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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 27 Mar 1974

Vol. 271 No. 7

Private Members' Business. - Polasaí Gaeilge an Rialtais: Tairiscint Atogáil.

Thairg an Teachta Tunney an Tairiscint seo a leanas ar an 26ú Márta, 1974:
Go bhfuil Dáil Éireann míshásta nár fógraíodh fós ón Rialtas aon pholasaí maidir leis an nGaeltacht nó i leith na Gaeilge agus go n-iarrann sí láithreach é.
D'athtógadh an díospóireacht ar an leasú seo a leanas:
1. Go scriosfar na focail uile i ndiaidh "Dáil Éireann" agus go gcuirfear an méid seo a leanas ina n-ionad:
"ag aontú lena bhfuil fógraithe agus déanta ag an Rialtas le bliain anuas ar mhaithe le forbairt na Gaeltachta agus leas na Gaeilge."
—(Aire na Gaeltachta.)

Nuair a bhí mé ag críochnú inné do luaigh me foscladh Dhún Chaoin mar éacht mhór an Chomhrialrais. Dúirt mé go raibh scaifte mór ag déanamh calláin fá dtaobh de sar a fosclaíodh é. Tá dísbheagadh á dhéanamh ar an Ghaeilge ó shin agus níl a fhios agamsa cá deachaidh an scaifte go raibh an oiread sin le rá acu agus a bhí comh callánach fá dtaobh de cheist na Gaeilge nuair a bhí-midne i gcumhacht. An amhlaidh gur chaill siad uchtach ar fad nó an amhlaidh nach raibh siad chomh dáiríre is a bhíodar ag ligean orthu féin?

Ba mhaith liom a fhiafraigh den Aire an bhfuil polasaí ar leith ag an Rialtas faoin Ghaeilge. Is beag adúirt sé faoin Ghaeilge nuair a bhí sé ag caint inné; is mó a labhair sé faoin Ghaeltacht, agus, mar sin, ba mhaith linn a fhios a bheith againn cad tá i ndán don Ghaeilge ins na blianta atá romhainn. Más é an tAire Poist agus Telegrafa a bheidh ag freagairt níl a fhios agam an mbeidh seisean ábalta meon an Rialtais a nochtadh fá dtaobh de sin, ach ar a laghad beidh Aire na Gaeltachta ábalta a rá nach n-aontaíonn sé leis má abrann sé rud ar bith as an bealach.

Is féidir a rá gur díol truaigh inniu an gná-shaoránach go bhfuil a dhearcadh féin aige ar an tsaol. Na bun-phrionsabail a chreid sé iontu i gcónaí tá sé imníoch, neamh-chinnte fá dtaobh daofa mar gheall ar na h-ionsaithe cliste atá á ndéanamh orthu ag grúpaí éagsúla daoine, a bheireann liobarálaí orthu féin. Is eagal liom go bhfaigheann na grúpaí seo i bhfad níos mó tacaíochta ó na meáin cumarsáide ná dream ar bith eile. Tá na daoine seo an-chliste agus is féidir leo pointe a fhorbairt agus a chur chun tosaigh chomh maith sin go nglactar leis go ró-mhinic mar "the in thing", mar adeirtear sa Bhéarla. Ansin na daoine sin go bhfuil an dearcadh acu atá faoi ionsaí, cuirtear ar a gcosaint iad agus léirítear iad mar Choimeádaithe atá in éadan dul chun cinn sa saol.

Leis an bhrú lochtach seo a thagair mé dó atá ar an ghná-dhuine, tá sé deacair air gan géilleadh agus dul leis an dtaoide. Bealach éasca as a bheadh ann dó. Ach ní bhfuarathas a dhath fiúntach ariamh de thairbhe géilleadh den chineál sin. Daoine a chreid go láidir in a gcuid cúiseanna agus a sheas go daingean leo ba chuma cad iad na deacrachtaí, sin iad na daoine a d'fhág marc in a ndiaidh ar an saol. Bhí mé ag léamh ar na mallaibh rud a scríobh Walter Lippman, an colúnaí clúiteach sin in Ameiricá, nuair adúirt sé:

We should be ready to make sacrifices when we are tempted to be weak, and have the courage to say no when it would be a lot easier to say yes.

Níl an oiread sin daoine ann inniu ag déanamh ionsaí oscailte ar an dteanga. Tá módh oibre níos ealaí-onta acu. Iarrann siad orainn an teanga a thréigint ar son cúiseanna a mbeadh bá an phobail leo, mar shampla—tá siad ag iarraidh a chur in a luí orainn go bhfuil gluaiseacht na Gaeilge in a bhac d'athaontú na tíre. Ní feidhm domhsa a rá nach gcreidim seo. Ach cuir i gcás go raibh sé fíor, an amhlaidh atá na daoine seo ag iarraidh orainn prionsabal náisiúnta amháin a chaitheamh uainn ar mhaithe le ceann eile a bhaint amach? Nach é an rud ciallmhar agus an rud ceart leanúint leis an aidhm fiú dá nglacadh sé níos fuide ceann cúrsa a shroisint? Táthar ag iarraidh orainn géilleadh inár gcuid prionsabail agus dul sa seans go bhfaighimid an ní atá uainn in am níos goiride. Ní dhéanann seo ach mearbhall a chur ar daoine.

Tá sé doiligh sainmhíniú a thabhairt ar cad is cultúr ann. Is dócha go bhfuil sé fíor a rá gurab ionann cultúr agus an dóigh a mhaireann muid agus a n-iompraíonn muid féin. Ach níl iomlán na fírinne ansin nó tá muid san dóigh in a bhfuil muid mar gheall ar an tógáil a fuair muid. Na neithe a gcreideann muid go láidir iontu agus an t-idéalachas atá ionainn is cinnte go bhfuair muid mór-chuid de sin ón á dtuismitheoirí agus tháinig sé anuas chuchu sin ónár sinnsir. An t-idéalachas seo, an dóchas, an imní agus na mianta atá againn, rinneadh iad a nochtadh don chéad uair tríd an teanga Ghaeilge agus ní féidir a shéanadh go bhfuil tionchar anmhór ag an dteanga sin ar an dóigh a smaoitíonn muid agus a n-iompraíonn muid féin inniu.

Caithfidh seo a bheith fíor nó má amharcann muid ar chuid de na cultúir atá sa domhan feicfidh muid go bhfuil difríochtaí eatorran agus difríochtí mhóra i gcásanna áirithe. Tá seo amhlaidh mar gheall ar an dóigh ar leith a dtáinig forbairt orthu—níorbh ionann teanga daofa. Mura bhfuil tionchur ag teanga ar fhorbairt cultúir, cén fáth nach aon chultúr mór amháin atá sa domhan inniu?

Tá na náisiúin éagsúla bródúil as a gcultúr féin. Tá siad bródúil as cé gur dóiche nach bhfuil siad i gcónaí ábalta sainmhiniú a thabhairt air, ach tuigeann siad gurb í an tsuimint í a thathaíonn le chéile iad mar theaghlach. agus a spreagann iad chun a dtréithe éagsúla a fhorbairt ar mhaithe leis an dteaghlach agus comhoibriú a dhéanamh le chéile chun a chinntiú go mairfidh an teaghlach; agus anso tá mé ag tagairt don náisiún mar a bheadh teaghlach ann.

Mar adúirt mé, níl mé sásta le stáid na Gaeilge nó le stáid na Gaeltachta faoin Rialtas seo. Níl mé ag rá nach bhfuil an tAire dáiríre, ach ní fheicim caidé mar a thuig leis a dhath fiúnteach a dhéanamh i leith ceachtar den dá rud atá luaite agam fhad agus atá daoine san Rialtas ag lochtú agus ag déanamh beag dár cultúr agus den Ghaeilge.

Mar adúirt mé, cháinim cuid mhaith agus an ceart agam, ach ag an am chéanna níl sé de dhith orm agus ní raibh sé riamh de dhith orm cnámh spáirne poilitíochta a dhéanamh den Ghaeilge. Mar sin is féidir liom aontú leis an méid adúirt an tAire ag deireadh a ráitis nuair adúirt sé go dtiocfadh linn uilig cuidiú lena chéile an Ghaeilge a athbheochan. Má támuid, ar an dtaobh seo den Tigh, sásta go bhfuil an Rialtas dáiríre fán Ghaeilge agus fán Ghaeltacht, gheobhaidh siad tacaíocht uainn agus beidh muidinne anseo i gcónaí ag faire orthu le cinntiú go ndéanfaidh siad beart de réir a mbriathar.

I rise in support of the motion by the Minister for the Gaeltacht:

Go bhfuil Dáil Éireann ag aontú lena bhfuil fógraithe agus déanta ag an Rialtas le bliain anuas ar mhaithe le forbairt na Gaeltachta agus leas na Gaeilge.

Deputy Faulkner in his speech sought to suggest that there was a difference between what was "fógraithe" and what was "déanta", what was proclaimed and what was done, and that the Government was not delivering beart de réir ár mbriathar. I think the answer to that is contained in the speech of the Minister for the Gaeltacht which was a characteristically, practical, businesslike, down-to-earth one and which began by pointing out that the Estimate for the Gaeltacht had risen, under this Government, by almost 50 per cent, from £2,784,000 the year before we came in to £3,828,000 in 1973-74. Well, that is beart de réir ár mbriathar. In fact we did not have so many "briathar" about it but the "beart" is 50 per cent better and speakers have laid, and rightly laid, emphasis on the realism of the people of the Gaeltacht. I think they realise that fact and all the "holier than thou" words that can be used on this subject cannot deflect their eye from that fact. The Minister's speech—I shall not go over it, he made it very well himself— covered what was done and gave details about it.

I think it is important to look at the present state of the Gaeltacht and at the more general position of the Irish language and the activities linked with its preservation. Fianna Fáil have a motion before this House complaining of the inadequacies of the Government's policies in relation to the Gaeltacht and the Irish language. The motion is in the name of an Teachta Séamus Ó Tonnaí, a Deputy for whom I have respect. I recognise his sincerity in relation to the Irish language and I know of his valuable efforts to promote its use in public life. He referred to me, I think—at the outset of his remarks yesterday— and wished to know whether I had come to the House to defy him in some way. I did not come to defy him or even to interrupt him; I came to listen to him and, as usual, I learned a good deal to my advantage. But he will forgive me if I say that motions like the one put down by him on behalf of his party represent the ultimate in Fianna Fáil policy towards the Irish language, preserving the Irish language by proclaiming it to be a fact. This is the aspect of those policies about which some of us have complained. We are not ashamed of complaining about that; we have no apology to make for it.

Ten years ago, in January, 1964, the Commission for the Revival of the Irish Language proposed their final report and presented it to the Government. That commission, which had sat for five years, stressed again and again the necessity of active steps "now"— that was in January, 1964—to deal with the Gaeltacht problem. A year later, in January, 1965, the then Government proposed a White Paper in which it said that it regarded the preservation and strengthening of the Gaeltacht as essential to the restoration of the Irish language. We had a large and great silence on the matter for the following four years; no "beart" and not even many "briathair" during that period until 1969 when the Government appointed Comhairle na Gaeilge to advise them all over again as to the best steps to establish Irish as a general means of communication. They, in turn, issued a series of reports culminating in two important documents Gníomh don Ghaeltacht presented to the Government in December, 1971, and Implementing a Language Policy presented to the then Government in April 1972.

Up to the time they had left office in March, 1973, Fianna Fáil had done nothing to effect the recommendations made to them by successive boards and the important document, Gníomh don Ghaeltacht, lay before them for 15 months. And they are now asking for “beart do réir ar mbriathar”. In respect of this document it must be pointed out that it was a five year action programme for the Gaeltacht. The writers of the report stated, and I quote:

The urgency of the action and the fact that action would bring about change in the overall situation...

Indeed, that was its purpose, leading us to concentrate on the immediate future and to concern ourselves mainly with the next five years. Each and every report presented to the last Government urged them to take immediate action, and not without good reason. A staggering decline in the population of the Gaeltacht areas, on the one hand, and an unsuccessful programme for a realistic language policy in the Gaeltacht on the other were clearly visible to all. Anything that the people of the Gaeltacht got from Fianna Fáil had to be wrung out of them and the last and highest was nearly 50 per cent less than now provided. Indeed, their only positive contribution to the Gaeltacht in recent years was to close a school in the most precariously situated Gaeltacht. I am not going to say much more about that because the Parliamentary Secretary, Deputy Begley, will be coming in later and has a better right to speak on that than have I and I want to hear him.

It is against this record of the Opposition that the contribution of my colleague, the Minister for the Gaeltacht, must be judged. He announced yesterday, in a detailed manner, the Government's proposals for Údarás na Gaeltachta. This will give the people of the Gaeltacht a unique opportunity to participate in the planning of their future. It is an imaginative scheme in community development. The Government believe that a realistic policy towards the Gaeltacht must be developed and the Minister for the Gaeltacht has spent the entire year investigating, at first hand, the condition of the various Irish speaking areas. I do not know that any Minister for the Gaeltacht before him has spent so much time in the Gaeltacht, such a high proportion of his time during his period of office. In order to familiarise himself with the problems, the Taoiseach also went to brief himself on industrial development in the Gaeltacht areas.

Deputy Faulkner has—if I understood him correctly—suggested that I referred to the position of Irish in the Gaeltacht as a bog culture. That is a characteristic distortion. I did nothing of the kind. I wish to set the record straight in that regard. What I said in Waterford—in referring to the differences between the people, say, in Dublin and Cork— was that I value these differences more than I do the kind of bog oak monolith that is often presented to us under the name of national culture. It was not an attack on Irish or on Irish culture but on something which is often presented to us by politicians in that guise.

Deputy Faulkner has said also, in the course of his remarks, that the Irish people do not regard me—the individual who addresses you—as one of themselves. Well, that is true of a sizeable section of the Irish people. The Fianna Fáil Party do not regard me as one of themselves and they are damned well right. I am not and I am not trying to be. But I would remind Deputy Faulkner and any other Deputies there are here that I have as good a right to speak in this Assembly as any other Deputy——

Deputies

Hear, hear.

——and it was not the Chinese who sent me here but the people of Dublin North-East. I think anyone who suggests that a Deputy in this House is not one of the Irish people is insulting not merely the Deputy but, much more importantly, those who sent that Deputy here. It is not much use pretending that the majority portion of the national culture is the Irish language when, in fact, that language is spoken as a community language only in certain western seaboard areas. The report Gníomh don Ghaeltacht” describes the linguistic situation in these areas thus, and I quote:

The Gaeltacht areas are bilingual. But the degree to which Irish and English are used varies greatly. In a few parishes only is Irish the language of all occasions or domains of life. In many of the defined Gaeltacht areas Irish is used by a small number and in very few domains. In nearly all areas English tends to be the language of commerce. This is the reality of the Gaeltacht situation after all these years of athbheocaint na Gaeilge. Who could accurately describe what is the situation outside the Gaeltacht. We must have done with romantic dreams about the Irish language if we are to serve its interests at all and, in fact, if we are to grow up. I, no more than any other Deputy, do not wish to see the death of the Irish language but there is nothing more certain than that if we fail to recognise the crisis situation pertaining to its very existence, we will kill it altogether. It is not, in my opinion, adequate or even suitable to give the Irish language a status which it does not have while, at the same time, doing nothing about ensuring, by practical means, its survival. Even the great days of The Irish Press when it carried proudly on its masthead “Do chun glóire Dé agus onóra na hÉireann” have gone. I believe that the Minister for the Gaeltacht has completed an extremely successful year's work.

I would like to say something—as it has been touched on here—of my own criticisms in this area and to develop these a little in the limited time at my disposal. I think what I have to say is summed up mainly in a remark which was not one of mine but something said to me by a parent at a school meeting in my constituency. He asked me if I thought that it slowed up people's learning to have them half ashamed of themselves. I said I thought it would have that effect. He added: "They did not"— referring to his own schooldays, not so long ago as he was quite a young man—"teach us Irish. They taught us to be ashamed of ourselves for not knowing it." That is a terrible indictment of what the Irish language policy has represented in practice for many people, in particular, since I represent many of them, may I say for many working class people in Dublin city and in what are terribly known as educationally deprived areas in our cities and elsewhere. That is what Irish has meant for them.

Deputy Tunney, speaking out of his own practical experience as a teacher, dealt very well with past failures in the Irish language teaching policy, particularly the failure to cast enough emphasis on the teaching of Irish as a live language. He dealt with that very well but he did not deal with this other part, teaching people to be ashamed of themselves for not knowing Irish while not really teaching them Irish. That is an important part of what has been done to our people in the name of Irish and not to the good of Irish. I am not saying that the people who did that were not sincere and well-intentioned about what they did but I think that if they continue to be sincere and well-intentioned they have a right to take a good, hard look at what happened and at the situation now. If I may say so, also, they should not be so ill-tempered with people who raise questions on this area, not denounce them as outcasts from the nation and not distort their words but consider what element of truth there may be in those words, be prepared to reassess the situation as it actually is and not just issue instructions that we have to continue to live in a dream.

Most Irish people want their children to have an opportunity to learn Irish. I want that myself for my own children. My own little boy is going to Scoil Neasain, where subjects are taught through Irish, a very good school in my constituency. There is a great fund of goodwill towards the Irish language among our people but it is not enough to say that this is largely untapped in practice. I am speaking now about the Galltacht not the Gaeltacht. It is practically choked up by various forces. People want their children to know Irish but they do not want them to be penalised for not knowing it, either in examinations or in their jobs. They do not want to be condescended to. They do not want to be treated as second-class citizens either by people who actually know Irish or by that more numerous class who write their names in Irish and belong to the local cumann.

It is not enough to say that people do not want to be condescended to. It is true to say that people will no longer put up with this and that the people who go on meting out this kind of treatment will find that people will not put up with the condescending attitude nor will they put up with "let us pretend" when we speak of the restoration of the Irish language. I put the question to a distinguished Irish scholar the other night, who was vigorously defending this concept of the restoration of the language: "Restoration to exactly what, to the condition that Irish was in in 1168?" He is a very moderate man and he said: "no, 1600 would do." Does anybody think we can restore 1600 or anything about 1600? The whole culture of 1600 is part of history. The Taoiseach in his speech in Connemara last January committed this Government to realistic policies in this area, where they are long overdue. I believe these realistic policies are based on (1) intelligent and active commitment to the development of the Gaeltacht and the preservation of its heritage and, (2), basing the Irish language policy on a concept of the role of Irish in the kind of society we actually live in and are likely to live in.

That society is made up of people who speak English most of the time and are likely to continue doing so. In these conditions, if Irish is to become more widely used and better used, this will be in proportion to how attractive it appears. The Government wish to co-operate with those who are trying to make it more attractive and to cut down on the elements of compulsion, elitism and make-believe which are damaging the true interests of the Irish language and also damaging the educational and cultural growth and development of our people.

The whole pattern of the activity of the Minister for the Gaeltacht in his speech last night reflects this pattern of realistic and serious goodwill towards the Gaeltacht and the Irish language. I believe their figures speak louder than words. You can see in the Minister's policy towards the Gaeltacht two things, one is a reaching out towards the Gaeltacht with a policy of active, practical help, implying money. This Government are putting their money where their mouth is, not as happened before. That is only one side of it. The other is dropping the paternalistic attitude towards the people of the Gaeltacht and encouraging them to play their own part in the management of their own affairs. I believe it is on those two pillars that the Minister's policy and the Government's policy stand.

Mar is gnáth leis an Aire Poist agus Telegrafa, tá sé ar dhá thaobh an chlaí. Tá sé ag moladh na Gaeilge agus athbheochan na Gaeilge agus ag an am gcéanna tá sé ag caitheamh droch-mheas ar dhaoine atá ag déanamh a ndícheall ar mhaithe leis an nGaeilge. Ní ceist pháirtí ná tada mar sin ceist na Gaeltachta ná ceist na Gaeilge. Baineann seo le chuile dhuine. Má tá daoine ann a bhfuil meas acu ar an Ghaeilge agus má tá siad i bPairtí Fhianna Fáil nó i bpairtí ar bith eile ní ceart go mbeadh daoine eile á gcáineadh agus ag fáil locht orthu má tá fonn orthu Gaeilge a labhairt agus Gaeilge a chur chun cinn. Rugadh agus tógadh sa Ghaeltacht mé. Is oth liom a rá go dtáinig meath ar an nGaeltacht agus ar an nGaeilge sa Ghaeltacht sin. Ní ar mhuintir na háite an locht ná b'fhéidir ar rialtaisí ar chor ar bith. Tá a fhios againn go rabhamar le tamall fada faoi chois agus faoi leathrom ag muintir thíre eile.

Tá a fhios ag chuile dhuine nach bhfuil sé ach 9 nó 10 mbliain ó d'eirigh linn teacht chun chinn agus féacháil le tada a chur chun tosaigh. Anois, nuair a bhí pobal Gaeltachta ins na Gaeltachtaí ar fad bhí an pobal sin beo, bríomhar. Tá an pobal sin beo, bríomhar go fóill i dTír Chonaill, i nGaillimh agus in áiteanna i gContae Mhuigheó agus i gCiarraí. Caithfear chidiú níos mó leo chun go bhfanfaidh siad mar a bhí siad. Tá a fhios againn go bhfuil go leor cainte déanta anseo faoin ndul chun cinn atá déanta ag an Aire nua ach cé go bhfuil go leor spaisteoireachta déanta aige ag dul thart go dtí na Gaeltachtaí ar fad, rud a rinne na hAirí Gaeltachta a bhí ann roimhe, ní fheicim tada nua san óráid a thug an tAire aréir ná in obair ar bith a thug sé ós cómhair na Dála go dtí seo. Tá caint déanta aige faoi chomharchumainn. Bhí na comharchumainn ann sul a dtáinig sé isteach anseo ina Aire. Bhí deontaisí le fáil ag na comharchumainn agus níl aon athrú déanta ag an Aire sna deontaisí a bhí le fáil ag comharchumainn sul a dtáinig seisean isteach anseo.

Tá caint déanta aige faoi theangmháil atá á dhéanamh ag Gaeltarra Éireann leis na húdaráis eile sa Stát, leis an bhForas Talúntais, leis an Roinn Talmhaíochta agus Iascaigh. Cé bhunaigh na rudaí sin ar fad? Bhí siad sin ann sul a dtáinig seisean isteach anseo mar Aire agus má tá breis airgid á thabhairt i mbliana aige le haghaidh na Gaeltachta, tá mé cinnte dá mbeadh an Rialtas seo againne ann go mbeadh an bhreis chéanna airgid á thabhairt acu mar níl sé ach ag leanúint ar aghaidh leis an gclár oibre a bhí bunaithe go maith anseo sul a dtáinig sé isteach ina Aire.

Tá cúpla ceist agam le cur ar an Aire. Bhunaigh Gaeltarra caidreamh níos dlúithe leis an Roinn Talmhaíochta agus Iascaigh agus leis an bhForas Talúntais. Sin ráiteas. Níl sé cruthaithe aige in aon áit go bhfuil an caidreamh sin ann. Chuir mise ceisteanna ar an Aire faoi chúrsaí talmhaíochta, faoi chúrsaí cimín, faoi obair sa Ghaeltacht a bhain le talmhaíocht agus le h-iascaireacht agus sé an freagra a fuair mé nár bhain siad san le Roinn na Gaeltachta, gur bhain siad le Roinn éigin eile. Ní thuigim céard tá i gceist aige ansin in Uimhir a 5 ar leathanach a 4 nuair adeir sé gur bunaíodh an caidreamh seo go bhfuil caint déanta aige faoi.

Tuigimid go maith gur ceist eacnamíochta atá ann maidir le slánú na Gaeltachtaí agus tá a fhios againn go gcaithfear airgead a chur ar fáil agus go gcaithfear obair a chur ar fáil ins na Gaeltachtaí má theastaíonn uainn iad a choinneál slán agus más fíor é go bhfuil teangmháil déanta ag an Aire leis na Rannógaí seo atá luaite aige, beidh gá leis agus gá mór leis mar, má tá na Gaeltachtaí le teacht chun cinn, caithfidh siad braith ar thalmhaíocht agus ar iascaireacht agus ar rudaí atá le fáil san áit acu. Ní cabhair ar bith dúinn bheith ag braith ar strainséaraí le teacht isteach agus cuidiú linn. Caithimíd úsáid a bhaint as an amh-ábhar atá againn féin ins na Gaeltachtaí le h-iad a chur chun tosaigh. Céard a thárlóidh anois leis na scéimeanna atá againn maidir le cúrsaí feilmeoireachta san Euróip? Cé mhéad ceann de na Gaeltachtaí a bhéas in ann cuidiú a fháil feasta i dtalmhaíocht i ngeall ar na feilmeacha beaga atá sa nGaeltacht? Céard a thárlós do na scéimeanna a bhí againn le fada le leasú talún a réiteach, le feirmeacha a dhraenáil? Céard a thárlós do na scéimeanna sin ó thárla go bhfuil muid anois ag glacadh leis na scéimeanna atá ag teacht chugainn ón Euróip? An mbeidh cuidiú le fáil feasta ag na feirmeoirí beaga sa Ghaeltacht? Níl a fhios agamsa freagra na ceiste sin. B'fhéidir go bhfuil sé ag an Aire.

Luaigh sé ceist na hiascaireachta. Sílim go mba cheart go mbeadh i bhfad níos mó cuidiú á thabhairt maidir leis an iascaireacht. Tá go leor cineál iascaireachta ann. Tá cheana féin Bord Iascaigh Mhara agus na daoine seo ag déanamh a gcion féin maidir le h-iascaireacht ar an bhfarraige agus maidir le báid a chur ar fáil do dhaoine a bhfuil suim acu san iascaireacht acht sílim go dtig linn dearcadh ar rudaí mar iascaireacht oisirí agus "fish farming" mar a thugann siad air i mBéarla, a leithéidí sin, le níos mó saothrú a chur ar fáil ins na Gaeltachtaí. Tá go leor de mhuintir na Gaeltachta agus níl aon seans acu céirdeanna a fhoghlaim. Níl aon deis acu na céirdeanna a fhoghlaim sa Ghaeltacht agus níl seans le fáil acu ina gCondaethe féin le céird ar bith a fhoghlaim. Tá AnCO ann acht tá AnCO ag plé le cúrsaá ins na bailte móra agus tá na daoine atá ins na bailte móra in ann cuidiú a fháil agus níl na daoine ins na háiteacha iargúlta in ann cuidiú a fháil mar go bhfuil siad an-fhada ó na láithreáin ina bhfuil AnCO suite. Ba cheart go mbeadh scéim éigin ag Roinn na Gaeltachta agus Gaeltarra Éireann le deis a thabhairt do mhuintir na Gaeltachta traenáil a fháil ins na Gaeltachtaí féin.

Cad faoi Ghaoth Dóbhair?

Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil Gaoth Dóbhair ag dul chun cinn go maith ceart go leor. Aontaím leis sin acht níl aon chreidiúint ag dul dibhse i ngeall ar go bhfuil Gaoth Dóbhair ag dul chun cinn. Bhí Gaoth Dóbhair ann sul a dtáinig sibhse isteach anseo mar Rialtas agus bhí an dul chun cinn sin déanta sul a dtáinig sibhse isteach anseo.

Tá an Teachta ag tabhairt cúrsaí polaitíochta isteach.

Tá an fhírinne á h-insint.

Chuireadh ceist agus thug mé freagra uirthí. Céard tá déanta agaibhse le AnCO ó tháinig sibh i gcumhacht? Ní fheicim tada déanta go fóill ag an Aire ach an méid cainte atá déanta aige ar an radio mar atá leis an Rialtas seo an t-am ar fad—rialtas tré phoiblíocht. Sin an méid maithis atá déanta acu.

Má theastaíonn uainn an Ghaeilge agus an Ghaeltacht a chur chun tosaigh caithimíd cuidiú le saol eacnamaíochta na ndaoine agus sílim nach bhfuil go leor á dhéanamh i láthair na huaire. Tá go leor a d'fhéadfaí a dhéanamh chun cuidiú le daoine fanacht ina mbailte féin lena muiríneacha a thógáil sa teach agus le bheith leo agus le cuidiú leo. Le fada an lá tá go leor leor rudaí ag cur isteach ar an nGaeltacht—an imirce cuir i gcás agus is maith an rud é go bhfuil stop á chur leis an imirce i láthair na huaire. Tá daoine ag teacht ar ais agus tá siad in ann obair a fháil ach tá deacrachtaí ag cuid de na daoine seo, daoine go bhfuil muirín agus clann acu agus ar tóigeadh na páistí sin i Sasana agus, b'fhéidir, atá pósta le strainséaraí, níl siad in ann na deontaisí tithe a fháil nuair a thagann siad ar ais anseo. Níl ansin ach rud amháin. Admhaím go bhfuil go leor déanta le seirbhísí, le tithe, le bóithre, le h-uisce, le cumhacht leictreachais, rudaí mar sin, ó cuireadh an Stát ar bun ach ní leor sin leis na daoine a choinneáil ag obair sa bhaile. Caithimíd cuidiú leo obair a fháil agus cuidiú leo a mbeatha a shaothrú san áit a bhfuil siad.

Anois maidir le saol cultúrtha na nGaeltachtaí, níl seans dá laghad ag an gcultúr atá againn leanúint ar aghaidh nó seasamh i n-aghaidh an stuif atá ar siúl ar thelefís agus ar an radio. Is beag cláracha i nGaeilge atá i gceist ar thelefís ná ar an radio. Is beag ceol Gaelach atá le cloisteáil agus má tá sé ann bíonn sé ar siúl maidin Domhnaigh nuair nach mbíonn duine ar bith ag éisteacht leis. An clár ceol Gaelach is mó a bhainimse taitneamh as bíonn sé ar siúl gach maidin Domhnaigh nuair nach mbíonn duine ar bith ag éisteacht leis. Sílim gur beag seans atá ag ár gcultúr muna dtig linn an radio agus an telefís a dhíriú i gcaoi go mbeidh meas ag daoine ar a gcultúr féin agus ní bhaineann an cheist seo le muintir na Gaeltachta amháin. Baineann sé leis an dtír ar fad.

I láthair na huaire bheadh daoine bréan den stuif atá ag teacht ar radio agus ar thelefís. Is beag clár a bhfuil meas ar bith ag duine ar bith a bhfuil suim aige i ngluaiseacht na Gaeilge ná na rudaí atá Gaelach ar an dtelefís ná ar an radio. Fiú amháin i gcúrsaí spóirt agus caitheamh aimsire tá cosc á chur ar na cluichí Gaelacha agus ar na cláracha a bhain le cluichí agus le spóirt. Níl a fhios againn cé tá ciontach ach is doiligh a thuiscint go bhfuil daoine anseo atá ag cur scéala ós ár gcomhair á rá go bhfuil siad i bhfábhar cultúr Gaelach, i bhfábhar Gaeilge agus ansin ag an am chéanna go bhfuil siad ag déanamh cos-ar-bolg ar rudaí a bhaineanns le Gaeilge agus le Gaelachas. Ní thig liomsa an rud a thuiscint agus tá sé soiléir nach bhfuil muid dáiríre faoi na rudaí seo.

Má thógaim an Ghaeltacht againn féin, cuir i gcás, Gaeltacht Mhuigheo tá sí dearmadta ar fad. Níl baint ar bith le Radio na Gaeltachta againn. Níl fiú amháin duine ag obair do Radio na Gaeltachta i gContae Mhuigheo. Tá seirbhís á fáil ag Tír Chonaill, ag Gaillimh, Ciarraí agus níl mé ro-chinte faoi Chorcaí ach níl áird ar bith orainne agus, ar ndóigh, tig linn a rá mar abraítear sa Bhéarla: Contae Mhuigheo go bhfóire Dia orainn. Is fíor é i gcás an aitheantais atá le fáil againn ó Radio na Gaeltachta agus ón údarás. Anois ó thárla caint ar Radio na Gaeltachta mé, baineann sé seo leis an Aire Poist agus Telegrafa ach más rud é nach bhfuil airgead aige leis na cláracha sin atá ar siúl ar Radio na Gaeltachta a leathnú agus cuidiú chun iad a chur ar fáil do mhuintir na Gaeltachta ar fad, sílim go mba chóir dó iarraidh ar Aire na Gaeltachta nó ar an Rialtas tuilleadh airgid fháil le cuidiú le Radio na Gaeltachta chun cláracha ceantar a bhunú agus a leathnú agus a chur ar fáil do na Gaeltachtaí uilig.

Anois luaigh an tAire Údarás na Gaeltachta. Ba mhaith liomsa ceist a chur air: céard a thárlós do na coistí áitiúla nuair a chuirfear an t-údarás seo ar bun. Bhí coistí áitiúla a tháinig le chéile ins na Gaeltachtaí uilig le cúpla bliain, na daoine óna comharchumainn agus óna gluaiseachtaí eile ar fud na Gaeltachta. Céard a thárlós do na coistí áitiúla seo nuair a chuirfear Údarás na Gaeltachta ar bun? An leigfear chun bealaigh iad nó céard a thárlós dóibh? Cén uair atá dúil ag an Aire an t-údarás a chur ar bun? An mbeidh toghachán ann i mbliana? Cén chaoi a chuirfear ar bun an túdarás nó cé chaoi a socrófar ar na toghacháin le haghaidh na mball a bhéas ar an údarás seo? Céard a thárlós do na daoine atá ag obair anois ar son Roinn na Gaeltachta, na stiúrthóirí agus na daoine sin atá faoi láthair ag feidhmiú ar fud na Gaeltachta? Céard a thárlós do na daoine sin agus do na daoine atá ag cuidiú leo ag obair ar fud na Gaeltachta?

Anois maidir leis na breac-Ghaeltachtaí agus na haiteacha atá buailte leis na Gaeltachtaí, cuirim i gcás, an paróiste inar tóigeadh mé féin. Tá an paróiste sin rointe i dhá leath. Tá an chuid thiar den pharóiste taobh amuigh den Ghaeltacht agus tá an chuid thoir ainmnithe sa Ghaeltacht. Anois tá sé íontach deacair dul chun cinn a dhéanamh i bparóiste mar sin nuair atá coiste i bparóiste agus tá cuid den pharóiste taobh amuigh den Ghaeltacht agus tá tuilleadh dó sa Ghaeltacht. Céard a dhéanfadh an tAire maidir leis an gceist sin? An bhfuil dúil aige paróiste nó ionad eacnamaíochta a thógáil nó an bhfuil dúil aige teorainn na Gaeltachta nó limistéar na Gaeltachta mar atá sé anois a fhágáil mar atá sé? Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil an cheist chéanna fíor i nGaeltachtaí eile. Tá sé fíor i dTír Chonaill. Tá sé fíor i gCorcaigh agus creidim go bhfuil sé fíor i gCiarraí chomh maith. Céard a dhéanfaidh an tAire maidir leis na rudaí sin?

Bíonn daoine ag rá go bhfuil Gaeilge agus foghlaim na Gaeilge ag cur isteach ar pháistí scoile, ag cur isteach ar oideachas agus baineann sé seo le háiteacha taobh amuigh den Ghaeltacht. Tá a fhios againn go maith nach maith le páistí scoile go minic b'fhéidir an modh múinte ná an chaoi ina gcuirtear an Ghaeilge cun tosaigh ins na scoltacha. Tá taithí agam féin ó bheith ag múineadh scoile i mBaile Átha Cliath. Dé gnáth ní raibh meas ag na páistí, b'fhéidir, ar Ghaeilge ach sílim nach ar na páistí féin atá an locht. Sílim go mbíonn tionchar ag na tuismitheoirí orthu. Ní bhfaigheann siad an cuidiú ceart ón a muintir. Cáintear an Ghaeilge agus caitear drochmheas uirthi agus nuair a bhíonn an scéal mar sin is doilig do pháistí meas a bheith acu ar an Ghaeilge nó meas a bheith acu ar an Ghaeilge a fhoghlaim. Tig le chuile dhuine againn i bhfad níos mó a dhéanamh chun cuidiú le páistí agus le meas a chothú iontu don Ghaeilge, don náisiúnachas agus do rudai a bhaineann linn fein agus lenár dtír féin.

Deir daoine go bhfuil ceist na Gaeilge agus slánú na Gaeilge ag cur isteach ar mhuintir an Tuaiscirt agus á rá nach mbeadh fonn ar bith orthu theacht isteach sa Stát seo dá mba Stát Gaelach a bheadh ann. Le déanaí nuair a bhí John Hume faoi agallamh cuireadh ceist air. Tá an t-agallamh le léamh iComhar, Márta, 1974. Cuireadh an cheist seo air:

Ó hE. An bhfeiceann tusa nó an SDLP an Ghaeilge mar bhac d'aontú na tíre?

J. H. A mhalairt ar fad! Mar eolas duit, is é an SDLP an t-aon pháirtí amháin i stair pholaitiúil an tuaiscirt a raibh polasaí acu agus a chuir os comhair an phobail é ar fhorbairt chultúrtha nó mar a deirimid sa tuaisceart "forbairt chultúrtha traidisiúnta"—ciallaíonn sé sin an teanga agus gach rud a bhaineann léi. Tá tacaíocht tugtha ag an phobal dúinn don pholasaí seo. Leanamar ar aghaidh ansin chun é a thabhairt i gcrích mar chuid dár ráiteas ar aidhmeanna sóisialta agus eacnamaíochta—is é sin go mbeadh an polasaí cultúrtha seo mar chuid de seo agus tá ráiteas cuimsitheach dár n-aidhmeanna in aidhmeanna aontaithe an Executive Tuaisceartach ar fhorbairt ár dtraidisiún cultúrtha agus is ceann de na traidisiúin cultúrtha is láidre ná an Ghaeilge agus bheadh súil againn go bhfaigheadh sé a áit chóir i bhforbairt cultúrtha an tuaiscirt. Ní fheicimse ar chor ar bith mar bhac é. Sílim go raibh dearcadh mhuintir na Gaeilge go dtí seo, sílim gur ghlac siad dearcadh ró-chaol, rónáisiúntach chucu féin agus gur chuir siad í le traidisiún pholaitiúil amháin. Ach feictear dom go bhfuil saibhreas na Gaeilge agus an chultúr Ghaelaigh ar fad mar dhroichead a bheadh ábalta suim doimhin a bhunú idir Protastúnaigh agus Caitlicigh agus má thugtar faoi ar mhodh leathan an chultúir agus ní ar an teanga amháin, is é sin ag cur an chultúir Ghaelaigh chun cinn caithfidh sé suim úr a mhúscailt sa teanga sa deire, thiar thall—tríd an ceol, an dráma agus mar sin—gurb é seo an dóigh gur ceart dúinn suim sa teanga. Is í pholasaí hÉireann agus gan dabht éireodh suim sa teanga. Is í pholasaí leathan-bhuin mar seo a chreideann an SDLP agus is polasaí a ba mhaith linn a chur i gcrích agus muid i gcumacht.

Ón ráiteas sin tá sé soiléir go mba cheart do gach duine——

Gabh mo leithscéal. Táim á chur in iúl don Teachta go bhfuil an t-am beagnach caite aige. Tá nóiméad amháin fágtha aige.

Tá sé soiléir go mba cheart dúinn uilig féachaint leis an Ghaeltacht agus leis an Ghaeilge agus le gach rud atá Gaelach, ceol agus traidisiún na hÉireann, a chur chun cinn agus cuidiú ar gach dóigh a thig linn chun an náisiún Gaelach a chur ar a chosa mar ba mhaith linn é a bheith.

An bhfuil mórán ama fágtha agam, a Cheann Comhairle.

Go dtí ceathrú tar éis a seacht.

Mheasfá ó bheith ag éisteacht le Teachtaí Fhianna Fáil go raibh sé mar aidhm acu an Ghaeltacht agus an Ghaeilge a shabháil acht tá a fhios ag gach éinne an dallamullóg a chuir Fianna Fáil ar na Gaeltachtaí. Tá figiúirí anseo agam a léiríonn líon na ndaoine ins na Gaeltachtaí ón mbliain 1956 go dtí an bhliain 1971. Fuaireas na figiúirí sin as Census of Population of Ireland, 1971, leathanach 152, agus Census of Population of Ireland, 1963, leathanach 30. Sa bhliain 1956 bhí 85,703 duine sa Ghaeltacht; sa bhliain 1961 bhí 79,323 duine ann; sa bhliain 1966 bhí 73,630 duine ag maireachtáil sa Ghaeltacht agus sa bhliain 1971 ní raibh ach 70,568 duine fágtha sa Ghaeltacht. Le 15 bliain anuas tháinig laghdú breis agus 15,000 sa Ghaeltacht agus cé bhí i gceannas na tíre i rith an tréimhse sin ach muintir Fhianna Fáil.

Maidir le hÚdarás na Gaeltachta, bhí a ndóthain ama ag muintir Fhianna Fáil chun é a bhunú. Buíochas le Dia, anois tá Aire ag an gComhrialtas go bhfuil a chroí agus a mheon sna Gaeltachtaí. Níl seachtain nach bhfuil Aire na Gaeltachta i nDún na nGall, i Muigheo, i nGaillimh, i gCiarraí, i gCorcaigh no i bPortláirge. Nuair a bhí Rialtas Fhianna Fáil ann ní raibh aon Aire nó Rúnaí Parlaiminte ann a bhí an oiread sin suime aige sna Gaeltachtaí. Fiú amháin ní raibh aon Aire lánaimsearach acu.

Tá Aire na Gaeltachta tár éis fógra a chur amach go mbeidh níos mó na 2,000 jobanna breise sna Gaeltachtaí sar i bhfad. Deinim comhgháirdeachas leis an Aire. Ar aghaidh leis an dea-obair.

Ag tagairt arís d'Údarás na Gaeltachta, i 1971 chuir Aire na Gaeltachta fógra chuig an Aire Rialtais Áitiúil údarás a chur ar bhun. Ach mo léan, bé sin deireadh an scéil. Bhí breis agus bliain go leith ag an Aire Rialtais Áitiúil ach ní raibh a chroí san obair.

Bhí sé cosúil le ceol binn na n-éan bheith ag éisteacht le Aire na Gaeltachta aréir nuair a dúirt sé go raibh breis agus £3 milliún le caitheamh aige. Dúirt fear liom le déanaí, fear a chaith breis agus 80 bliain sa Ghaeltacht, gurb i seo an chéad uair a chonaic sé Aire na Gaeltachta sa Ghaeltacht.

D'oscail an tAire Oideachais scoil Dhúin Chaoin. Ní raibh muintir Fhianna Fáil sásta leis sin agus tá siad ag bagairt ó shin. B'fhéidir nach bhfuil mórán páistí ag freastal ar an scoil ach mhúscail an gníomh sin muintir an pharóiste. Faoi láthair, tá siad ag cur comharchumann ar bun. Tá spiorad na ndaoine ag filleadh. Tá monarcha bheag ag obair ann agus tá siad faoi láthair ag déanamh iarracht halla paróiste a thosnú. Sé an tAire Oideachais a mhúscail an spiorad sin.

Nuair a bhí an Teachta Tunney ag caint aréir, rinne mé tagairt do Ghaelgeoirí Bhaile Átha Cliath. Is mian liom anois miniú a thabhairt don Teachta faoi céard a bhí in aigne agam. An Domnach seo caite, de réir na nuachtán agus Telefís Éireann, tháinig breis is 350 Gaeilgeoirí Bhaile Átha Cliath le chéile i Liberty Hall agus d'aontaíodar d'aon-ghuth nach raibh sé de cheart ag Muintir na hÉireann bheith ag feachaint ar thelefís an BBC, go ndéanfadh sé scrios ar ár gcultúr agus mar sin de. Ní raibh le déanamh ag na daoine a bhí ag caint ach cnaipe a bhrú agus tá gach staisiún acu. An Domhnach seo caite ní raibh fiú amháin Telefís Éireann ag muintir na Gaeltachta toisc go raibh easaontas sa stáisiún. An bhfuil Gaelgeoirí Bhaile Átha Cliath ag rá gur second class citizens muintir na Gaeltachta? D'fhan muintir na Gaeltachta dílis don teanga le blianta fada agus is masla mór dóibh a leithéid de raiméis agus a tháinig ó Liberty Hall. Ní raibh an dream a bhí ansin ag tabhairt liberty d'éinne ach dóibh féin.

Ar 23 Eanáir, 1974, chuaidh an Taoiseach go dtí an Ceathrú Rua agus ní dochar chuid den mhéid a dúirt sé a chur isteach sa dhíospóireacht. Thug sé na haidhmeanna a bhí ag an gComhrialtas i dtaobh na Gaeltachtaí. Uimhir a h-aon, dúirt sé go raibh sé mar chuspóir:

féachaint chuige go mbeidh gach chabhair le fáil dóibh siúd go dteastaíonn uathu an Ghaeilge a bheith mar theanga acu ag baile agus ina saol poiblí, agus ina theannta san féachaint cad é an tslí is fearr chun a áiteamh ar an bpobal i gcoitinne suim a chur sa nGaeilge;

agus a dó—

féachaint chuige go ndéanfaí gach is féidir chun na limistéir Ghaeltachta a neartú. Is é mian an Rialtais leas eacnamaíoch, sóisialach agus cultúrtha na Gaeltachta a chur chun cinn chomh tapaidh agus chomh héifeachtach agus is feidir.

Dúirt an Taoiseach freisin:

Caithfear lán-ionadaíocht a thabhairt do mhuintir na Gaeltachta sa leagan amach a bheidh ar an bhforbairt seo.

Tá Aire na Gaeltachta againn anois arb é a aon chúram leas na Gaeilge agus na Gaeltachta a chur chun cinn. Níl aon chuid den Ghaeltacht ná fuil siúlta aige anois agus tá buailte aige le hiondaithe ó na ceantair éagsúla agus a dtuairimí cloiste aige.

Tá mórán déanta cheana féin ag Aire na Gaeltachta, ag Roinn na Gaeltachta agus ag Gaeltarra Éireann chun scéimeanna nua a chur chun cinn agus tá cuid acu Cheana féin á gcur i gcrích.

Mar sin, táimíd tar éis a theaspaínt go soiléir go bhfuil croí an Chomhrialtais sa Ghaeilge agus sa Ghaeltacht. Cuirim geall: i gceann 15 bliana ní bheidh laghdú chomhmór le 15,000 daoine sa Ghaeltacht ach feasbhsú de bharr an pholasaí atá ag an dTaoiseach, ag Aire na Gaeltachta agus ag an Aire Poist agus Telegrafa.

Tá fealsúnacht áirithe i roint sean-fhocal Gaeilge. Dúirt Aire na Gaeltachta go raibh súil aige, le cúnamh Dé, go dtiocfadh an Ghaeilge ar ais. Tá sean-fhocal ag muintir na Gaeltachta: "Is maith le Dia féin cabhair d'fháil". Creidim sa Ghaeilge; creidim i nDia; ach níos tábhachtaí ná sin, creidim i gcumacht Rialtais. Ó thángadar i gcumhacht ní dúirt an Rialtas go dteastaíonn uatha an Ghaeilge a aibheochan agus tá imní, éadóchas agus eagla orm dá bharr.

The Minister for Post and Telegraphs may accuse me and other Deputies of giving too much attention to what he would regard as a romantic dream. I wish to take issue with him on this point. Is it more romantic to have a neglected aim and ideal than to have an ideal and pursue it to the point where it might be realised? Life is not entirely about material things. To dismiss ideas, aims and ideals is to misread their function. They are not useless, impractical, worthless dreams. They are visions, perhaps somewhat remote. Here I disagree with speakers who claim that this aim can be realised in the lifetime of the Government. These are the aims and objectives of what we would regard as being as near perfect a situation for the Irish people as we could imagine. If when communicating they do so in part at least in the language of their forebears, the language of their ancestors, the language which is regarded as holding the Irish philosophy, that is an aim which should be nurtured. This aim need not be denied by any Government.

In his dismissal of the Irish language the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs found himself in what he will accept was unusual ecclesiastical and religious company who would say that because we are not sincere about it, because we are not practising it in toto, why use the language? I have not the time to go into that at the length I should like. Following that logic, we would have to say to all those people who profess faith in the Ten Commandments: “because you do not practice entirely and absolutely every one of them, you should jettison them”. As regards the good religious fathers, the good Jesuits and the gentlemen who speak on their behalf, are we to take it that because the people of the world are not practising Christianity, all the efforts that have been made for practically 2,000 years should be ignored and we should move to something else or to some other grey area that treats of living from moment to moment or from day to day and makes no provision at all for things of the spirit or any ideal? I have never claimed—and here I am not at all in sympathy with the imaginary person the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs met——

Not imaginary.

——at the imaginary Labour Party meeting which he is supposed to have had at Raheny and which he did not have——

Is it in order for the Deputy to impute falsehood in this manner?

If that represents the little remnant of the small Irishman with his small hammer tapping at what should be the Minister's sense of "Irishness", I can understand it. As regards the situation where a mere peasant can make the Minister feel ashamed if that peasant has a superiority in the Irish language which the Minister does not enjoy, I suggest that he or I should not feel the least bit inferior because we have not had the opportunity that the other person has had of being proficient in the Irish language. I never advocated, and nobody in these benches ever advocated, that any Irishman should feel inferior because he had not got an efficient and, what my friend the Parliamentary Secretary would deny me, a Dublin man's knowledge of the Irish language. If the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs wants to attack people who tend to monopolise the language, why does he not, on the very utterance of the Parliamentary Secretary here last night, an utterance which would deny to me my right under the Constitution——

The Deputy is very hard up.

(Interruptions.)

If the Parliamentary Secretary wants to know the difference that exists between our attitude towards the Irish language, our attitude towards that which we regard as Irish culture——

Which is hypocrisy.

——that which we regard as Irish nationhood, I suggest to him that he need not look any further than what we did for the Irish people in presenting to them Radio na Gaeltachta. It would appear that the new Government are going to give the people of Ireland the Queen's television, Telefís na Bainríona. That is the difference between the two Governments, as I see it. Mr. James O'Callaghan, speaking last week and reported in The Sunday Times, said that a coalition government had no pride of ancestry or no hope of posterity.

That is an old joke, 100 years old.

For a final thought, if we want an amusing one, I must return to the able representative from the North Kerry constituency. He spoke at great length and gave tremendous praise to the Minister for Education for having restored the school in Dún Chaoin. I shall not comment on the wisdom or the foolishness——

Because the Deputy was 220 miles away from it.

Later on in his contribution the same Parliamentary Secretary criticised very much the arrogance and the audacity of the people in Dublin who met last Sunday in Liberty Hall to criticise the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs. What he omitted to tell the House was that the people who met in Liberty Hall to criticise the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs were the people who met last year to pressure the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs to restore Dún Chaoin.

Mr. R. Burke

Nobody pressured me.

The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs is apparently the spokesman to the new Government on matters relating to the Irish language. I have been asked in the amendment to take Government policy from reports of what Ministers have said. As reported in The Irish Independent of 25th February, the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs——

That report was contradicted by me immediately, as the Deputy knows.

——speaking in Waterford said that as far as he was concerned Irish was important but its importance must not be over-emphasised in relation to broadcasting. At the moment 2 per cent of the programmes broadcast is in the Irish language, and as far as the Minister is concerned we are getting much more than we deserve, getting much more than this minority interest is entitled to. The Minister would tell the people who are interested in having Irish programmes that they are not going to run the show. The Minister would also tell us that the people in the Fianna Fáil benches are exploiting the Irish language. As far as I am concerned when we reach the day that the Minister indulges in the same exploitation, when the Minister is prepared to say to this House that this new Government have a plan and have a policy for the Irish language then I shall be happy to welcome that exploitation.

Tá an t-am istigh anois. Caithfear an cheist a chur anois.

Nóiméad amháin.

Ní féidir liom na Buan Ordaithe a shárú.

Is cuma liom an tagairt a rinne an Rúnaí Parlaiminte don Ghaeilge.

Tá orm an cheist a chur anois.

The question I should like to put to the House is: does this Government recognise that which is in Article 8 of the Constitution that the Irish language is the national language? If they do, let them say it; if they do not let them say it and the people of Ireland will give them their answer.

Question proposed: "That the amendment be made."
The Dáil divided: Tá, 66; Níl, 61.

  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Dick.
  • Burke, Joan T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Clinton, Mark A.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Cruise-O'Brien, Conor.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Dockrell, Maurice.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • Enright, Thomas.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Fitzpatick, Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Patrick.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Keating, Justin.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • L'Estrange, Gerald.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • McDonald, Charles B.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Connell, John.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Leary, Michael.
  • O'Sullivan, John L.
  • Pattison, Seamus.
  • Reynolds, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, John J.
  • Spring, Dan.
  • Staunton, Myles.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Toal, Brendan.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.

Níl

  • Ahern, Liam.
  • Allen, Lorcan.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Brugha, Ruairí.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • French, Seán.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Geoghegan, John.
  • Gibbons, Hugh.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kenneally William.
  • Kitt, Michael F.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Loughnane, William.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • Lynch, Jack.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Meaney, Tom.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Nolan, Thomas.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Connor, Timothy.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Kelly and B. Desmond; Níl, Deputies Lalor and Browne.
Amendment declared carried.
Motion, as amended, agreed to.
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