulted in higher prices for our butter and other dairy products and in new subsidy arrangements for butter for home consumption. The Government are anxious to keep the increase in the price of butter to consumers to an unavoidable minimum and I am, therefore, providing and extra subsidy of £0.6 million for this purpose. Also in the context of agriculture, I would like to mention that the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries will announce alterations in various capital aids for buildings and equipment. Provision for these, likely to cost about £0.3 million, will be a charge on the capital budget.

Economic and Monetary Union

I shall now turn to certain other major issues arising out of membership of the EEC which are of prime importance to this country.

As the House is aware, the Community is committed since 1969 to achieving economic and monetary union in stages by 1980.

The programme for the second stage of economic and monetary union, which is due to commence on 1st January next, is now being prepared. This stage will, the Community accepts, need to take full account not only of economic and monetary conditions within the Community but also of developments on the wider world scene and their implications for the future. For our part, we will emphasise the desirability of priority for measures designed to speed up economic union since, in our view, progress on this front is a prerequisite to satisfactory progress on the monetary front. The Government will be particularly concerned to ensure that, in line with the concept of harmonious and balanced development throughout the Community laid down in the Rome Treaty, the programme will include adequate policies and provisions relating to regional development and to the sectors of our economy which need basic adaptation and reorientation to help us to close the gap between our standard of living and that of other Community generally.

Economic and monetary progress in the EEC will depend to a substantial degree on the level of economic and monetary stability in the other major trading nations. The unsettled conditions on the foreign-exchange markets over the last few months have underlined the necessity for pressing on with the search for an improved monetary system that will be more responsive to the needs of the times. We are associated with our EEC partners and with the other members of the International Monetary Fund in this work and I hope there will be early and fruitful results. All countries, big and small, need a stable economic and monetary climate if their trade and commerce are to expand.

Regional policy

The importance for this country of the Community's regional policy can hardly be over-emphasised. It was agreed at the Parsis Summit in October last that the correction of the structural and regional imbalances in the European Community should receive high priority and that particular attention should be given to those regional problems which result from the predominant position of agriculture in certain countries, from industrial change and structural underemployment. Under these guidelines, our problems would qualify for particular attention. Most important of all, the Summit agreed that a Regional Development Fund should be set up before 31st December, 1973.

The Government are pledged to working for a Community regional development policy a that will assist Irish agriculture and our western and our other underdeveloped regions. We intend, in accordance with this pledge, to do our utmost to see not only that the decisions of the Summit are implemented but that they are implemented in a manner and on a scale which reflects the major importance of regional policy for the future development of the Community. It is clear that, unless the major imbalances within the Community are reduced significantly, the Community will lack the cohesion essential to its further evolution.

In the implementation of Community regional policy, the main principles which we will strive to have adopted are these. First, the Regional Development Fund must be financed on a scale commensurate with the great tasks it will face. Second, its resources must be concentrated on areas where the most severe problems exist. Third, member States must be allowed a certain measure of flexibility and discretion in deciding and applying the measures that are most suited to tackling their regional problems, while, at the same time, national policies should constitute a sensible whole when seen at Community level. Finally, Community institutions must ensure that their actions on different policy fronts affecting regional growth support one another and that the principles mentioned are reflected in their decisions.

The Government will, of course, take any internal measures necessary to ensure that Ireland is ready to take full advantage of the opportunities which the Community regional policy will afford.

Budgetary policy 1972

When the 1972-73 budget was being prepared, the economy was then, as now, experiencing a high rate of price rise and a steep rate of increase in unit labour costs. As well, unemployment was high, and, for the third consecutive year, the economy was growing at a rate well below its longterm capacity. There existed side by side the need both to moderate inflation and to boost domestic demand. In the event, the budgetary policy chosen by my predecessor was designed primarily to improve the growth performance of the economy and also to contribute to a moderation of the pressure on costs and prices. Current expenditure was set at a high level and this, together with improved personal income tax reliefs, acted as a reflationary stimulus. To stimulate the economy further, it was decided to finance the deficit of £34.8 million partly by a receipt of surplus income from the Central Bank but mainly by borrowing.

It was estimated that these budgetary measures would raise the growth rate by about 1¾ percentage points between mid 1972 and mid 1973. It was explicitly indicated that, to the extent that increased tax revenue would arise from the impact of the budget on the economy, the projected deficit on current account would be reduced. In fact, extra tax revenue of £31 million arose from a high rate of inflation, the general effect of the budget on the economy, and also because of a strong rise in consumption of the "old reliables"—alcoholic liquor, hydrocarbon oils and tobacco —together with a sharp rise in motor vehicle customs duty receipts and certain estate duty windfalls. However, expenditure rose also—although at a lower pace of growth than in recent years and absorbed a substantial part of the increased buoyancy. The net effect was that the actual deficit on the current budget in 1972-73 turned out to be £5.47 million.

Capital budget 1972-73

Expenditure on the 1972-73 capital budget was £278 million, of which almost £249 million was incurred on the public capital programme. Details of the 1972-73 outturn are included in the booklet Capital Budget 1973 which was published recently.

Capital budget 1973-74

The public capital programme for 1973-74 has been set at a level of £305 million. This shows a substantial increase of over £56 million or nearly 23 per cent as compared with the expenditure in 1972-73. If we exclude the expenditures of Irish Shipping Ltd. and of the air companies, most of which are incurred abroad and financed from foreign borrowing, the programme represents an increase of 27 per cent over the 1972-73 outturn.

The importance of the programme for the advancement of national prosperity hardly needs to be stressed. The exceptionally large increase in the programme will provide a marked stimulus to economic activity this year.

Major provisions include some £76 million for housing and ancillary services—an increase of £21 million over last year's outturn; £19 million for educational buildings—an increase of nearly £3½ million; £57 million for agriculture—an increase of £11 million; £51 million for industry—an increase of £9 million, and £34 million for electricity development—an increase of £7 million. Details of the outlays and the financing are contained in the capital budget booklet.

Revenue and expenditure 1973-74

Total revenue for 1973-74 is estimated at £734.7 million. The main constituent—tax revenue excluding motor vehicle duties—I am placing at £614.2 million, an increase of £74½ million over the 1972-73 outturn. When appropriate adjustments are made for tax changes and other factors, the true buoyancy increase is £95 million or just over 18 per cent. This is an historically high buoyancy increase, both in absolute and percentage terms. While I need not emphasise the major difficulties in forecasting tax revenue growth in an inflationary situation, I am satisfied that this year's estimate is realistically based. It was arrived at after a careful analysis of the trend of tax revenue buoyancy in recent years and an examination of each individual tax head in the light of the macro-economic projections for the year.

Rates easement

Since taking up office, the Government have—in the limited time available to them—examined the non-capital expenditure allocations for 1973-74. Following this examination and in the light of the requirements of the prevailing economic situation, the Government have settled the pre-budget expenditure total at £754.9 million including the net sum of £12.7 million being provided towards easement of rates. The inclusion of this provision in the Book of Estimates gives effect to the promise made by the National Coalition that part of the health charges and housing subsidies would be transferred this year from the rates to the Exchequer, to be met from general taxation. What the Government have done is, first, to freeze the rates contribution to health charges and housing subsidies at their 1972-73 levels so that the full increases in these charges over the 1972-73 levels that would otherwise have fallen on the rates in this and future years will now be borne by the Exchequer.

In addition, the Government have decided to relieve ratepayers of the remaining liability in respect of health charges and housing subsidies. This decision will be implemented in four stages and the first such step has been taken. As a result of these decisions, local authorities need levy a rate for health charges and housing subsidies in 1973-74 equivalent to only 75 per cent of the rate levied in respect of them in 1972-73. This will make a substantial contribution towards the easing of inflationary pressures on ratepayers. The Book of Estimates also includes a grant of £3.29 million to the Road Fund to finance additional expenditure on roads.

With revenue at £734.7 million and expenditure at £754.9 million, there is thus an opening gap, before account is taken of specific budget changes, of £20.2 million. Full account has been taken, of course, as I have explained earlier, of the net saving attributable to EEC membership in arriving at this gap. Accordingly, it will be seen that, prior to the change of Government, the net saving to the Exchequer of £29 million, resulting mainly from the reduction of agricultural subsidies within the EEC, had sunk without trace in the sea of inflation.

Budgetary policy 1973-74

In determining an appropriate budgetary strategy for 1973-74, in the light of the options open to me as Minister for Finance, a wide variety of factors affecting our economy has to be taken into account. I must first of all have regard to the high rate of unemployment which must be reduced.

Our second major economic task is to slow down the continuing high rate of price increase, for economic no less than social reasons. The difficulty, of course, is that any action designed to deal with either of these problems in isolation could have serious adverse effects on the other and conflict with the Government's basic aim of significantly increasing employment opportunities. Moreover, in a survey of priorities, account must be taken of the Government's aim substantially to improve the relative position in our society of the lower paid and of the social welfare beneficiaries. Finally, the economy is faced with the continuing need for increased infrastructural expenditure if we are to compete effectively in the larger European economic arena.

It is obvious that there is no clearcut prescription in terms of budgetary policy that will simultaneously serve the various objectives. I concur, however, with the recent OECD judgment that the economy needs the continuing stimulus of substantially increased government expenditure in 1973-74 if its full growth potential is to be realised. This must be regarded as an economic priority for the year ahead.

Notwithstanding the pronounced boost to economic activity provided by the high level of this year's public capital programme, I am satisfied that a further contribution is required from the current budget. A further increase in current public expenditure is, indeed, unavoidable if the Government are to honour their social commitments. Since I start with an opening deficit, I have had to decide whether the enlarged deficit should be met by increases in taxation or by resort to borrowing. As increases in taxation of the order necessary to close the gap entirely would only accentuate inflationary pressures, I have had to rule these out. On the other hand, borrowing to meet in full the higher deficit would run the risk of overstimulating the economy and would unduly inflate borrowing requirements which are already stretched because of the substantially increased public capital programme.

Having reviewed all the options, I have decided to impose some additional taxation so as to reduce the deficit to a more tolerable level. The National Coalition's proposals for the easement of rates and the very substantial benefits provided for in today's budget will, thus, be implemented with only moderate increases in taxes in certain areas where the impace will be borne mainly by the better-off and will be least severe on the less well-off, whose relative position, I should add, will also be improved by the removal of value-added tax from foodstuffs.

I shall now outline the new expenditure proposals which are being provided for today in addition to those included in the Book of Estimates. The major item in this category is the set of social welfare improvements.

Social Welfare

The pre-election statements of the National Coalition Government made it clear that financial provision would be made in this budget for improving and extending the social welfare and health services. I am happy to say that the steps which we are taking in fulfilment of this commitment exceed anything ever before done in this field in a single budget.

I mention here, as an indication of the magnitude of the proposals, that they will involve a total expenditure of about £51 million in the current financial year and a total of £68.7 million in a full year, of which the Exchequer will bear £38.9 million and £52.5 million, respectively.

The increases in rates of social insurance benefits, social assistance payments and children's allowances which are being provided go far beyond covering the increase in the cost of living since these payments were last increased, and also go a long way towards bringing these various payments, particularly pensions and children's allowances, into line with those payable in neighbouring countries.

Because of the great variety of improvements in the social welfare and health services provided for in this budget, I will refer at this stage only to the main points. A more detailed statement will be found in the summary of the principal features of the budget which will be circulated shortly. The personal rates of all social insurance and social assistance benefits, as well as health allowances, will be increased by £1 per week. There will be an increase of 50p in addition for adult dependants, with an additional increase of 50p for adult dependants, aged 69 or more, of old age contributory pensioners. Child dependant rates in both the insurance and assistance categories will be increased by 50p. Exceptionally, the increase for child dependants of widows and deserted wives will be 65p per week.

To improve further the position of families, the Government have approved a substantial increase in payments under the general children's allowances scheme. The present rates of payment under this scheme are 50p per month for the first child, £1.50 per month for the second child and £2.25 per month for the third and subsequent children. These allowances will now be increased by £1.50 per month for each child. Thus, the allowances will become £2.00 per month for the first child, £3.00 for the second child and £3.75 for the third and each of the subsequent children. At the same time, the maximum age for receipt of those allowances will be raised to enable children who are continuing in full-time education, are in apprenticeship or are permanently incapacitated, to receive the allowances until they reach the age of 18, instead of 16 as at present. As a partial contribution to the cost of these proposals, the allowances under the Income Tax Acts for each such child will be reduced in the case of taxpayers whose net incomes exceed £2,500. This will yield £1 million in the current financial year and £2 million in a full year.

The position of the aged will be also much improved by reducing the qualifying age and easing the means test for old age pensions. The qualifying age for both contributory and non-contributory old age pensions will be reduced by one year from 70 years to 69. So also will the qualifying age for the free travel, free electricity and free television licences schemes. At present, the maximum rates of old age and widows non-contributory pensions and deserted wives allowances are payable only to those whose means are assessed as "nil" while assessed means in excess of £5.60 per week totally disqualify a person without dependants from receiving any pension. The means test will now be radically alleviated by disregarding assessed means of up to £4 per week so that a person with means not exceeding that figure will qualify for full pension, while total disqualification from pension will not arise for a person without dependants until his or her assessed means exceed £9.50 per week. There will be further extensions for those with dependants. This very substantial advance will apply, as I have said, not just to non-contributory old age pensions, but also to non-contributory widows pensions and deserted wives allowances.

The means test for the disabled persons maintenance allowances scheme will also be greatly eased. At present, in the assessment of means of a claimant under this scheme, not only the claimant's own means but also those of near relatives are taken into account. In future, only the means of the claimants themselves and of their spouses will be reckoned.

In the past, there has been much criticism of the postponement of payments of new social insurance and assistance benefits. I am, therefore, glad to announce that all the foregoing improvements will be effective from July this year: in previous years social assistance and health improvements took effect from August and social insurance and children's allowances improvements from October.

Finally, I am putting aside £2.5 million in the current year to cover a number of important improvements in the social services generally which will cost £4.2 million in a full year. Those areas where help is most needed have, of course, been long apparent or have been pinpointed through the work and representations of voluntary bodies. Indeed, one of the Government's main aims in the application of this sum will be to encourage and assist existing voluntary efforts to identify and alleviare local community needs. To give a substantial impetus to this most necessary work and to enable a considerable expansion to take place, a sum of £0.5 million will be devoted this year to home care welfare services, building up to £1 million in a full year.

One particular area where assistance is badly needed and no direct help is available at present is for the severely physically and mentally handicapped under 16 years of age who are living at home and need constant care. For these a new allowance will be introduced, costing about £0.45 million this year and up to £0.9 million a year thereafter.

I am, furthermore, allocating £0.2 million this year and £0.24 million in a full year as a first step towards the implementation by the Ministers concerned of the various proposals in relation to deprived children which have been made by CARE.

In welcoming recently the Report of the Commission on the Status of Women, I stressed the importance of that document as a contribution to the formulation of a strategy of social refrom. As a practical earnest of this Government's intentions in this regard, I propose to devote the remaining £1.35 million of the sum I have mentioned to a number of significant improvements in the social services so far as they relate to women, of which I will mention the following examples.

There has been growing concern in recent years about the lack of support for unmarried mothers who keep their children. This year a scheme will be introduced which will provide assistance for them on broadly the same basis as the existing scheme of allowances for deserted wives.

Although the existing non-contributory scheme of allowances for deserted wives which was introduced in 1970 has, in general, been successful in providing much-needed assistance for this needy section of the population, experience of its operation has shown that certain improvements and easements in the regulations are desirable: I am now providing for these. Perhaps the most notable defect of the existing scheme has been that hitherto if a deserted wife was divorced abroad by her husband she became ineligible to receive a deserted wives allowance. This practice, which added injury to insult, will now be abandoned and such persons will in future qualify for deserted wives' allowance.

Full details of all of the proposals for improvements in the social services generally will be given in due course by the Tánaiste and Minister for Health and Social Welfare.

There is one final point to which I wish to refer. It relates to a change this year in the financing of the social insurance elements in the improvements which I have just announced. This year, the employer will be asked to bear a higher proportion than usual of the cost of those improvements for two reasons—first, in view of the relief which employers at large are being afforded in their rates liability on industrial and commercial premises and, secondly, as a move towards the continental pattern of allocation of the cost of social insurance schemes.

Aid to developing countries

During the debate on the Estimates for his Department last week, the Minister for Foreign Affairs announced the Government's intention to develop a comprehensive programme of official aid for the developing countries. I believe that in pursuing this course the Government will be responding to the generous feelings of the Irish people towards the poorer regions in the world community.

The elaboration of such a programme, which will entail commitments to substantial expenditure in the years ahead, will take some time. Meantime, I propose to make available during this financial year a further £250,000 on top of the sum of £1¼ million already being provided in the Estimates Volume and elsewhere. The total provision for official development assistance, at some £1½ million, is double the amount provided in 1972-73. It will be applied to increase the level of Government contributions to agencies tradionally engaged in administering multilateral aid, to contribute our fair share of aid through the European Communities, and towards the development of new projects such as the Central Agency for service by Irish personnel on economic and social projects in developing countries already referred to by the Minister for Foreign Affairs.

Deontais Ghaeltachta le haghaidh staidéar na Gaeilge

Nuair a bheartaigh and Rialtas nach mbeadh pas sa Ghaeilge riachtanach feasta chun an Ardteistiméireacht, an Mheánteistiméireacht nó an Teastas Ghrúpa a ghnóthú, chinn siad freisin ar na deontais a dhúbailt atá iníochta faoi láthair le mná tí a chuireann lóistín ar fail do pháistí a fhreastalaíonn cúrsaí Samhraidh Gaeilge i gceantair Ghaeltachta. Méadófar an deontas ó £12 go dtí £24 agus meastar gurb é £160,000 costas ar ardú seo don Státchiste i mbliana. Is léiriú é seo ar pholasaí an Rialtais staidéar na Gaeilge a chothú agus a spreagadh trí ghríosachtaí.

Higher renumeration in the public sector

The Government have given full consideration to the recommendations for pay revisions which were made in the Report of the Review Body on Higher Remuneration in the public sector. They have considered the Review Body's recommendations in the light of the Report of the Special Committee of the Employer/Labour Conference which was set up to consider and advise on:

the extent to which effect might be given to the Review Body's recommendations for each group covered in the report on the basis of, and for the duration of, the National Agreement.

Broadly speaking, the Special Committee of the Conference recommended in December last that the national pay agreements should apply to the categories concerned. The Government consider that there is no justification for further delay in dealing with the matter and have decided, with some qualifications, mainly regarding the operative date, to accept the special committee's recommendation. In the case of members of the Government and of the Houses of the Oireachtas, they have decided that the consequential increase will take place from 1st July next. Increases for the judiciary and for officials concerned in the public service will take effect as from the relevant dates in the national pay agreements.

The special committee of the Employer/Labour Conference stated that some of the groups covered by their report might have claims under the "anomaly" provisions of the national pay agreements. I propose to have these resolved at the earliest possible date. Apart from any other consideration, delay will add to the retrospective elements in the ultimate settlement.

I am providing £1 million to cover payments likely to arise in this year from these decisions. This sum is necessarily conjectural as it is not possible, at this stage, to assess the cost of "anomaly" claims.

Public service pensions

The Government reaffirm the principle of parity for public service pensioners. Parity will be implemented on the basis of revising pensions with effect from 1st October each year by reference to the rates of pay in force on 1st June in that year. Provision has been made accordingly in this year's Book of Estimates.

Subject to what I have to say later about the Road Fund, this completes my description of the expenditure side of today's budget and I shall now turn to taxation aspects.

Value-added tax

One of the most important elements in the National Coalition programme is the removal of the value-added tax from food. Expenditure on food constitutes a significant proportion of the average housewife's total weekly outgoings and, in the case of the less well off, the food bill is by far the largest item in their weekly outlay. As I mentioned earlier, when dealing with prices generally, it is, unfortunatly, in food prices that the greatest increases have taken place over the past year or so.

Accordingly, I am happy to announce that value-added tax is being removed from food from the earliest date practicable. This is the most immediate and most practical step that can be taken to bring about relief from rising food prices. The Government had hoped that it would have been possible to implement this relief from an early date. But, because of the alterations which will have to be made by traders to operate the revised system, it is not possible to introduce the change before 1st September next. To ensure that all the necessary preparations can be made by that date, I have arranged for the Revenue Commissioners to consult with the business community in the matter. These consultations have already started.

I have decided, however, that there would be no justification for removing the tax from certain luxury consumable items which affect family outlay only marginally. The categories to which the concession will not be extended, therefore, include alcoholic drink, sweets, chocolates, ice cream, confectionery, and soft drinks. On the other hand, I have decided to extend the concession to include oral medicines for human consumption.

As I have already mentioned, the Government regard it as essential to ensure that there will be a full corresponding reduction in the prices charged by traders for the items from which the tax is being removed. Prices will be carefully monitored by the Department of Industry and Commerce and the full powers under the Prices Acts will be invoked in any case where a trader is not implementing the reduction. I should point out that, while the rate of tax that is being abolished is of course 5.26 per cent, the corresponding reduction in retail prices is 5 per cent. This difference is accounted for by the fact that the 5.26 per cent rate is calculated on the price before tax whereas the price reduction will be calculated on the full price including tax.

The cost to the Exchequer of the relief will be £16.75 million in a full year and £8.35 million this year. This cost, together with a modest contribution towards reducing the current account deficit this year, will be recovered within the value-added tax system by increasing the existing rates on other items. It has been decided to keep the increase as low as possible on the rate applicable to basic commodtities and to increase to a greater extent the rates on other, less essential, items.

A part from dancing, where a special regime applies, the new scheme of value-added tax rates, accordingly, will be as follows:

A zero-rate, instead of the present 5.26 per cent rate, will apply to food including oral medicines but excluding the less essential items I have mentioned.

A 6.75 per cent rate, instead of 5.26 per cent, will apply to services and to the other goods at present subject to the latter rate, for example, alcoholic liquor, tobacco, petrol, fuel and electricity, clothing and footwear. The effective rate on housing will, however, remain unchanged at about 3 per cent.

A 19.5 per cent rate will apply to those goods at present subject to the 16.37 per cent rate, for example, hardware, electrical goods and furniture, furnishings, jewellery and sports equipment.

A revised rate of 36.75 per cent will apply to those goods at present subject to the 30.26 per cent rate, for example, motor cars, television sets and radios.

Details of the revised arrangements, including the exact definitions of the items to be zero-rated as food, will be published at an early date.

In joining the EEC we took upon ourselves certain commitments regarding the harmonisation of value-added taxes in the Community. As yet, however, the degree of harmonisation achieved by the EEC is not such as to preclude substantial differences in the rates and structure of VAT applied in the member states, and, accordingly, in making the changes just announced, we are not in conflict with present Community legislation.

The pace and degree of the movement towards a Community-wide unification of the structure of the tax and, later still, towards a narrowing of the differences between the various national rates of tax are matters for discussion and agreement between the member states.

Death Duties

The Government, before taking up office, undertook to abolish estate duty and to replace it with a new form of taxation of capital. This commitment will be honoured. However, any radical reshaping of our present system of taxing capital is a matter that requires detailed consideration. The question is being studied in depth and a White Paper will be published as soon as possible. This will afford all interested parties an opportunity to give their views on this important and complicated matter. The speed at which it will be possible to replace estate duty by a new form of taxation on capital will, therefore, depend on the cooperation of the interests concerned.

Meanwhile, I have decided on a number of proposals which will greatly alleviate the present burden of estate duty in those cases in which hardship is most likely to arise under the present system.

Increase in the general exemption limits

First, I propose to raise the general exemption limit for estate duty from £7,500 to £10,000. This will provide significant relief in the case of smaller estates and is a move towards the complete abolition of the duty. At present, legacy and succession duties also apply in the case of estates exceeding £7,500 and I propose to increase this limit to £10,000.

Abatement for widows and dependent children

Next, I propose to double the present estate duty abatments for widows from £2,000 to £4,000 and those for dependent children from £1,000 each to £2,000 each. These abatements apply to estates not exceeding £100,000. The increased relief will mean that property passing to a widow alone will be exempt from duty where the value of the estate does not exceed £25,000 as against £17,750 at present. The reliefs will raise the exemption ceiling in the case of a widow with one dependent child from £21,430 to £33,333 and with three dependent children from the present figure of £30,200 to £41,666. These limits will also be further increased, in appropriate cases, by a new relief which I am proposing for life insurance benefits and by an improvement which I am proposing to the present relief in respect of superannuation benefits to which I shall now refer.

Insurance policy exemption

I propose to exclude from the value of an estate for estate duty purposes the first £7,500 of life insurance benefits. At present superannuation death benefits of £7,500 or less are exempt from estate duty. In my view it is difficult to distinguish in principal between provision for old age or retirement or by means of a contribution to a superannuation scheme by employees and contributions to, say, endowment insurance which in many cases is a substitute for a superannuation scheme in the case of self-employed persons.

Superannuation death benefits

As I have mentioned, while superannuation death benefits are exempt at present up to £7,500, once the benefits exceed this figure the full amount is liable to duty. This restriction can nowadays cause hardship in many cases particularly since the estimated present market value of the pension payable to a widow under a superannuation scheme is included as part of the exempt sum. It is, accordingly, proposed to remove the restriction so that, irrespective of the aggregate value of the superannuation death benefits, the first £7,500 will be excluded from the estate and will not be subject to estate duty. This will ensure equal treatment as between persons whose conditions of employment provide for a superannuation scheme and persons who must effect insurance to secure similar benefits.

Artifical valuation

The final measure of estate duty relief relates to agricultural land. Agricultural land is valued for estate duty purposes on an artifical basis, its value being taken as 25 times the rateable value, less the redemption value of the land purchase annuity. Any other charges on the lands for which the deceased was personally liable are also deducted from the value of the estate. If the value of the total estate on this basis is less than £2,000, this artificial valuation system is adopted and no estate duty is payable. I now propose to raise this limit to £3,000, thereby relieving many more farmers' estates from estate duty. This will go some distance towards meeting the special problems which estate duty has posed for farmers. Farmer's estates will also, of course, benefit, in appropriate cases, from the other estate duty concessions I have announced. These death duty reliefs will take effect in the case of estates of persons dying on or after today.

Inheritance taxes

Legacy duty or succession duty, as appropriate, is chargeable at the rate of 5 per cent on property passing to brothers and sisters of the deceased and their spouses and to descendants of such brothers and sisters and to their spouses and, at 10 per cent, on property passing to more distant relatives and strangers. I propose to double the rates of these duties. As with the reliefs, the increases will take effect in the cases of estates of persons dying on or after today. These duties do not apply at all in the case of property passing to a spouse or children of the deceased.

The death duty reliefs which I have announced represent a major reduction in the burden of death duties without precedent in the history of the State. They will cost £0.75 million this year and £1.75 million in a full year. This cost will be partly offset by the yield from the increases in the legacy and succession duties which, because of the time allowed for payment of these duties, will yield only an extra £0.05 million this year and £0.25 million next year. The eventual full year yield of the increased rates is estimated at £1 million. Thus the net cost to the Exchequer of all the death duty changes is estimated at £0.7 million this year, £1.5 million in 1974-75 and £0.75 million a year eventually.

Income Taxation Simplification

I have been considering proposals for the reform of personal income tax. Such a reform is particularly called for because of the dramatic increase in the number of taxpayers now within the scope of the tax. A basic goal of the reform would be to promote voluntary compliance by taxpayers with the income tax code by making it as simple as possible for them to understand but, of course, sufficiently detailed to prevent abuse by those who wish either to exploit loopholes in the law or to evade paying their proper share. I envisage a reform of the basic structure that will make it less complex and more manageable than the present system which, essentially, has remained unchanged since the foundation of the State.

The changes I have in mind involve the merging of the present anchronistic and administratively costly dual structure of income tax and sur-tax into a unified system, graduated over the whole range of incomes, and the introduction of rounded personal allowances. The existing distinction between earned income and investment income would be substantially maintained by the grant of earned income relief of a fixed amount, as well as by the introduction of a lower rate of tax on the first slice of earned income. Such a scheme would help to remove the confusion at present existing in the minds of many taxpayers with earned income that their marginal rate of tax is 35 per cent whereas this rate applies only after the deduction for earned income relief has been made.

My aim is to devise a scheme which will achieve the greatest degree of simplification at minimum cost to the Exchequer. If a satisfactory scheme can be devised, the necessary legislative provisions will be enacted at the earliest feasible date. In the normal course, the new scheme would come into operation next year, 1974-75, but the timing of its introduction would have to be examined carefully in the light of the present and prospective burdens on the Revenue Commissioners in the tax field generally.

Evasion

Immediately, and without prejudice to the more fundamental reform I have just referred to, certain measures require to be taken in the income tax field.

One of the reasons why our rates of income taxation are so high is that a great many people who ought to pay a lot of tax pay little or, indeed, pay no tax at all. As far back as 1962, the Commission on Income Taxation referred, in their seventh report, to the belief that evasion was widespread. This belief is probably even more generally held today, and has serious psychological as well as revenue consequences in that it tends to create a climate where evasion becomes socially acceptable.

Steps have been taken in recent years to counter evasion. These have not, however, proved adequate to deal with the problem, and further comprehensive provisions to ensure that the burden of the tax will fall more equitable are being studied. In the meantime certain measures will be taken in the forthcoming Finance Bill, among which are the following.

Penalties and interest charges

First it is proposed to rationalise the income tax penalties legislation so as to enable defaulters to be dealt with more effectively. This will be accompanied by the imposition of a minimum interest charge, payable by employers, in respect of PAYE tax not paid over by them within the stipulated time. Such a minimum interest charge already applies in the case of value-added tax. In addition, I propose to introduce legislation to ensure that, in general, interest on overdue tax will not be a permissible deduction for tax purposes.

Business entertainment

Next I propose to introduce a stricter test for determining the admissibility of expenditure incurred on business entertainment. There has been widespread criticism that some concerns are entertaining on an unduly lavish scale, ostensibly for the purpose of building up the goodwill required to secure and retain customers. Under existing law, expenses on entertainment, however lavish, are admissible in computing the profits or gains of a trade or profession if they can be shown to have been incurred "wholly and exclusively" for the purposes of the trade or profession. While reasonable expenses incurred on business entertainment will, of course, continue to be admissible, I propose to introduce legislation to amend the Schedule D expenses rule so that such expenses will not be deductible unless they have been incurred, not only wholly and exclusively, but also necessarily for the purposes of the trade or profession.

There will also be a restriction on the giving of capital allowances in respect of the use of a capital asset, such as a yacht, for purposes of entertainment except where such use is connected with business entertainment provided wholly, exclusively and necessarily for the purposes of the trade or profession.

Capital allowances for cars costing over £2,500

The Finance Bill will also contain a measure which will have the effect of restricting the amount of capital allowances in respect to motor cars used by business and professional people to the allowances appropriate to a maximum price of £2,500 for each car. This will ensure that business concerns who want their executives to use more expensive cars will have to carry the excess of more than £2,500 themselves and not pass on, in effect, up to half the cost to the Exchequer.

A nation of minis.

“Loss-buying” transactions

Existing tax laws permits trading losses to be carried forward, without limit as to time, and to be set against future profits in the same trade. Advantage can be taken of this situation through a tax-avoidance arrangement, so that trading losses accumulated by a run-down company may be claimed in certain circumstances where the shares of the company have been acquired by another—profit making—company carrying on a similar trade. The Finance Bill will contain provisions to counter devices of this kind.

Friendly Societies

A registered friendly society which is precluded from assuring to any person a sum exceeding £1,000 by way of gross sum or £52 a year by way of annuity is exempt from income tax. There has been a sudden upsurge in the number of those societies and the indications are that the underlying purpose is tax avoidance. I propose, therefore, to introduce a provision which will make the division of surplus funds, from today onwards, chargeable to tax in the hands of recipients.

Benefits-in-kind

A further measure which I propose to introduce in this general field of tax avoidance relates to benefits-in-kind. Under existing law certain expense allowances and benefits-in-kind given to or provided for directors and higher paid employees of trading bodies are chargeable to tax in the hands of the recipients. When these general provianc sions were introduced they were applicable only in the case of trading bodies. It has transpired since that similar benefits-in-kind are being provided by non-trading bodies and the charge will be extended to cover these.

It is also proposed to amend the legislation so as to counter the avoidance of a tax charge on company directors, in respect of certain benefits-in-kind, by means of the device of having the benefit provided through an associated company.

Life assurance premiums

Another measure which I will provide for in the Finance Bill relates to a misuse of life assurance relief. Income tax relief is, subject to certain restrictions, available in respect of premiums payable on life assurance policies.

Policies have, however, now been devised which technically qualify for this tax relief but the primary purpose of the scheme with which the policies are associated is that of investment over a period of three years only. Life assurance relief was never intended to be available for this type of scheme, and provisions will be included in the Finance Bill to confine the relief to insurance policies for a period of at least ten years where the premiums are payable at regular yearly or shorter intervals. The new restrictions will apply to policies taken out on or after today. I estimate that the measures to combat evasion and avoidance that I have outlined will yield £600,000 in this financial year.

Tax Reliefs

I now come to the more pleasant task of providing tax reliefs and concessions.

Wife's earned income relief

Representations have been made to me by various organisations that the tax code bears harshly on married women who take up employment and, because of its deterrent effect, gives rise to a shortage of female labour and a high turnover in certain sectors. I propose to increase the present allowance for a wife's earned income from £74 to £104. The combined married allowance and wife's earned income allowance will then be twice the single allowance. The cost of this proposal will be £500,000 in the current year and £850,000 in a full year.

Free depreciation

Free depreciation in respect of new machinery and plant, other than road vehicles outside the designated areas and its equivalent in the form of 100 per cent initial allowance expired on 31st March, 1973. In response to many representations which I have received, I propose to continue the operation of these allowances for a further period. In taking this step, I am conscious of the need to provide every incentive possible to assist Irish industry in the task of re-equipping and modernising itself to enlarge further its export markets and to face growing competition from abroad in the home market. The enhanced allowances will be continued for a further period of two years only and will, therefore, end on 31st March, 1975.

The 20 per cent initial allowance applicable to industrial buildings in any part of the country and the 20 per cent investment allowance in respect of new machinery and plant for use in the designated areas, both of which expired on 31st March 1973, will also be extended to 31st March, 1975.

Irish thalidomide children

Under the present income tax legislation, although compensation paid to Irish thalidomide children from the West German fund in the form of a capital amount would be free of income tax, monthly payments would, however, be liable and, as well, the parent's maximum income tax child allowance in respect of a thalidomide child could also be reduced. I have decided to include a provision in the Finance Bill to exempt from income tax all compensation payments made from this fund to Irish thalidomide victims.

Relief for patent income

I have been considering the possibility of tax relief for inventors who contribute to industrial development and improved competitiveness. To encourage research and development in Ireland and to stimulate inventions I propose to provide in the Finance Bill for the exemption from tax of all income from royalties on patents first-registered in this country in respect of any invention where the work in connection with the actual devising of the invention is carried out in the State and the inventor resides here. The concession will, of course, cover royalties from abroad where the invention has been subsequently registered in another country. However, the new relief will not extend to the proceeds from the outright sale of patents as I do not wish to encourage the disposal abroad of Irish inventions, to the detriment of our own industry.

Occupational pension schemes

Last year new and more liberal income tax provisions governing pension schemes were introduced. As an immediate change-over to the new code was not possible, existing pension schemes were given until 5th April, 1980, to make the change. Under the new code, death-in-service benefits may be paid in lump sum form up to four times an employee's final remuneration, whereas the corresponding limit in the earlier code was one-and-a-half times final remuneration. In response to representations, I propose to provide exceptionally that the relevant provisions of the earlier code be amended to enable existing pension schemes to make the higher lump sum payment.

Contributions to universities for research

Under the present law traders can claim a tax deduction in respect of certain payments made to universities to finance scientific research. Certain companies wish to make contributions to universities to enable them to facilitate research in other fields by endowing chairs, for example, in marketing and industrial relations. I propose to amend section 244 of the Income Tax Act, 1967, so as to permit deductions for tax purposes in respect of such contributions by traders.

Human rights and fundamental freedoms

I also propose to introduce two provisions for the purpose of giving some tax concessions, subject to certain conditions, to bodies established for the purpose of promoting the observance of the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

The first provision will give such bodies the same exemption from income tax as is given under existing law to a charitable body the whole of whose income is applied to charitable purposes only. The second provision will ensure that annual contributions made under covenant by any person to such bodies for periods exceeding three years will be recog-nised for income tax purposes. As a consequence, a body in receipt of such contributions will be able, by virtue of the first provision, to claim a refund of the income tax deducted by those persons making the contributions.

Stamp duties

I am mindful of the extra financial burden imposed on house purchasers by the various expenses attached to buying a house and have decided to ease the burden substantially in so far as stamp duty is concerned. I propose to introduce a new reduced scale of rates with complete exemption up to £1,000, a rate of ½ per cent on sales from £1,000 up to £2,000, 1 per cent on sales from £2,000 to £6,000, 1.1 per cent to 1.7 per cent on sales bettween £6,0000 and £7,500, 2 per cent from £7,500 to £10,000. The rates of duty on transactions over £10,000 will remain unchanged.

The new scale of rates will provide substantial relief to persons buying previously occupied houses, or new houses not qualifying for State grants, up to £10,000 in value. For example, the saving on a house bought for £7,000 will be £110. The new rates will also apply to sales of land and will benefit farmers purchasing small holdings or making additions to their holdings. The cost of giving this relief is fairly sizeable—£0.40 million this year and £0.5 million in a full year.

I propose also, as a further measure of assistance to persons who borrow money to buy moderately-priced houses, to abolish the stamp duty of 0.125 per cent payable on mortgages up to £10,000. Mortages in excess of £10,000 will still be liable to duty. The cost of this concession will be £0.025 million this year and £0.03 million in a full year.

To recoup some of the loss of revenue from these stamp duty concessions I propose to increase the stamp duty applicable to contracts for the construction, alteration and enlargement of office buildings from 10 per cent to 15 per cent. This will yield an extra £0.33 million this year and £0.375 million in a full year. These stamp duty changes will affect instruments executed on or after 1st June next. Effect will be given to these changes by way of an Order under the Imposition of Duties Act, 1957.

White Paper on company taxation

In response to the White Paper on Company Taxation in Ireland which was published last November, comments have been received from a number of organisations and these are being considered. The main suggestion in the White Paper related to the adoption of a single-rate structure of company taxation with imputation of an appropriate proportion of the company tax to the shareholders. In coming to a decision on this, regard will, of course, be had to developments in this field within the European Economic Community. I will announce my decision as soon as possible.

Corporation Profits Tax Exemption

Last year the exemption from corporation profits tax provided on a temporary basis for certain public utility societies and other bodies, including building societies, was extended for one year only and therefore expired on 31st December, 1972. Pending a decision on the issues raised in the White Paper on Company Taxation I propose to continue the exemption for a further period of one year.

The Taxation of mining

Under present law, profits from exploration or exploitation activities carried on in this country's sector of the Continental Shelf, for example those made by companies who are not resident in this country's jurisdiction for tax purposes, are not chargeable to tax. It is proposed to include provisions in this year's Finance Bill to secure that such profits will be charged to tax. Provisions will also bring into charge employment on the Shelf which, in some cases, is outside the scope of Irish income tax.

Deputies are aware that, in relation to the wider question of the exploitations of our mineral resources generally, an Inter-Departmental Committee have been examining and reviewing our taxation and royalty arrangements, with a view to recommending any changes deemed necessary. It was envisaged that this review would assist in the formulation of a sound longterm fiscal policy for minerals exploitation which would give the State an equitable share of profits and which would, at the same time, be sufficiently attractive to the mining companies to ensure the continued development of our mineral resources in an orderly and efficient manner. The Committee have submitted two interim reports.

Coal mining

The first of these related to coal mining which has been experiencing difficulties, resulting in the closure of two collieries. In order to develop the industry and to provide employment, the Inter-Departmental Committee recommended that special concessions should be given to coal mining. The committee considered that relief should be given in a flexible manner, on the lines of the abatement provided in section 55 of the Petroleum and Other Minerals Development Act, 1960. That provision enables certain payments to be made by the State to the lessee under a petroleum lease, related to the amount of taxation, royalties, et cetera, previously paid. Legislation on broadly similar lines could provide some relief from taxation for coal mining companies. The amount of the relief would be determined from year to year by the Minister for Industry and Commerce with the consent of the Minister for Finance. The Minister for Industry and Commerce is, accordingly, making the necessary arrangements to introduce the requisite legislation to give effect to the committee's recommendation.

The second interim report of the Inter-Departmental Committee related to non-bedded minerals and was received within the past few days. The committee are now being asked to give urgent attention to the fiscal arrangements relating to other minerals principally oil and gas, including offshore operations. The Government will ensure that effective policies serving the national interest will be formulated and implemented without delay.

Interest on certain bank deposits

At present, interest up to £70 on deposits made by an individual with the Post Office Savings Bank, trustee savings banks, and certain commercial banks is exempt from income tax. Banking institutions set up since the relief was introduced have sought to be included in the concession. This, however, would be a costly move for the Exchequer. On the other hand, the present position is clearly anomalous. Because the relief was introduced as a measure to promote thrift, I have decided that the best course would be to confine it to deposits with the Post Office Savings Bank and the trustee savings banks which are the main thrift institutions of the State. The change will come into force with effect from 6th April, 1974. I now come to the taxation measures necessary to reduce the deficit on the budget to manageable proportions.

Tobacco, spirits and beer increases

I have given careful consideration to the range of possible courses by which I could bring into the Exchequer some additional revenue to help close the budget gap with least effect on the less well-off and without unduly affecting the expansionary impact of today's measures. I was struck by the fact that the "old reliables" have shown strong buoyancy over the past few years, particularly last year. Moreover, they have not suffered a recent increase in rates.

I have decided to increase the rate of duty on tobacco by the equivalent of 3p per packet of 20 cigarettes, and the duty on spirits by the equivalent of 3p per glass, on the retail price. In arriving at these figures account has been taken of the proposed increase in VAT on these non-essential items as a consequence of the removal of VAT from food. A Special excise duty equivalent to the increase in the ordinary customs and excise duties on tobacco will be levied on all duty-paid stocks of tobacco held by licensed manufacturers at five o'clock this afternoon.

In the instance of beer, the retail price will go up by an amount equivalent to 1p per pint. However, not all of the proceeds of the increase will go to the Exchequer. The brewers have lodged a case for a price rise which has been considered by the National Prices Commission and an increase of 0.27 per pint has been adjudged to be reasonable by the Commission. This finding has been approved by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. The balance of the 1p increase that is 0.73, on the retail price will accrue to the benefit of the Exchequer.

These increases will operate from midnight tonight and will yield a total of £11.3 million this year and £11.4 million in a full year including the appropriate amount of value-added tax involved. I might mention that the increases in taxation provide a margin for the incidence of value-added tax.

This amount of additional revenue will help to finance the social and taxation reforms already described and I am confident that the consumer will understand the need for having recourse to these heads. The duty on tobacco was last increased four years ago, and the beer and spirits duties were last increased two years ago.

I should add that, with effect from 1st September next, when the value-added tax on these commodities will be increased by about one-and-a-half percentage points as a consequence of the adjustment following the removal of value-added tax from food, the increases now being made in the excise duties on tobacco, spirits and beer will be reduced so as to ensure that there will be no further increase at that time in the total taxation borne by these commodities. In the case of duty-paid tobacco stocks, an appropriate repayment will be made, also.

I did not have recourse to an increase in road fuel duties this year because the value-added tax rate in this sector is being increased and because of the changes in motor vehicle duties to which I will now refer.

Motor Vehicle Taxation

There is provision in the Estimates Volume for a grant this year of £3.29 million from the Exchequer to the Road Fund, from which grants are made by the Minister for Local Government towards the cost of road works undertaken by local authorities. Provision for an additional grant of £2.4 million to the Fund will be made by way of a Supplementary Estimate in due course. The income of the Fund will thus be increased to £21.93 million which, after meeting the administrative and other expenses of the Fund, will enable grants for road works to be increased from £14.42 million in 1972-73 to £18.93 million this year. The increase will, in particular, finance an expanded programme of improvement works on the national primary roads from which motorists will benefit.

To meet part of the cost of the Exchequer grant to the Fund, motor vehicle taxation and charges for driving licences and driving tests are being increased with effect from 1st June next. The principal features are a 10 per cent increase in the road tax on private motor vehicles; graded increases in the tax on motor cycles; revision of the scale of tax on commercial goods vehicles, which will increase the tax on vehicles not exceeding eight tons unladen weight; increase in tax on commercial and agricultural tractors and on driving licences; and a new charge on first registration of a motor vehicle or motor cycle. Fees for driving tests and provisional driving licences will be increased by regulations to be made by the Minister for Local Government. Advantage is being taken of this opportunity to reduce the tax rates on commercial vehicles more than eight tons unladen weight, so as to bring current rates more into line with those for similar vehicles elsewhere in the interest of competitiveness in transport costs. Particulars of the new rates are included in the statement which will be circulated shortly.

The yield from these variations in road tax and related charges, is estimated at £3.75 million in a full year and £3.0 million this year.

Post Office Charges

Apart from slight amendments in charges to bring them into line with the new decimal currency in February, 1971, the last increase in postal and telegram charges had effect from 1st October, 1970, while telephone charges were increased from 1st November, 1970. In the meantime, the costs of these highly labour-intensive services have been rising steadily and a deficit of the order of £7½ million which this Government inherited would have to be made good from the Exchequer this year if corrective measures were not taken.

In order to maximise revenue from all sources to meet not alone existing commitments but also the many concessions granted in this year's budget, I have found it necessary, therefore, to seek governmental approval for an increase in Post Office charges. This approval has been necessarily granted and the following increases will have effect from 1 July, 1973, and from 1 October, 1973 in the case of postal and telephone charges respectively.

There will be a minimum increase of 1p for first and second class mail— letters, postcards and printed papers— and appropriate increases in other postal charges.

Telephone charges will be increased as follows: coin box local calls from 2p to 3p: subscribers local calls from 1.66p to 2p and internal trunk calls by 20 per cent. Rentals will be increased by £1 per quarter per exchange line and there will be some minor adjustments in other telephone charges. Full details will be announced later by the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs. The estimated yield of these increases is £3.5 million in the current year and almost £8 million next year.

Deficit

I shall now summarise the budgetary position. I opened with a deficit of £20.2 million. To this must be added the extra expenditure of £43.8 million for which I am providing today. These expenditure additions will be partly offset by the taxation increases proposed, which are estimated to yield a net £20.7 million. There is a further offset, which arises in the following circumstances.

Over the years, it has been found that the amount issued to Departments from the Exchequer has not been spent in full before the end of the financial year. This is a recurring feature which operates to reduce the draw by the Departments concerned on the amount provided in their Estimate for the following year. This feature has not been allowed for in the budgetary arithmetic in the past but I think the time has come, in view of its regular nature, to take it formally into account. This I propose to do by making a deduction of £4 million from the expenditure side; this amount will represent approximately one-half of 1 per cent of the total budgeted expenditure.

There is, therefore, a total of £24.7 million to be offset against the additional expenditure of £43.8 million provided in this Budget. The opening gap of £20.2 million is, therefore, enlarged by £19.1 million to give an apparent deficit of £39.3 million.

It is estimated that, as a result of the expansionary effect of the Budget, the growth rate of the economy in the 12 months to mid-1974 will be about 5½ per cent without any appreciable deterioration in the balance of payments. Tax buoyancy will increase accordingly and the actual deficit for the present financial year is expected to be less than now estimated. Before concluding, there are a number of other matters to which I wish to refer.

Calendar year as financial year

The Government have decided to change the Exchequer financial year, the local authorities' year and the income tax year to a calendar year basis. The changes will be made as early as practicable, hopefully from January, 1975, in the case of the Exchequer year and the local year. The change of income tax year will require more lengthy preparations but will follow the other two changes as soon as possible.

The Government are satisfied that the switch to a calendar year basis will be in our best interests in the context of EEC membership. The six original member states of the EEC already have the calendar year as their financial year and it is accepted that a switch by the new members would facilitate the co-ordination of economic and budgetary policies within the Community.

A study of the legislative and other implications has been made and the various alterations required have been identified. It is envisaged that the transition from the existing Exchequer and local year would be made through a nine-month financial period—from 1st April to 31st December—immediately preceding the first calendar financial year. The change of financial year will involve rearrangement of the timing of the budget, yearly expenditure estimates, the Appropriation Bill, and other financial business in both Houses.

Legislation will be required to give effect to the proposal and will be introduced in due course. I shall give further information to the House when I have had an opportunity of further considering the various aspects involved.

Programme budgeting

The developing of programme budgeting is now under way in all Departments and it will be made fully operational over the next few years. Programme budgeting will assist significantly in speeding up the application of modern management techniques in Departments generally, and will make a positive contribution to a rational allocation of public resources. The system has, in addition to programme budgets, a number of components such as systematic analysis and review. So as to assist Ministers in planning their activities over a period of years ahead and to help the Government in their assessment of priorities, it was decided last year to advance the date of production of the programme budgets themselves. It is hoped to use these budgets, on a trial basis, in connection with the settling of 1974-75 expenditure allocations. While the emphasis is being placed for the moment on the programme aspect, which will help to ensure that public expenditure is applied as effectively as possible, the full system is continuing to be developed.

New Department of the Public Service

The Public Services Organisation Review Group regarded the setting up of the Department of the Public Service as the first priority among their recommendations. The absence up to now of the legislation necessary formally to establish the new Department has been a restrictive factor. The new Government are, however, determined to give priority to the enactment of this measure so that the new Department can be formally constituted as soon as possible.

Within the Department of Finance the foundations of the new Department are already taking shape. As envisaged by the Review Group, three divisions have been created to cater for the basic functions of organisation, personnel and renumeration. Each of these is developing its own activities.

On the organisation side, much of the effort has gone into work on an experimental scheme to separate policy and executive activities of Government Departments on the lines recommended by the Review Group. The Departments concerned are Health, Industry and Commerce, Transport and Power and Local Government. A concerted and phased programme to develop electronic data processing in the public services is being pursued. A large computer, which will provide a service bureau for several Government Departments and public bodies, has recently been installed in a specially designed building in Kilmainham.

On the personnel side, recruitment has improved generally and training continues to expand. The effective development of the manpower resources of the public service is an urgent task demanding much attention.

Central responsibility for pay and pensions—which constitute such a large proportion of Government spending—has now been concentrated in a single Division which has the major function in promoting staff relations.

Savings

The National Savings Committee deserve credit for the continued success of the Government's small savings schemes and I would like to pay tribute to the work which they have been doing. The Committee have recently been reorganised and strengthened by the addition of new members and I wish them every success in their drive to promote the savings habit.

The relative attractiveness of the Government's small savings schemes is being kept under constant review. Interest rates offered elsewhere have tended to fluctuate in recent times but it must be borne in mind that the rates offered by the Government are long-term assured returns. Nevertheless, if it becomes evident that interest rates are going to be stabilised at higher levels than in the past, I will not hesitate to make appropriate changes in the rates available under the Government's schemes.

Since its inception, the National Instalment-Saving Scheme has proved to be highly successful and, so far, has raised over £12 million for the Exchequer. Under this scheme a person agrees to save a fixed monthly instalment for 12 months and then to leave the proceeds with the Exchequer for a further period of two years. At the end of that time, his savings are repayable with a tax-free 25 per cent bonus. Savings agreements will begin to mature from next autumn onwards and I would like to encourage savers to leave their money invested in the scheme. I propose therefore that savings left undisturbed after the original three-year period will have the bonus increased each succeeding year to rise to a total tax-free bonus of 50 per cent of the amount saved after three additional years. For a person who has saved £1 per month and who is therefore entitled to a bonus of £3 at the end of the original three-year cycle, the offer will mean an additional tax-free £1 for each of the following three years, at the end of which his savings of £12 will have increased to £18.

Building Societies

The Government are particularly concerned about the level of building society interest rates. Recently, as a measure to lighten the increasing burden of housing loan repayment charges on borrowers from the societies, the Government decided that the special taxation arrangements which are operated by the Revenue Commissioners in relation to building societies would be available only to those societies which charge a rate of interest on house purchase loans that does not exceed a rate specified for the time being by the Minister for Local Government.

In recent months there has been a decline in the net inflow of funds to the building societies. If this trend were to continue it would have serious consequences for the construction industry and, in particular, for the achievement of the Government's programme to provide 25,000 houses annually. An increase in the interest rates paid to investors and depositors would be necessary to arrest the falling off in funds available to the societies for lending. The ability to pay higher rates on deposits, however, depends mainly on the return to the societies from their lending operations. As mortgage rates are high, a further increase must be avoided. My Department and the Department of Local Government are urgently examining the position to see how best to meet this problem.

Derelict sites

The Government have been considering the social and economic consequences of the hoarding of property for profit, with particular reference to derelict sites and buildings in urban areas. Where planning permission, either full or outline, has been given, the profits involved can be enormous. Non-use of existing buildings, and delay in developing derelict sites of this kind, impedes civic progress and militates against the common good.

The Government are determined to discourage inaction of this kind by individuals or firms, and to take steps which will accelerate development and renewal. As a first step, the Minister for Local Government proposes to ask local authorities in Dublin and other selected urban areas to examine this problem and report on the extent of it, and to obtain their views as to the most effective manner in which it could be tackled. The Government have in mind the imposition of substantial financial penalties which would be progressive over time for unreasonable delay in development, and the possibility of imposing a timelimit on planning permissions. Local authorities will be asked to consider the possibility of more vigorous action under the Derelict Sites Act to effect the clearance or possible compulsory acquisition of derelict sites and buildings generally.

Status of women

I would like to refer to the recently published report of the Commission on the Status of Women and to take this opportunity again to thank publicly the Chairman of the Commission, Dr. Thekla Beere, and the members for the valuable service they have rendered to the community. Their report is comprehensive and has wide implications for the social, political and economic life of the country. It is of particular significance that a group of men and women with differing backgrounds and occupations were able to produce an agreed report. The National Coalition Government are committed to the ending of all forms of discrimination against women and the Commission's recommendations will be very helpful to them in considering how this objective should best be achieved.

Many of the recommendations, of course, involve substantial additional Exchequer expenditure and will, therefore, require careful consideration both as to acceptance and timing. I have, nevertheless, in today's budget moved some distance towards the implementation of the recommendations in relation to the income tax code in that I am providing for an increase of £30 in the wife's earned income relief. The report also referred to the hardship attributable to the burden of estate duties on widows. The measures I have introduced today, by removing many of the inequities of the system will ease the position of a great many families at this distressing time in their lives.

On the question of equal pay, it is gratifying to note that the Employer/ Labour Conference in the National Agreement, 1972, has already accepted, in principle, the Commission's recommendations and has taken the initial steps to give effect to them. The equal pay provisions of the National Agreement will apply to the public service from 1st June, 1973. I shall introduce in the near future legislation to deal with the related problem of removing statutory prohibitions on the employment of married women in the public service.

Also, of course, as indicated earlier, when I outlined the major social welfare changes, this year a striking amelioration in the position of women under the social welfare code will result from the improvements being provided for in the treatment of women in employment, deserted wives and unmarried mothers.

Conclusion

The budget which I have presented today, as well as being the first since our entry into the EEC, is the largest in the history of the State.

Its primary economic purpose, within the room of manoeuvere allowed by inflation, is to provide a significant spur to growth which, by increasing employment and reducing unused capacity in the economy, will assist in solving our serious unemployment problem. In the social welfare field, it provides the impressive improvements I have described which represent a major move towards creating the socially-just State which the National Coalition Government is determined to build. The removal of value-added tax from food, and the shifting of the burden of rates to central funds, more equitably relate taxation to ability to pay. The estate duty reliefs will go a long way towards easing the burden of the system pending its replacement.

Any Minister for Finance, particularly a first-timer, is understandably disinclined to minimise the importance of a budget. Nevertheless it is illusory and disingenuous to suggest that, with all the forces operating in our society, a budget alone can set right an erring economy or regulated personal incomes for a year ahead. In a democracy the collective common sense of individuals is of much greater value than fiscal devices.

Every citizen will benefit from this budget. As I have indicated, the poor and disadvantaged are being helped on an unprecedented scale. Everybody's prospects are being substanially improved by the growth in economic activity resulting from the massive injection of a 27 per cent increase in public capital expenditure and the expansionary effects of this budget. There are new opportunities for investment in an expanding economy which is being prudently managed. If the value of these real improvements is not to be diminished, it is vital that they should be taken fully into account in the course of future pay and other income discussions.

Speaking in the debate on the nomination of the Government on 14th of March last, the Taoiseach declared his belief in government by consultation. We propose to engage now in meaningful talks with representatives of the different interests in our economy so that the social and economic improvements effected by this budget will be properly reflected in future income patterns and wealth distribution.

In sum, I feel that the proposals in today's budget will contribute to the transformation of our country into a progressive society based on social justice.

TABLE EXPLANATORY OF THE CURRENT BUDGET, 1973

REVENUE

EXPENDITURE

£m.

£m.

1. Tax revenue (excluding 2 below)

614.20

1. Debt Service and other Central Fund charges

131.00

2. Motor vehicle duties

21.27

2. Payments to Road Fund

16.24

3. Non-tax

99.13

3. Supply Services (non-capital)

607.67

734.70

754.91

4. Add:—

4. Add:—

Beer

Social Welfare, etc.

38.90

Spirits

11.30

Road Fund

2.40

Tobacco

Agriculture

1.10

Higher remuneration in the public sector

VAT—effect of revised rate structure

1.00

2.60

Aid to developing countries

0.25

Motor vehicle duties, etc.

3.00

Gaeltacht grants

0.16

43.81

PO charges

3.50

Income tax—adjustment of children's allowances and antiavoidance measures

1.60

22.00

5. Deduct:—

Estimated Departmental Balances

4.00

39.81

5. Deduct:—

Estate duty reliefs (net)

0.70

Stamp duty reliefs (net)

0.10

Income tax—wife's earned income relief

0.50

1.30

20.70

755.40

6. Deficit

39.32

794.72

794.72

DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE, 16 May, 1973.

CURRENT BUDGET TABLES

1973

INDEX

TABLE 1. Comparison between (i) budget estimates and (ii) actual revenue and expenditure in 1972/73

TABLE 2. Main heads of current government expenditure

TABLE 3. Receipts and issues of Road Fund in 1972/73 and 1973/74

TABLE 4. Certain receipts and expenditure of the Exchequer and of local authorities

TABLE 5. State expenditure in relation to agriculture.

Tables relating to public capital expenditure will be found in the separate publication entitled “Capital Budget 1973”.

Note—The Tables do not take account of 1973 budgetary adjustments.

TABLE 1

COMPARISON BETWEEN (i) BUDGET ESTIMATES AND (ii) ACTUAL REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE IN 1972/73.

Estimated

Actual

Estimated

Actual

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

1. Tax revenue (excluding 2 below)

508.70

539.85

1. Central Fund services (excluding 2 below)

107.00

111.46

2. Motor vehicle duties

18.75

20.01

2. Payments to Road Fund

14.41

15.18

3. Non-tax revenue—

3. Supply services (non-capital)

528.73(a)

537.90(b)

Post Office

40.00

40.80

Miscellaneous

54.88

58.41

4. Deficit

27.81

5.47

TOTAL

650.14

664.54

TOTAL

650.14

664.54

(a)The original provision was £516.60 million to which was added £12.13 million in the budget for social welfare, farmers, pub lic service pensions and old IRA veterans.

(b)Includes Exchequer grant to the Road Fund of £2.40 million.

TABLE 2

MAIN HEADS OF CURRENT GOVERNMENT EXPENDITURE

(£000)

1967/68

1968/69

1969/70

1970/71

1971/72

1972/73 Provisional

1973/74 Estimate

Service of Public Debt

63,726

75,923

88,841

101,438

115,621

127,323

147,935

Social Services

102,928

118,748

144,271

178,595

211,128

246,140

301,918

Social Welfare

45,110

49,055

59,010

71,776

83,938

91,403

105,813

Education

35,758

44,005

53,143

63,196

75,155

91,328

107,549

Health

22,060

25,688

32,118

43,623

52,035

63,409

88,556

Economic Services

75,187

84,433

98,234

111,662

126,871

143,796

126,190

Agriculture

53,342

60,008

71,225

76,923

87,415

91,796

65,180

Industry

6,604(a)

7,458

8,980

11,376

14,048

18,837

20,682

Transport

12,990

14,365

15,003

19,558

21,393

28,541

34,501

Forestry and Fisheries

2,251

2,602

3,026

3,805

4,015

4,622

5,827

General Services

46,429

51,236

58,347

73,351

85,651

109,353

127,436

Post Office

15,348

17,206

19,942

25,377

29,291

35,204

39,604

Defence

11,376

12,860

14,602

18,561

22,181

29,735

34,172

Justice, including Gardaí

9,383

10,238

11,810

15,007

17,530

23,220

27,739

Public service pensions

10,322

10,932

11,992

14,406

16,649

21,194

25,921

Contribution to EEC Budget

1,172

5,500

Other Expenditure

18,687

20,467

22,633

26,299

31,803

36,757

45,934

TOTAL

306,957

350,807

412,325

491,345

571,074

664,541

754,913

Public service remuneration included in above figures (b)

84,803

93,898

108,833

133,985

162,700

201,485

244,743

1967

1968

1969

1970

1971

1972

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

£m.

Gross National Product

1,174

1,330

1,512

1,687

1,922

2,237

Current Government Expenditure as % of GNP

26.1%

26.4%

27.3%

29.1%

29.7%

29.7%

(a)Excludes temporary assistance to industry of £0.28 million.

(b)Comprises the pay of civil servants (including industrial employees), national and secondary teachers, the Defence Forces, Gardaí, and the Exchequer contribution to the pay of health board employees and vocational teachers.

TABLE 3

ROAD FUND

RECEIPTS AND ISSUES

RECEIPTS

ISSUES

1972/73

1973/74 (Estimated)

1972/73

1973/74 (Estimated)

£000

£000

£000

£000

1. Opening balance

1. Road grants (a)

15,249

16,530

2. Motor taxation, etc.

15,176

16,240

2. Administration, etc.

2,327

3,000

3. Exchequer grant

2,400

3,290

TOTAL

17,576

19,530

TOTAL

17,576

19,530

(a)Including payments on foot of previous years' allocations.

TABLE 4

CERTAIN RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE OF THE EXCHEQUER AND OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES

Exchequer

Local Authorities (a)

Revenue

Non-capital issues

Expenditure from revenue (b)

State grants received

Rates collected

£000

£000

£000

£000

£000

1959-60

129,856

128,682

55,104

24,480

21,412

1960-61

138,839

139,565

57,885

26,476

22,058

1961-62

151,686

152,393

64,165

28,792

23,203

1962-63

163,478

168,335

67,379

32,725

22,776

1963-64

184,419

186,639

71,323

34,871

24,466

1964-65

219,045

222,011

82,973

41,210

26,061

1965-66

240,761

248,542

90,588

46,465

29,761

1966-67

272,843

272,051

98,959

50,676

31,534

1967-68

305,409

305,621

107,430

57,472

34,702

1968-69

345,480

353,849

119,595

64,728

38,294

1969-70

411,012

411,550

141,790

74,177

42,953

1970-71

481,506

490,429

166,686

86,763

49,932

1971-72

569,402

571,602

203,391(c)

108,648 (c)

60,160 (c)

1972-73

659,070

664,541

237,419 (d)

129,164(d)

70,250 (d)

1973-74

734,695 (d)

754,913 (d)

269,279 (d)

160,081 (d)

68,235(d)

NOTE:—(a)Local Authorities comprise County Councils, County Borough Corporations, Borough Corporations, Urban District Councils, Town Commissioners, Regional Health Boards, Vocational Education Committees and County Committees of Agriculture.

(b)The revenue of local authorities comprises rates, State grants and other receipts, e.g., rents, fees, etc.

(c)Approximate.

(d)Estimated.

TABLE 5

STATE EXPENDITURE* IN RELATION TO AGRICULTURE

FROM 1969-70

1969-70

1970-71

1971-72

1972-73 Provisional

1973-74 Estimate

£000

£000

£000

£000

£000

1. Price supports and marketing aids:

Dairy produce

30,820

28,949

29,818

26,985

3,975

Beef, mutton and lamb

1,116

2,893

1,210

1,460

495

Bacon and pork

3,600

3,090

4,875

4,065

Cereals

513

283

307

427

6

TOTAL

36,049

35,215

36,210

32,937

4,476**

2. Production incentives paid direct to producers:

Beef cattle incentive grants

1,912

4,916

6,745

7,905

8,540

Sheep grants

596

1,326

1,793

1,860

1,760

Farrowed sows

159

95

41

3

Small farm incentive bonus

100

275

421

796

900

Calved heifers

1,039

23

TOTAL

3,806

6,635

9,000

10,609

11,200

3. Payments to reduce production and overhead costs:

Lime and fertilisers subsidies

7,067

6,870

7,637

7,878

6,655

Reduction of land annuities

1,191

1,260

1,323

1,389

1,516

Relief of rates on agricultural land

18,926

20,696

24,405

27,914

27,710

TOTAL

27,184

28,826

33,365

37,181

35,881

Long-term development aids (mainly of a capital nature):

Arterial drainage

1,347

1,601

1,411

1,151

1,678

Land reclamation

3,844

3,719

4,447

4,120

4,300

Farm buildings and water

supplies

2,866

2,830

4,213

4,685

5,195

Equipment grants (milk coolers,

forage harvesters and poultry)

234

160

170

184

194

Improvement of livestock

201

375

371

423

491

Capital for Agricultural Credit

Corporation

1,000

Loans at reduced interest rates

for breeding livestock

10

100

Rural electrification

1,560

1,950

1,245

1,420

1,552

Improvement of Land Commission Estates

905

770

904

836

935

Other rural improvement schemes

748

565

1,219

1,117

1,174

Horticulture

471

411

369

244

536

TOTAL

13,176

12,381

14,349

14,190

16,155

5. Disease eradication:

Bovine T.B.

2,494

2,949

3,459

4,657

3,500

Brucellosis

326

871

1,649

2,464

3,100

TOTAL

2,820

3,820

5,108

7,121

6,600

6. Education, research and advisory services:

Education

1,544

1,621

2,465

2,599

3,661

Research

2,336

2,726

3,064

3,685

4,041

Advisory services

970

1,102

1,378

1,650

1,810

Technical services

478

517

620

796

941

Rural organisations

41

41

41

92

63

Land and buildings for Department of Agriculture

181

414

434

485

610

TOTAL

5,550

6,421

8,002

9,307

11,126

7. Administration of Acts, Regulations and Schemes

912

890

1,060

1,459

1,579

GRAND TOTAL

89,497

98,188

107,094

112,804

87,017

NOTE:—Figures are net of appropriations-in-aid (receipts).

* Includes both capital and non-capital expenditure.

** The reduction arises mainly from the ending of Exchequer liability for export losses on the coming into operation of the EEC Common Agricultural Policy.

In order to view this budget in perspective, it is necessary to recall that no Irish Government has ever been in such a favourable position in introducing a budget as this Government and the reasons for that are nothing whatever to do with the present Government. There are two main reasons. The first main reason is the sound state of the economy at present, resulting from the sound management of the economy by the Fianna Fáil Government and the other is the bonanza available because of our joining the EEC, a proposition which was bitterly opposed by some of the Labour Party Members now in Government, so that neither of these reasons is of any credit to the present Government.

Knowing that, the next matter is, the Government having been placed in this unique position, how do they avail themselves of the opportunity? I noted that the Minister for Finance said that the EEC savings had sunk without trace. The fact is, and he knows it as well as I do, that if we were not in the EEC, he would today have to provide over £27 million extra for agricultural subsidies. He knows that, so there is no use trying to argue and make an alibi out of that one. But I do think it is important to note that the basic strategy of the budget which this House had before it last year was successful, so successful indeed that the description by the Minister for Finance of the economy during the past year was scarcely recognisable when one compares it with the descriptions given by Fine Gael and Labour speakers a few short months ago.

Last year, I would remind the House, we went for growth and we achieved it, and we achieved it without adding to the inflationary pressures already existing in the economy, but I would also remind the House that this growth was achieved in a budget which, for the first time since 1959, did not cause any increase in prices by way of taxation as compared with this budget which is going to cause a prices explosion. At the same time, while it did not cause any price increases by way of taxation, it gave substantial improvements in income tax allowances, unlike this budget, and it also gave substantial improvements in social welfare payments and that without the benefit of the EEC bonanza.

All the economic commentators are agreed, and today the Minister for Finance agrees, that in effect the economy is set fair. Therefore, when one is faced with this unique opportunity which this Government have, and looks at how they approached it, one realises that any fool could spend the EEC money. The real question is how is it spent and is it spent wisely. This budget, viewed in that perspective, is a failure. This budget is a budget of lost opportunities.

The Minister for Finance is, of course, primarily responsible for the budget but it is the responsibility of the Government as a whole. Deputies will recall that in the weeks prior to the formation of this Government, and subsequent to the result of the general election, the newspapers were painting a harrowing picture of the terrible dilemma in which the present Taoiseach found himself. The poor man was up to his armpits in talent. How was he going to choose? I must say my heart bled for him but eventually he managed to overcome the difficulty and he assembled the greatest talent we have ever seen, according to some commentators, on those benches. All of these talents were put into preparing this budget and now we see what they are worth. Faced with this opportunity what did they do? They have thrown away a unique opportunity that no Irish Government ever had before and no Irish Government is ever likely to have again. We propose to spell that out. The unfortunate fact is that there was an opportunity today for whatever Government were in power to make a huge stride in real distribution of income and at the same time continue the growth in the economy which was being brought about under last year's budget.

That opportunity has been thrown away and, unfortunately, it has been thrown away, I believe, because the Members of the Government opposite, if they did not know themselves, had been provided with a blueprint by us on how to do it and they were too small-minded to admit that their hastily prepared election plans were socially wrong. They adhered to them with the result that we have today this——

We kept to our plans.

The Minister knows the Government did not.

We said we would adhere to our plans.

I want to point out that taking the overall economic effects of this budget we find that there is, in fact, a deficit of £43.3 million. The Minister for Finance produces a sleight of hand method of reducing that by £4 million. If that happens to go wrong during the year we will find that payments of grants and other funds from the Government Departments will be held up towards the end of the year to make sure they will be proved right. He ends up with a deficit in the region of £39 million.

As far as any Government are concerned the question of whether to budget for a deficit is a serious one. Indeed, it is so serious that last year was the first time in our history that a Minister for Finance deliberately budgeted for a deficit. To budget for a deficit for economic reasons is laudable and, indeed, is the duty of the Government—in other words, to budget for a deficit, because the growth rate is at a particular level and by budgeting for a particular deficit, one can bring the growth rate up to the figure at which our economy can sustain growth over a period.

This is certainly something any Government should do but to budget for a deficit because of political weakness, because of either inability to reduce expenditure, unwillingness to impose the necessary taxation, or both, is not only reprehensible but could lead to economic and monetary chaos. I do not want to over-dramatise the situation here today because I know that the Minister for Finance was being subjected to pressures of all kinds to budget for a much larger deficit than he did here today. I congratulate him on not yielding to that pressure because it really could have caused the most appalling consequences for our economy. Nevertheless, it is clear, when one looks at the figures for growth, that the deficit is too high. I referred to the ESRI forecast which showed an estimated 5 per cent growth rate this year. The Minister's own Department have recently forecast something over 4 per cent but in either case one has to add in 1½ per cent in respect of the effect of the terms of trade and you end up with a growth rate in the region of 6 per cent, perhaps higher.

The Minister knows as well as I do when you reach that stage you are getting close to the danger area for any sustained period. I know there are many people who do not seem to understand that to budget for an enormous deficit without relating it to economic realities is something that can cause grave hardship to every man, woman and child in this country. Let me put it this way. If this were not so is it not clear that many years ago a Minister for Finance would have budgeted for a huge deficit or, indeed, today the Minister for Finance need not have stopped where he did? Why not £100 million or £200 million? Of course, you cannot do that. There are economic realities. The Minister has, in my view, exceeded the budget deficit which would be justifiable on the best interpretation of the projections. For that reason his budget on the overall economic aspect will add to inflation, will add to the amount of borrowing that has to be done by the Government, will probably reduce the amount of borrowing available to industry and in the private sector generally, and despite the very substantial borrowing and deficit that is involved this budget did not contain many desirable improvements, particularly in the income tax field, such as we had last year.

In regard to social welfare, as I have said all of these alleged wonderful talents arrayed across there were brought to bear on this budget. We know that in the past we have had amongst members of the present Government the most outstanding bleeding hearts in this country. They have bled for every cause. Here was their chance. Here they were in action. They had the responsibility and we can judge now what their real thoughts are and their real talents are by what they have produced today. Remember they had an opportunity that nobody else ever had or will have again and this is what they did.

First of all, they have provided lower benefits for the social welfare classes than were going to be provided under the Fianna Fáil proposals but worse than that they are costing far more. Let me give an example. There is £1.00 per week provided for the various recipients and 50p for adult dependants. Our proposals, of course, were £1.00 for adult dependants as well as £1.00 per week for the recipient.

This is just one example and we will spell out in greater detail all the differences, but there is a basic reason for this. It is that the whole approach of the Coalition Government is to give benefits across the board, not related to the people's needs. Children's allowances make a good example: everybody is getting them. The Minister has now made a gesture in regard to income tax but he knows that this is totally ineffective and adds to the administrative cost of tax collection which in that particular area is presenting an enormous problem to the Revenue Commissioners. All the various rates of tax allowances arising in regard to children's allowances are creating enormous problems for the Revenue Commissioners.

The right solution to this problem is to give the money to the people who need it, not to those who do not, but the Government with bleeding hearts, come here today and they propose to give the benefits across the board to rich and poor, not just in social welfare but all along the line. This is the characteristic of the Government.

There have been some suggestions from the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs that promises were kept. Of course they were not kept. In the social welfare field, as we shall demonstrate later, there has been a complete breach of promises made during the election. Let me give you one very good example. I am sorry that the two men concerned are not in the House but it is easy for anybody to verify this because tens of thousands of people are witnesses to it. There was a promise by the Coalition in regard to abolishing the means test and reducing the age limit for old age pensions that was spelled out at a joint press conference given by the Fine Gael and Labour Parties. It was spelled out even more categorically on television by the Labour Party's then spokesman on Finance, now Minister for Local Government, Deputy Tully, when he said: "The Coalition Government will reduce the pension age to 65 and abolish the means test in its first year of office."

They reneged on it.

When he said that he was sitting beside the then Fine Gael spokesman on Finance, now Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Garret FitzGerald, who did not demur or object in any way. There are tens of thousands of witnesses to that statement and here today is the clear evidence of the breach of that solemn and categorical promise. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs need not again try to bluff his way out and say that they kept their promises. That is only one of many they have not kept.

I want to sound a note of warning regarding the social insurance approach of the Government. I have not been able to work out the figures yet—they will, I am sure, be announced later—for the increase in the amount of the stamp but clearly it will be substantial. Any increase in the price of the stamp at present must be viewed very carefully in relation to the national pay agreement and its consequences but when the Minister for Finance said, as he did today, that it was proposed to increase the proportion of the price of the stamp payable by the employers it is time to watch out very carefully. If that is done there is a grave danger that it will encourage employers to prune their staffs still further, especially in regard to older workers, when pay-related contributions and benefits come into operations. This is a real danger and I ask the Minister to give further thought to it before he implements that.

All we are doing is getting back the money the Deputy said they should not have got. Now the Deputy is complaining that we are getting it back. He cannot have it both ways.

Getting what back? The Minister is talking through his hat.

(Interruptions.)

I shall be dealing with rates in a minute. Again, you have the same silly approach by the Coalition to that matter but first I want to say a little about the Minister's proposals now in regard to value-added tax.

Of course the Coalition proposals to remove value-added tax from food is a confidence trick: we all know that and all the consumers will find it out quite soon. Let us assume for the purpose of discussion that it is not, and that the full benefit of the removal of VAT from food will be given to the consumers. Again we find that the outstanding characteristics of this Coalition Government comes to the fore. They propose to remove the tax from food items and increase the price of practically every other commodity. If anybody thinks it is being confined to non-essentials or luxuries I wonder did he listen to what the Minister said, because what he said was that the increases will be on such items as fuel, clothing and footwear and certain medicines. How can anybody talk of these as non-essentials or luxuries? The real point about this is that the relief is being given right across the board to the rich as well as to the poor. What is the consequence? For the richest person as well as the poorest the price of items such as fuel, clothing and footwear will increase. Is this essential?

Of course there is another and a better way to do this if you really want to help the poorer sections of the community, the people hardest hit by inflation and those who have only the Government to protect them. There is a better way to do it and we told the Government how to do it but they were too full of pride and prejudice to admit that they were wrong and they persist, to the detriment of the poorer sections of the community, in this foolish proposal with the result that they are increasing the prices of these essentials to the poorest people. It is true that the cost of meals in expensive restaurants will go down but it is also true that the old age pensioners and all those who have been hit so hard by inflation will pay more for footwear, clothing and fuel and all because the Government are apparently incapable of approaching a problem like this with any degree of social concern or practicality.

Apart from all that, the effect of the proposal in regard to value-added tax will be to change the price of almost every commodity. That is a sure guarantee of what the present Taoiseach called a prices explosion. That is the phrase he used in relation to the effect of decimalisation. I know that the Minister for Foreign Affairs does not agree with that but that is what the Taoiseach said and many agreed with his view.

I did not disagree with decimalisation.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs is really too silly for words. He knows that he is on record as saying that he disagreed with the statement that decimalisation caused a prices explosion, a statement made by the Taoiseach.

The Deputy is muddled.

Is the Minister denying that statement?

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Colley to continue.

Because if he is I will give him the record and it is clear enough.

The Deputy was talking about VAT, not decimalisation.

Decimalisation is what the Minister was talking about and it was in the special committee on the VAT Bill in case he wants to look it up.

The Deputy is confused.

We know who is confused.

The Deputy is very confused actually.

We know who is confused. A major test of this budget will, of course, be whether or not it is effective from the point of view of its effect on prices and income inflation. I could hardly believe my ears when I heard some of the proposals which are clearly, and this must be in the knowledge of the Minister for Finance, going to cause further price increases, apart altogether from the direct effect of the increased taxation he is putting on. He must know of the effects on prices of what is contained in this budget.

I should like now to remind the House that in the 14-point plan announced by the Coalition before the general election they stated that one of their immediate economic aims would be to stabilise prices and they went on to say that they would immediately introduce strict price control. Has anybody noticed that prices have been stabilised since the election? Has anybody noticed one iota of a change in the system of price control? We heard some pious platitudes from the Minister today.

A few days ago the Minister for Industry and Commerce, answering questions here on this matter, said he was examining the system. That is a long way from, to quote their own statement, immediately introducing strict price control. This was a major plank in the election platform of the Coalition parties. The failure up to now and, in particular, the failure today by the Minister for Finance to announce measures which would achieve strict price control and price stabilisation, as promised by the Coalition, leaves one with the inescapable conclusion that the Coalition are, as far at least as this area of the campaign on prices is concerned, a group of confidence tricksters. There is no way out of that conclusion.

Remember that phrase: immediate strict price control. There were, of course, references in that famous 14-point plan to housing which, I am sure, the Deputies opposite will remember but, in case they do not, let me refresh their memories by recalling to them that a sentence in that programme was to the effect that a declaration of a housing emergency would be made immediately by the National Coalition Government. It was, of course, obvious to us that declaring a housing emergency was not going to produce one more house, but even that declaration of an emergency has not been done. But something has been done.

We have just provided the money to build the houses.

It seems to me worthwhile recalling that the two previous Coalitions, which brought about economic chaos, first showed the signs of that chaos in the building and construction industry and, that being so, I regard it as ominous that, even in the short time the present Coalition has been in power, building society loans have become practically unobtainable and men have been laid off work in the building industry. I believe that these difficulties are due to some extent at least to the ham-fisted way in which the present Government have tried to handle this very delicate problem. This situation can be retrieved and I hope, for all our sakes, that it will be retrieved; but, if it is to be retrieved, this Government will have to improve considerably on the inept performance they have shown in this area up to now.

The Minister for Finance in an interjection some few moments ago referred to the rates. I want to remind him and the House that he has now embarked on a course which, at current prices, could cost the tax payer extra taxation of £68 million over the next four years, taking it at this year's figures, and a very substantial part of that sum will go to relieve rates on office blocks and other commercial properties, the owners of which are entitled to claim their rates as a relief against their income tax liability. The owners of dwellinghouses are, or course, not so entitled and, when all this huge extra taxation has been raised, ratepayers will still be liable for substantial rates. The Fianna Fáil proposal in this regard would, at a cost of £40 million as against £68 million, mark you, have removed rates completely from all dwellinghouses.

May I ask the Deputy where his figure of £68 million came from?

One quality I will concede to the Minister for Foreign Affairs is that, provided the figures are reasonably straightforward, he can do a sum, and so he can do that sum.

£35 million to £40 million was our figure, not £68 million.

The question of rates on dwellinghouses is, of course, where the real inequity lies in the rating system, the inequity with which every party was concerned, and I was very glad to note that, in its pre-budget submission, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions supported the Fianna Fáil proposal in this regard, as, indeed, must anybody who has any real concern for social justice and for getting value for the taxpayer's money. Here, at a cost of nearly £30 million extra taxation, we are not getting rid of rates at all. We are just relieving commercial properties which can already claim relief under their income tax.

It is true that both the Ministers for Finance and the Minister for Local Government recently, in response to Parliamentary questions, resorted to cheap subterfuges, to bluster and to bluff in order to try to conceal the extent to which the heavy extra taxation would go to subsidise rates on commercial properties. I will deal with that on another day, I can assure the Minister, but, in the meantime, their frantic efforts in this regard, and they are documented on the records of this House, show that they, I think, know that their policy in this regard is wrong and they are just not big enough to acknowledge that they were wrong and adopt the kind of policy we put forward, a policy supported by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions.

We heard a great deal during the election and since about the Coalition promises to abolish estate duty. Their 14-point plan said the National Coalition Government will abolish estate duty on property passing on death to widows and their children. It said more than that.

Finish the sentence. Be fair.

I said it said more than that. I am dealing now only with that particular promise.

It did say it would be replaced.

I want to deal with this promise, first of all. In regard to death duties, that promise, as far as most people are concerned, has been reneged on by the Coalition in this budget today. What do we get in substitution? A negligible concession, an annual reduction in a full year of £.75 million out of a yield this year of £11 million, about 7 per cent of a reduction and, at the same time, legacy and succession duties are being doubled; the 5 per cent rate for brothers and nephews, et cetera, goes up to 10 per cent and the 10 per cent rate goes up to 20 per cent.

The artificial valuation change announced by the Minister as a sop to the farmers who were fooled on this by the Coalition, as he will find out when he talks to them, this concession, as far as they are concerned, is of very little value to them because any farmer who is carrying any number of stock will find it does not benefit him at all.

I should like to know where are the wealth taxes and the capital gains taxes about which we heard so much from over there when they were here as being essential to producing a just society here. Not one word about them in the budget. The public will, I think, be able to judge just how reliable the veracity of the gentlemen over there is when they read and hear about this budget.

The Minister referred to the importance of the national pay agreements. I referred to the effect of his budget on prices. Prices have an immediate and direct effect on incomes. If this budget were to be of any real benefit to the economy it would have had to be designed so as to facilitate in every way possible the conclusion of another national pay agreement. On the contrary, it seems to me to have been designed to make the conclusion of such an agreement much more difficult. I do not think it is generally realised that the tremendous reduction in industrial disputes as a result of the conclusion of the present national agreements has contributed substantially to the increase in the growth of the economy. For instance, the very low growth rate recorded in 1970, although it was due partially to the disturbance in the North of Ireland, was primarily due to industrial disputes. That was, of course, before the first national agreement had begun to operate. The effect of that low growth rate was to hold back for every man, woman and child in this country increases in real incomes.

Consequently, the role of the budget in facilitating the conclusion of another national agreement is vital from many points of view. Apart from the effects in this budget which, in many areas, seem to be if not deliberately directed —and I find that hard to believe—at least directed at preventing the conclusion of another agreement, the budget would appear to have been brought in by the Minister for Finance without any regard to the problems involved in negotiating another national agreement. There have been some disquieting signs that because of lack of political will and know-how this Government are either unable or unwilling to take certain steps which are necessary at the moment to support the existing national agreement. One can only hope that these signs do not portend the failure to conclude a new national agreement arising directly from the failure of this Government to take the necessary steps to support the existing agreement.

One of the chief methods by which this budget will be judged will be by its effectiveness or otherwise in increasing employment. In this connection it is no harm to remember that under the Fianna Fáil Government the historic problem of emigration, which had bedevilled us for centuries, was ended. At the same time as that was brought about, tourism and industry in our country were both badly affected by the situation in the North of Ireland and by a recession in Britain. Despite those factors and the ending of emigration, unemployment here did not go near the 100,000 that the present Tánaiste, Deputy Corish, was shouting so loudly about. In the latter part of last year and up to now this year, there has been a steady drop in the number of unemployed so that the Coalition Government have got a sound basis on which to work in tackling the unemployment problem.

Looking at this current budget it seems to me that there is not a great deal of help in it towards solving the problem of unemployment. One must look at the capital budget and one finds that the capital budget is substantially that which the outgoing Government had agreed on before they went out of office. I am speaking now of the capital budget, not the current budget. The Minister proposes to apply additional taxation to what are known as the old reliables. Whatever view one may take about the justification or otherwise for that, there is one thing which should not be forgotten and that is that the increased taxation proposed will add substantially to the cost-of-living index and will, therefore, have an effect on the national pay agreement. When one notes that apart from those increases, there will be an increase also in the price of petrol and in road tax——

Not in petrol prices.

Yes. Does the Minister not know about his own budget? Did he hear about the value-added tax?

(Cavan): There is an increase in VAT.

(Interruptions.)

I want to assure the Minister for Justice that when all these increases are added up, particularly in relation to transport, as it affects the individual who travels on public transport or as it affects the individual indirectly through the additional costs for commercial transport, the cumulative effect on the cost-of-living will be quite substantial. I hope that the Minister was not under the mistaken impression that that was not so. If he was, he will find out that he is wrong.

An rud a chualamar ón Aire faoi na deontaisí do mná ti sa Ghaeltacht, níl ann ach an méid a chualamar anchuid faoi cheana ó Aire na Gaeltachta. Tá siad ag iarraidh cuidiú d'fháil as ucht an rud beag seo a dhéanamh. Tá rud eile ann. Do léirigh an Teachta Faulkner, nuair a bhí sé ag cur ceisteanna ar Aire na Gaeltachta, go bhfuil rud éigin bun-oscionn leis an scéim agus gur dócha nach mbeidh ardú ar bith le fáil ag na mná tí. Tá íonadh orm go bhfuil Aire na Gaeltachta ag imeacht. D'admaigh sé go raibh lúb-ar-lár sa scéim agus dúirt sé go bhféachfadh sé isteach sa scéim. Tá íonadh orm gur thóg an tAire Airgeadais air féin an rud a lua arís inniu. Ní gá ionadh a bheith orm mar gheall ar aon rud a dheineann sé.

Díreach nuair a thosnaigh Deputy Colley ag caint ar an ábhar seo d'imigh Aire na Gaeltachta amach.

Tá sé sásta. Tá muintir na Gaeltachta sásta freisin.

(Interruptions.)

Is íontach ar fad an bealach ina bhfuaireamar amach, ag an am seo dár saol, go raibh beirt Ghaelgeoir againn sa Taoiseach agus i Tom O'Higgins, rud a bhí ceilte orainn go dtí seo. Miorúilt an lae inniu isea í.

I want to say another word about the reference to the proposal by the Minister for Finance in regard to the Devlin Report and the special steering committee of the Employer/Labour Conference. If I understand correctly what the Minister said it was this: the report which came from that special committee set up to see to what extent the Devlin recommendations conformed, or could be made to conform, with the national agreements, is not being accepted by the Government. It seems very peculiar that the Minister and the Government should decide that those findings should be applied to civil servants and to judges but not to Members of the Oireachtas. That of itself requires an explanation from the Minister which he did not give. He just baldly stated this as what was proposed.

We are prepared to make the sacrifice. You are grumbling because you are not getting it.

It is not that. There is a principle involved.

There is a very serious aspect of this, that is, that the proposal by the Government is a breach of the national agreement. The findings of that steering group were in accordance with the national agreement and, indeed, provided for retrospection to 1st January, 1972, at a certain level which would be phased up higher later but the earliest date was 1st January, 1972. It also allowed, in certain circumstances, for an anomaly claim. All of this is being set aside by the Government at the expense of Members of the Dáil and Seanad.

Because it was your bill and you refused to pay for it. We are not going to pay for the money you are now saying you should have paid.

It simply is not good enough for the Minister for Finance of all people to say that. One of the new Deputies behind him said something like it recently. I do not blame him. The Minister for Finance knows the circumstances. Just for the record, I am going to give them to him. The report of the special committee arrived on my desk a few days before Christmas and was issued publicly. Legislation is necessary to implement it. The Dáil did not meet from that date until after the election, when the Minister was over there. So, would the Minister please acknowledge that it was not possible for me or my colleagues to implement these findings while we were in Government? The ball was in his court and when he had to face it, what did he do? He ran away from it.

The political weakness that is in this Coalition is clearly evident in their approach. They are so apparently euphoric about it they cannot even see how they have underlined it for themselves. The Minister says now that he will apply it in relation to judges, he will apply it in relation to civil servants: he will not apply it in relation to parliamentarians and he gives no explanation.

Until the day that the poor are receiving the social welfare benefits——

Is the explanation not obvious? You did not have the political guts over there to do it. That is what is wrong with you. I hesitate to say this but in view of the approach by the Minister I am going to say it: It seems to me that the effect of the proposal he is making is to ensure that Ministers of the present Government will get their increase from a current date but Ministers of the previous Government who in accordance with the national agreement should have had an increase from an earlier date are going to be deprived of it. I am not complaining about that. I will live and so will my colleagues without any largesse from the Minister for Finance but I do object to this lily-livered approach by this Coalition Government. They have underlined it in the statement today. They have not the political guts to implement the national agreement in relation to members of the two Houses of Parliament.

When one looks at this budget one finds that the Minister for Finance had certain things he had to do. He had to raise money. I know as a former Minister for Finance, looking at what he has brought in, that he went around and every possible source that was open to him he grabbed it. I do not think that many people will have taken in just yet—it will take a while for it to sink in—the full range of the items being affected by additional taxation under this budget. Practically every possible item open to him was grabbed.

To me, the most significant feature of this budget is the unique opportunity available which this Government dismally failed to grasp. The lack of real concern for social justice, as distinct from talking incessantly about it, is clearly illustrated in this budget, particularly in the approach to children's allowances across the board, to the rich and the poor, in relation to value-added tax, increased on essentials, to the rich as well as to the poor, and millions of pounds of extra taxation being raised to subsidise the rates of commercial property owners who are already claiming relief under their income tax. Nobody over there can claim with any degree of credibility that this budget shows any real concern for social justice. Neither can it be claimed that it shows any ability to manage the economy.

With all these taxes that are being imposed, millions and millions of pounds are being raised unnecessarily, being raised so that people can have the privilege of subscribing to the subsidisation of the rates on the office blocks and the other commercial properties, so that we can pay increased children's allowances to the richest people in the country. That is the kind of inefficiency and incompetence that we get in the management of our economy from this Government.

As far as I am concerned, this budget marks the first step on the path to the same economic chaos as the two previous Coalitions brought about in this country. I trust that wiser councils will prevail over there and that they will draw back. They have embarked on that path. We in Fianna Fáil have had to clean up Coalition messes before. I hope that when we do take over from them, which will not be too long, we will not be left with the same kind of mess as we had before, but it looks very like it.

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