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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 24 Apr 1974

Vol. 272 No. 1

Financial Statement, 1974: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Dáil Éireann takes note of the Financial Statement made by the Minister for Finance on 3rd April, 1974.
—(Minister for Finance).

The budget was one of concern for the less well-off and the figures are there for all to see. Of the last ten budgets eight were formulated by Fianna Fáil and two by the National Coalition Government. In eight years under Fianna Fáil the social welfare provision amounted to £54 million whereas in two years of National Coalition Government the amount was £88 million. That indicates clearly the difference between the parties; it highlights our concern and the lack of concern by the Opposition.

Increases were granted to old age pensioners, to widows, deserted wives, unmarried mothers and to others. This year there was an innovation in that single women were given an allowance. Up to now young women who were obliged to give up work to look after their parents found themselves on the scrapheap when their parents died, when many of them were in their late fifties and found it impossible to get work. They had to eke out a miserable existence but now, for the first time, they come into a social welfare category and they have an allowance in their own right. This should have been done a long time ago.

Another important innovation is the provision made for wives of prisoners. Through no fault of their own they were frequently victimised; the husbands were guaranteed their meals but that could not be said for the wives and families. Society is hard on such people but the Government saw the great social need and ensured that the wives of prisoners had allowances that are reasonably generous.

The Opposition criticised the increase in the children's allowances but this is another problem we have tackled. We have lived up to another of our promises in the 14-point programme and have reduced the qualifying age for old age pensions. Until we came into office the age limit had not been changed since 1908. The Opposition were on this side of the House for 16 years but they did nothing about it. Now people aged 68 qualify for the old age pension and we intend to bring it down to 65 years. This was one of our promises and we shall carry it out.

These are some of the facets of the budget. Deputy Haughey mentioned that Fianna Fáil were concerned about an equitable form of tax. Again, they had an opportunity of formulating such a tax but they did nothing except to ensure that those in the lower income group were caught. In the last 16 years the number of people in the PAYE system jumped astronomically while the number in the surtax bracket decreased. Those making vast fortunes in speculating were allowed to do so without paying one penny tax.

The Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis this year rejected a capital gains tax system. So much for an equitable form of tax. It is lip-service. They were here, they had the opportunity and they did not take it. We have been a little more than a year in office. We have brought out a White Paper on capital taxation.

Do not make us laugh.

Do not embarrass the Parliamentary Secretary.

You can laugh away. You are sitting there because of your arrogant attitude. You will be on that side of the House as long as you continue the hyena laughing. It is an irresponsible attitude. This White Paper on capital taxation was brought out for discussion. You have made no contribution because you are devoid of a social conscience, because you wanted to let your pals carry on making their millions and let the less well-off in our society pay because they are easy to get at by way of PAYE. You were here for 16 years and you brought in no reforms in the tax field. This White Paper embarrasses nobody.

Check in your Minister's office.

It is a discussion document and when it is fully discussed proposals will be finalised and brought before the House. I am happy that a lot of the anomalies in our tax system are being looked at and are being faced up to squarely and discussed. The farmers in certain brackets are coming under the tax code. I do not think anybody can quibble with that. If we want an equitable society we cannot have a farm labourer paying tax while his master does not. It is not a question of urban versus rural. There is nothing like that. I believe we are one society. They make their contribution in their way and we make it our way. It is important that we all play our role by paying our way, by ensuring that we pay a fair contribution through the tax system in a well-ordered and just society. We tackled this. We did not run away from it.

These are some of the aspects which I consider make this a great budget. A contribution of £88 million to social welfare in two years is very good. We had people complaining that last year's budget would ruin the economy, would slow it up and cause unemployment. On the contrary, there was a big increase in our economic growth and an increase in employment. We weathered an international crisis in oil and monetary inflation and we came through in a reasonably healthy state. We were able to maintain a five-day working week while our neighbours across the way were not. We did so because we made the right moves at the right time. We are again going for a deficit. We believe it is the thing to do to ensure expansion in employment and in our economy. It is easy to sit and say: "Things are bad internationally and we will not take the chance". That would be a very unwise thing to do. We must take the chances, we must be progressive and we must project ourselves through an expansion situation. I am happy enough that the Minister for Finance has done this. We have had people on the opposite side of the House saying that money might flow out because of our tax reforms. That is a most irresponsible thing for any member of the Opposition to say and it is dishonest. They did not make their contribution by way of reform and all they can do is scaremonger. That does not help our economy.

I am happy that we are taking the right course. We have got through the first year. It was not the easiest of years but we have come through it well. It is recognised in most reports that in the coming year growth will be slow. The important thing is that we are expanding, that our economic situation is rising. We must ensure that our employment situation expands, that our farm income levels rise, that our exports expand. I would look to the second half of the coming year as a new dawn rising with the EEC situation stabilising and our produce, particularly our agricultural produce, being in great demand again and bringing us back to a high level of growth. This time next year I hope to be speaking on the budget and being able to look back and say that it was a satisfactory year because we did the right things in the budget of 1974.

It is important that every Deputy should make his contribution to the budget debate because it is one of the most important debates in the House during the year. Whether one represents a rural or an urban constituency there is in this and in every budget something for all of us. There are many matters in the budget with which we can be very pleased but there are also many matters which are not in the budget and which we, as an Opposition, have the right to bring to the notice of the Minister and the Government.

I was amused listening to Deputy O'Brien trying to bolster up the budget and present it as something that is perfect in every way, saying that there is something in it for every member of the community and that we will all benefit to a greater or lesser degree. This is the opportunity of the Government parties to bolster up the Government and to bolster up their own Minister and the budget he introduced. This budget which we are debating today and which was debated before the Easter recess was described in many ways by the media, the political correspondents and the general public. I would describe it as the gambler's budget because the Minister for Finance is taking so many gambles in the hope that eventually things will turn out right and that he will be able to balance his accounts. He has tried desperately to grasp at any straw and to use any gimmick which would convince the public that he is the most enlightened and concerned Minister for Finance to introduce a budget in this House.

At first glance one might be inclined to believe it but when one reads through the small print and analyses the contents an entirely different picture emerges. No matter how small an enterprise is good book-keeping is essential to ensure that the enterprise is maintained in a strong and viable position. Every effort is made at the end of the financial year to ensure that the accounts are balanced. Even in the home, the housewife endeavours to pay her bills and to balance her books even though at times she is put to the pin of her collar because of rapidly increasing prices. However, when it comes to the nation's book-keeping, we find an entirely different situation obtains. We find the worst possible example of bad housekeeping. The Minister, instead of trying to balance his books and pay as he goes, decides to take everything he can lay his hands on. Consequently, he has budgeted for a deficit of £66 million. I consider this to be a rather dangerous situation because it is important that at the end of a financial year books should be balanced and bills should be paid as we go along.

The twin evils afflicting this country at the present time are inflation and rising prices. Those two evils have made life very miserable particularly for people on fixed incomes. They have completely eroded any increases given in salaries and pensions over the past 12 months. The budget presented to this House this year does nothing to eliminate those two evils. The case for running a deficit budget and for raising Government borrowing is that it is necessary to boost the growth rate from the low level of 3 per cent or 4 per cent, which is currently predicted. A rise of £90 million in borrowing will not do this.

Last year's deficit budget does not appear to have had any beneficial effect in increasing output. The Economic and Social Institute in their latest quarterly bulletin point out that the rapid growth in 1973 took place in the first half of the year with little or no growth in the last half. It should be noted that this was before any oil shortage affected the situation.

This is a further indication of the sound position in which the Fianna Fáil Government left this country when they left office. When in Government Fianna Fáil established machinery for dealing with inflation. They set up the employer-labour conference, which as we know, played a very important role in helping to bring about national wage agreements, the third of which has been negotiated recently. They also set up the National Prices Commission. Both of these bodies were essential because there was little point in tackling prices directly if there was no mechanism for regulating pay and other incomes. Similarly, there would be little prospect of any pay restraint operating if there was not some way of limiting price rises also.

We remember that at the time these measures were introduced they were opposed by the Fine Gael and Labour Parties, even though they were introduced to bring some restraint into pay rises but Fianna Fáil did not hesitate because they considered it essential in the national interest that they be introduced. We all recall before the last general election one of the main planks in the National Coalition programme was their promise that when they were elected they would immediately introduce strict price control. I have no doubt that this promise succeeded in securing a great many votes for the candidates put forward by Fine Gael and Labour. The electorate cannot be blamed for believing that if they gave their votes to these gentlemen they would honour the promise they made. I realise that possibly they could not have done the things they promised but I think the Government parties will be condemned for all time for having made a promise they knew they could not fulfil if they were elected.

In their manifesto they stated that the immediate economic aims of the new Government would be to stabilise prices, halt redundancies, reduce unemployment under a programme of planned economic development. They stated that Fine Gael in government would immediately introduce strict price control and would remove value-added tax from food. Now, looking back over the past 12 months, we realise how hollow that promise has proved to be.

VAT was removed from food.

VAT was removed from food but it was put on other essential commodities. I am sure the Parliamentary Secretary will agree that that was the greatest hoax of all time. It did not, he must agree, reduce the price of food by one penny.

The price of food is not as high as it would be if VAT were back on it again.

That is poor consolation when you take the price of shoes and clothes into account.

Could we have Deputy Hussey without interruption, please?

Would the Deputy put VAT back on food if he could?

I am not in government now.

I can never get a straight answer to that question which I have asked many times.

Nobody on this side of the House would go on a public platform and make promises such as the Parliamentary Secretary's party made and knew could not be fulfilled. This will condemn them for all time.

Your party promised 400,000 new jobs which are still not there.

Deputy Hussey without interruption, please.

The Parliamentary Secretary may be honest enough. He is very sensitive to any criticism of the Government.

I am not.

If he wants to retain his position he will have to become thick-skinned because he will get a lot of criticism from this side of the House and from the country at large unless they do something to implement the promises made in February, 1973. The local elections in June will give the people an opportunity of saying what they think of the promises and the performance of the Government in the past year. I look forward to these elections. I feel sure they will bring the desired results for us.

Remember what happened in 1967 when Fianna Fáil lost control of nearly every local authority but still won the general election two years later.

I do not think that will happen this time.

It is bad to make too many predictions. It brings a míádh.

The Parliamentary Secretary is not correct in saying that Fianna Fáil lost control of every local authority.

They were beaten all over the country.

That is not correct. They did not lose——

The Chair has already asked that Deputy Hussey be allowed to speak without interruption and must insist upon that.

It was the Parliamentary Secretary who drew the fire.

The Deputy should leave personalities out of it and address his remarks to the Chair.

I have dealt with the Government's promise in regard to price rises and the promise to introduce price control. When they got into office they sat back and allowed prices to escalate at a tremendous rate. In July the Government, for the first time ever, I believe, decided to override the recommendation of the Prices Commission and award a price greater than that suggested by the commission. This was not a serious way of tackling spiralling prices and trying to carry out the promises made in the election campaign.

The policies which we, when on that side of the House, initiated have helped considerably to moderate inflation but much remains to be done. I shall now look briefly at some of the benefits of the budget. First, in regard to income tax relief for workers, I believe this promise contributed largely towards the successful conclusion of the national pay agreement. The workers were told they would get considerable tax concessions in this budget but if they had known then the actual relief they would get we would not have had a third national wage agreement. This would be a great disaster because a national wage agreement is the only way to avoid strikes which eventually cost the country dearly. I think the workers were hoodwinked into accepting this national wage agreement in the hope of considerable savings in income tax.

A single worker earning approximately £1,000 per annum will, under the budget proposals, save about £27.85 per annum, which is a very small sum in the light of the present inflation and rate of rising prices. If he were travelling by car to work it would scarcely buy one gallon of petrol per week. A married man with three children who earns £2,500 will save £23.20 per annum, not enough to buy groceries for the family for one week. There are no real incentives to saving in this budget.

I had hoped that the Minister would do something about bank savings. For many years if one has money in the bank, in the case of a single person, if the interest exceeds £70 per annum, it is taxable. At present interest rates this is a very small concession. The current rate of interest is about 8 per cent so that if a boy or girl had £1,000 in the bank earning £80 in interest he or she would be liable to tax on £10 of that sum. If the Minister were serious in encouraging young people to save he would have done something about this because the £70 limit has been there for many years and it is beyond the time when it should have been raised.

There is very little in the budget for the young couple trying to buy or build their own home. Previously they were allowed 35 per cent on mortgages. Now they will get only 26 per cent. This is a step backwards in the case of people with whom the Minister and the Government should be concerned because we all know the terrible problems confronting couples thinking of marrying and setting up a home. We know their problems in regard to loans and high interest rates. In the budget we find the Minister does not even increase the grants for those houses. The cost of building material has increased very considerably. Even since January of this year the price of timber has increased by about 120 per cent. The cost of bathroom fittings has increased even more. A fact very often forgotten is that a person building his own home pays about £500 in value-added tax and gets a grant of about £325. In effect, the Government make a profit out of that man of about £175. That is a desperate situation at a time when we are trying to encourage young people to stay and build homes and rear families here. Surely the Government have a responsibility to help those people build their homes by giving them loans at attractive interest rates.

Social welfare increases were not adequate when we take into account the rising prices and the raging inflation at the present time. To keep ahead of inflation, those increases should have been in the region of 25 per cent to compensate those who are living on fixed incomes. The Fianna Fáil Government in its last budget gave increases across the board of £1. As everybody will agree, this was far in excess of the present increases taking into consideration the cost of living and inflationary trends.

Last year I spoke about the dependants of recipients of disabled persons' maintenance allowances. For some unknown reason, those dependants are not entitled to benefits. In a country which is supposed to be concerned about the less well-off section of the community, this is a disgraceful situation. A man in receipt of unemployment benefit with a wife and three or four children is given benefit for them. A man in receipt of a disabled person's maintenance allowance with a wife and children is not given benefit for them. To qualify for this allowance he must be disabled. Therefore, he is unable to provide for his wife and children. Yet when it comes to budget time and the Minister has an opportunity of rectifying this imbalance, these people are forgotten. This is a shame. Will the Minister take a look at this position and see if anything can be done? A person in receipt of unemployment assistance is capable of going to work if work is available. This is one of the conditions under which he receives unemployment assistance. Here we have an unfortunate person who is not capable of going to work and he is not entitled to any allowance for his dependants.

There is an anomaly which I should like to see abolished or changed, particularly as it militates against small farmers who apply for but do not qualify for unemployment benefit because they have gone to work for six months and have not sufficient stamps. There is a means test. If a man has not 78 stamps on his cards and if his income from the farm exceeds 50p per day, he is disqualified. In this day and age, this figure should be increased. The Parliamentary Secretary responsible for Social Welfare, who is a very reasonable man, should turn a sympathetic eye towards this section of the community.

Many small farmers in the west of Ireland because of the size of their farms are unable to eke out a living for themselves and their families. They go out to work on the roads or in industry when work is available. When that job is finished they return to their farms and sign on for unemployment benefit. The investigation officer should be much more lenient. This section of the community seems to be persecuted at all times.

There is another anomaly which I should like to see rectified, that is, young men who have the benefit of free board and lodgings in their parents houses. There is a value put against this. In some cases I have seen their means assessed at £5 or £6 per week. I cannot understand how this happens. Why are these people not entitled to the same benefit as a single person living in an urban area? This question should be looked into because it is very unfair that those people should be treated in this way. In the last 12 months I have had more complaints from people in this sector than previously.

Another aspect of the budget which has drawn criticism from the farming community is the proposed tax on farmers. Indeed, this will not affect many farmers in the west of Ireland. I am convinced that this is only the thin end of the wedge. Eventually more farmers will be caught in the tax net. In the past year or two we have heard a lot particularly from urban dwellers about the profits the farming community are making. It is only in the past few years that farmers' incomes began to rise. Immediately the cry went out to tax them. This cry came especially from the Labour Party. Their campaign seemed to be led by Deputy B. Desmond who was very outspoken. If the Deputy or some of the socialists of the Labour Party were to examine closely the hardships which farmers endure, the frustrations they meet every day of their lives, the uncertainty of their markets, would they be so outspoken? I wonder would the Labour Party be so outspoken about taxing them.

Are there no wealthy farmers?

I agree that there are wealthy farmers.

Should they not be taxed if they are wealthy?

It is completely overrated. I am sure the Minister is aware of the problems which face all farmers wealthy or poor: the uncertainty of their markets, the falling prices for their livestock, the price they have to pay for land, the price they have to pay for labour and the price they have to pay for farm machinery. These are only a few items. I could list many others. It is unfair to jump on their backs immediately we see any sign of prosperity. Perhaps if there were a commitment by the Government to abolish rates on agricultural land we could agree to substitute the tax and most farmers would be satisfied.

I am not trying to make a case for big farmers because there are no big farmers in my constituency. I would not say there is one farmer in my constituency who will be affected by this but I am convinced that this is only the thin edge of the wedge and that next year, or possibly the year after, the £100 valuation will be reduced to £80 and then we will be catching many more of our farmers in this net.

There is another aspect of this matter to which I should like to draw attention. This really affects my constituency and every constituency in the west. In his budget speech the Minister suggested that the changes we were making would involve 9,000 farmers only out of a total of 170,000. I would say that a far greater number will be involved. What is bugging me is the fact that the Minister intends to make new provisions in regard to the income tax allowances to which farmers are entitled. The Minister said:

The same issue arises where the farmer, whether married or single, has non-farming income of his own. To deal with such cases, it is proposed that, in the case of farmers not now being brought within the scope of income taxation, only one-half of the appropriate personal allowances will be set off against non-farming income, whether of the farmer or of his wife.

Is he a wealthy farmer?

Order. Deputy Fitzgerald will have his opportunity.

This is a very serious proposal. I doubt very much that the farming community have yet realised fully what is involved in it. I want to state categorically that I am totally opposed to it because, whether or not the figure of 9,000 farmers is correct, I believe that under the proposals which I have quoted anything from 40,000 to 50,000 farmers, or perhaps more, will be affected. What is involved here is simply this. If a farmer or his wife has an income other than that derived from farming, he will be allowed to claim only one half of the personal allowance against the non-farming income. This is very serious for the west of Ireland. Those of us who are living there and making our living there know that small farmers cannot make a living for themselves, their wives and their children. They have to go out to work. Many of the farmers in my area have to travel 35 or 40 miles to Galway city for employment. Under this new proposal these people will be victimised because of their circumstances and because of the fact that they are not able to make a living for themselves and their families from the farm. This is a very cruel decision and I see no justification for it.

We talk about bringing industries to the west and, unless we bring industries to the west, I shudder to think what will happen to the farming community. Many of them can never hope to become developing farmers, through no fault of their own. If they do not become development farmers they cannot qualify for any additional land that becomes available in the locality. They will not qualify for the higher rate of grants or for the reduced interest rates on loans. If they go out to work, according to the Minister's proposal they will be victimised again, because they will be allowed to claim only one half of the personal allowance against the non-farming income. This is disgraceful. I hope the small farmers of the west who, I am quite sure, are still unaware of this, will read this and make their indignation known to the Minister and his Government.

Recently we saw the White Paper on Capital Taxation issued by the Government. This has caused a lot of confusion in the minds of the people. I understand that it has caused a lot of money which is badly needed in this country to be taken away and invested in foreign banks. This is a terrible situation.

What evidence has the Deputy?

There is plenty.

The Minister need only ask any bank manager. I am sure he has a bigger account than I have. If he asks the bank managers in Dublin, I am sure they will be able to brief him on this. It seems to be the general opinion that this has frightened investment away. At a time when we need money and need to attract industrialists to invest here, it is unfortunate that this situation should arise. If the Government do not intend to implement those proposals, they should say so. If they do not intend to implement them, they should withdraw them in toto.

At this time we must encourage people to invest here. We must encourage our people who emigrated and did well for themselves in foreign lands to come back and invest here and create employment and boost the economy.

I submit that the proposals outlined in this White Paper will not achieve those very desirable things which I have spoken about. When Fianna Fáil were in Government they gave very attractive incentives to foreign industrialists to set up in this country and create employment. By so doing they succeeded in stopping the tide of emigration; they succeeded in keeping our people at home and giving them jobs in their own country. I am sure in years to come the people will thank Fianna Fáil for this because, in the sixties, they laid the foundation for the economic development of our country. They introduced programmes for economic expansion. In those programmes they set out targets they hoped to achieve and everybody knew where they were going. It is time the Government did something like that: that they introduced a programme, not just for one year but for four, five or ten years and that they stated clearly in what direction they are going and how they hope to achieve those targets.

The national loan has always been a great guide as to the popularity of a Government. In the national loan floated last year by the Government we found that it was undersubscribed; that, in fact, it was subscribed some £19 million less than was the Fianna Fáil one. If this is any indication of how the Government stand in the country it is time they started to pull up their socks and did something about it.

If we look at the Agricultural Credit Corporation we see that they have done wonderful work, particularly for the farming community. Now they are impeded in their programme. According to the policy outlined by the Minister he has eliminated the £8 million in last year's capital programme and the total resources available to the Agricultural Credit Corporation will be increased by a mere £4½ million. This is completely inadequate and means that the Agricultural Credit Corporation must now restrict their programme. They will not have the capital available to them to give to farmers who are developing and trying to modernise their farms so that they can compete with Danish and British farmers; they will not be able to give them the capital they require for this development programme. The Agricultural Credit Corporation will now have to carry on their business with £15 million provided from their own internal resources and £19 million raised on the domestic market. For this £19 million they will have to compete with other institutions. I fear that this may impede the efficiency of their operations. It is a terrible pity that this body, which contributed to a very large extent to the modernisation of farms, to helping the farming community, should now be restricted in their programme.

There are many other things I could say about this budget but I do not propose to hold up the House. I have made my points. I am completely dissatisfied with the budget because I had expected there would be in it something that would really boost the economy. I am not convinced from what I have heard from the Minister, or from the Government benches, that any proposal outlined in this budget will help the economy of the country or create the employment we desire.

I do not wish to detain the House but I should like to put a few words on the record with regard to this budget, the second budget of the National Coalition. I have heard speakers from the Opposition benches saying how disappointed they were with this budget. Perhaps there were various points within the budget or the Minister for Finance's speech on which they may have held other views. But, in view of the fact that this was a budget introduced with, we might say, practically no additional taxation—after such a short term in office—this has been a wonderful achievement by the Government.

I am one who is convinced and firmly believe—I said so on many occasions previously—that we must get our priorities in order. In this budget I am convinced the Government and the Minister for Finance have got their priorities in order. When I say that, I refer to the benefits in this budget for social welfare recipients. It is no harm to put on the record of this House that, in the two budgets introduced by the present Minister for Finance, much more has been done than ever was done in the history of this State for the people most in need of help.

In the 14-point plan of intent in the last general election the National Coalition candidates stressed in no uncertain manner the needs of the less well-off. It is proof of our sincerity that in two budgets the Minister for Finance has given more increases in social welfare benefits to the old age pensioners, widows and orphans and in allowances for parents of certain handicapped children than has ever been done in this State before.

It is very easy to speak from the Opposition benches. Indeed, I had 11 years opposite. I was abroad when the last budget was introduced. This is the first opportunity I have had from these benches to speak on a budget. Let us take the position today. In the last general election we promised that the old age pensions, which were payable then at 70 years of age, would be reduced gradually to 65.

Within 14 months of that election the age limit has been reduced to 68 years and we have yet another three years to go in the life of this Government. Now, what the Minister has given in this budget is a help, but I believe there is still much more to be done. The old age non-contributory pensioner allowance has been increased by £1.15 from £6.15 per week to £7.30 per week as from 1st July next. That is one example of what has been done. But I am still not satisfied. We must not stop there and I believe it is the intention of the Minister and the Government to ensure that increases like these will continue right throughout the lifetime of this Government. If this Government did nothing else but what they have done for social welfare beneficiaries that is an achievement that any member of this National Coalition can be justly proud of.

There is talk of taxation, particularly the tax on wealth adumbrated in the White Paper. The main theme in this debate has been criticism of the wealth tax. The White Paper is a White Paper produced by the Minister and on the front page of that White Paper for all to see is a request by the Minister for constructive criticism and constructive suggestions. It is quite a change to have a Government asking for suggestions and criticism. When the present Taoiseach took office his words were, if my memory serves me correctly: "This is open government". The very first message in this White Paper proves the truth of the Taoiseach's words on that occasion. Now everybody has a right to criticism, but is it not a big change to have a Minister in a Government producing a White Paper inviting the public—taxpayers, farmers, business people, anybody and everybody—to make constructive suggestions and offer constructive criticism? Is that not a great change for the better as compared with the time when the farming community were left sitting outside the office of the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries in Merrion Street, not so many years ago, and would not even be listened to? I do not like referring back to things like this, but that is one thing that should not be forgotten.

As far as taxation relief is concerned, the allowances for income tax purposes have been increased. The increases may not be very big but they are certainly a step in the right direction and they show that the Minister is determined to move along the right road and do something about the income tax code anomalies never attempted by the previous Government.

We must not forget that within the last 14 or 15 months health charges have been removed from the rates. Last year the rates in Carlow were reduced because of the action of our Minister for Local Government. Again, this year, there has been a further reduction in the rates due to the action of the Minister for Local Government and Government policy. In the last general election we undertook to remove health charges from the rates. That has been achieved in the short period in which this Government have been in office.

Children's allowance were increased last year. They have been increased again this year. There has been an easment in the means test for non-contributory pensions. Last year the first £4 income was ignored; this year the figure has been increased to £5.

One very important statement by the Minister was that he was making £100,000 available to fund pilot schemes into poverty research. Here again, if my memory serves me correctly, is something that has never been previously attempted in the history of the State. It is something that has been welcomed by every section of the community.

These are just a few of the achievements of this budget. The increase in the personal allowance in income tax may look small but at least it is an indication of the work and thinking of the Minister for Finance, and his colleagues in the Government. I wonder what would we have today if those in Opposition were on these benches. Income tax, in my view, is something that will have to be looked at at regular intervals. In this regard I welcome the undertaking of the Minister to do this.

A new scheme of social assistance for long-term prisoners has been introduced. Again this is something new. I believe the Government had, as with the other points in the budget, such as social welfare, a moral obligation to give assistance to these unfortunate people. To introduce such a budget with practically no direct taxation is certainly an achievement, one of which anybody would be proud. The Members on this side of the House can say that we have our priorities right. Much more remains to be done and I am convinced that with the team we have in the Cabinet much more will be done within the lifetime of this Government. There is ability within this Cabinet and I have heard it stated that this is the best Cabinet ever.

The Cabinet, and the Minister for Finance, can be proud of their achievements to date but there is no time to sit back. Much remains to be done but I am convinced it will be done within the next three years.

This is only my second time to contribute to a budget debate. I am reminded now of the position a year ago when the Minister for Finance sat opposite me and interrupted me on many occasions. On any occasion I made reference to income tax, and there were many relevant points I made to him in this regard, the Minister interrupted me. At that time I felt the Minister was like a schoolboy who thought he had all the answers but was disappointed when a Member could point out faults to him or where there was room for improvement. I hope that in the past year the Minister has come to realise that he does not know all the answers, that, in fact, he has very few answers.

The two speakers I have heard from the Government side of the House tonight have proved to me beyond all doubt how dissatisfied their supporters are with this budget and I am convinced that their supporters conveyed this dissatisfaction to them during the recess. Immediately after the Minister introduced his budget we had some of the power and might of the Government speaking, some of these strong men in the Cabinet. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, among others, made long contributions but with very little content. The Minister for Industry and Commerce devoted his time to attacking the Opposition. Tonight the contributions from the Government side were pathetically weak in trying to pick the good points in this budget. It was clear from their contributions that they do not believe it is a good budget.

Deputy Governey referred to social welfare benefits and to what had been achieved for social welfare recipients. One would think, listening to him and to other speakers from the Government side, that only one group of people were interested in the social welfare recipients. I have as much right to speak for the lower income groups and the under-privileged classes as anybody on that side of the House. There are members of the Labour Party who would give one the impression that they are the only people interested in the welfare of these people. That is far from the truth. The party of which I am proud to be a member were the party who first showed what a social conscience was. They were the party who first have the people status and money. I agree that enough was not done, nor is enough being done now. However, there is a vast difference between what we have done and the efforts of the present Government. The two speakers I have heard tonight have said the Government have given extensive increases in social welfare benefits. Deputy O'Brien, who is not now present, said more was given in the last two budgets than in the previous eight years. The Deputy might be asked why more was given in the last two budgets. The reason is simply that more money was available because of our accession to the EEC.

The Minister opposite me knows he campaigned against our entry. Had his party's campaign been successful, the Minister for Finance would not have that kind of money to give to the poorest sections. It is thanks to Fianna Fáil that this money is available, to the campaign led by Fianna Fáil which was supported in a half-hearted way by most of the Fine Gael Party, although there were some exceptions. At that time it was made clear that this money would be available to the social welfare recipients. If money was provided to give to the poorer sections of the community that alone was worth our entering Europe.

I am glad that some new schemes were introduced. I am always interested in the welfare of the people and any move by any Government to alleviate poverty and to improve the lot of people will have my unreserved support. However, the kudos being given to the Minister for Finance or to the present team on the front bench—the excellent team, as Deputy Governey calls them—is due to the extra money now available. Deputy Governey represents a rural constituency and I am surprised he is not aware that no longer will the huge agricultural subsidies be provided which had to be provided in former years. Later I shall explain to him and to others why I think this budget bears no relation to the budgets the people knew up to a short time ago. There are many reasons for the change.

The increases in the social welfare benefits are still not sufficient. On the Minister's own admission, they are still only slightly ahead of the inflation growth. I accept any figure given by a Minister as a conservative one and I think the social welfare increases will not keep in line with the growing rate of inflation and with the huge price increases since the budget. I wish to repeat that Fianna Fáil were the party who always had a social conscience. They will support any improvements that are given to those in need and I wish to put that on the record of this House.

In recent times I have seen the Minister for Finance under severe strain at Question Time. I hope the worry and frustration, and possibly the disappointments he is meeting— which the people of the country have to face—are not upsetting him to the extent that he shows this sign of strain. Perhaps it is due to the tug-of-war that goes on between the two parties in the Government. At times I wonder if he is like the cord tied around the tug-of-war rope, being pulled back and forth across the centre point. This may be the reason for his frustration. If this is so, we may be facing a situation that, unfortunately, was faced by the Government in the early fifties and in the terrible years of the last Coalition Government from 1954 to 1957 which many of us, as young people, remember too well.

In the opening sentence in his statement, the Minister said the success of last year's budget policy was responsible for the growth rate. It is generally accepted that, for the most part, the growth rate last year took place in the first half of the year. What impact could the budget have had at that time? It would have been a very minor one. The growth rate can be laid on the shoulders of the solid Government who went before them. Let him give credit where it is due. The foundation for the growth rate was laid by the Fianna Fáil Government and it was further helped by our entry into the EEC and the opening of the European markets to us.

Naturally it gave a great incentive to industrialists to come here, to set up shop and to provide more jobs. Again, one of the parties in the Government campaigned solidly against entry into the EEC. For my part I shall always be in favour of industry where it provides more jobs and opportunities for our people. It annoys me to hear members of the Labour Party making statements in this House because one would think they were the only people who represent the workers. I am proud to say I was always a worker, and I shall always look forward to representing them and to speaking on their behalf.

The tug-of-war to which I have referred is becoming more clear as the weeks go by. We have seen it on a number of occasions on the wealth tax issue. I think it was the Minister present who claimed in a recent radio interview that this was one of their achievements in government. However, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach has said it is a White Paper that must be discussed, that representations may be made and that at this stage it is not law or something the Government will introduce. We had a Fine Gael Deputy who said the wealth tax will be even higher than it is in the White Paper. It is difficult to know who is winning the tug-of-war——

It is an imaginary tug-of-war.

I am sure the Minister will agree that in a recent radio programme he claimed it was one of his achievements.

Certainly I claimed the White Paper——

Surely the Minister could not claim a White Paper as an achievement?

I will be happy to discuss this with the Deputy but I do not know if the Chair will allow it.

The Minister interrupted me. I am pressing him for an answer but obviously he has not an answer to give me.

If the Deputy would like me to go on interrupting him, I will.

Deputy Fitzgerald, to make his own contribution.

The budget of any country or indeed, of any company must be positive, progressive and forward-looking. The old-style budgets are gone. Understandably a budget was assessed in such terms as: "How much did my cigarettes and beer go up? How much extra children's allowance will I get? How much extra old age pension?" This is in the past, for a number of reasons. The first reason is that we have seen solid economic progress and growth particularly since the latter years of the fifties. Those of us who were around in the 1956-57 period remember only too well the scarcity of employment, the emigration, the hopeless situation in our towns, cities and countryside. We remember the queues at the local country barracks which were operating as labour exchanges. From that day to the present we have seen a huge growth. I am not saying things are perfect yet, they are a long way from it but we have seen a vast improvement in the number and type of jobs available, in the amount of money in circulation. All those things have shown solid improvement, for the most part under a Fianna Fáil Government, a sound Fianna Fáil Government. We have seen a changing face of Ireland—more houses, more jobs, better living conditions for the majority of people. Our entry to the EEC removed completely any resemblance between present day budgets and those of former times. Taxation was put on a different footing. The raising of money was put on a different plane as, of course, were the improvements in social welfare benefits. If we derived nothing else from entry, the fact that we had extra funds to spend on the less-privileged classes of our community made it worth while.

Deputy Governey said that no extra taxation had been imposed. I wonder has Deputy Governey slept since 3rd April. Is he not aware of all the extra taxation that has gone on since then? A budget of this nature takes place every week now. Apart from foodstuffs, in every other price increase there is a certain percentage of VAT, further revenue for our country. I can understand Members standing up on the Government side and saying that no extra taxation was imposed. It may not have been imposed directly on budget day but on the following day the price of petrol went up by .5 of a penny. That increase was an increase to the petrol retailer and an increase that he deserved. In fact, it probably was not enough for him because if any man suffered in the recent oil crisis it was the petrol retailer. I do not think he was treated fairly in the situation that arose because of the scarcity of fuel. He was not treated fairly because of the queues and the increasing cost and the money he had to pay out and the greater overdraft expenses he had to carrry. That halfpenny went on on the day after the budget. It, of course, included extra taxation because it carried VAT.

On the following day there was an increase in beer prices and this again included VAT. Then Members on the other side stand up and say that no extra taxation was imposed. It may not have been imposed on the 3rd but it was imposed on the 4th, 5th and 6th and it has been going on steadily since then. I have lost count of the number of price increases since budget day. It had reached the record figure last week of 121 on items ranging from ice cream to turf. In those 121 price increases there was a certain element of taxation, extra revenue for the Government.

I heard the Parliamentary Secretary, who is now in the House, challenging one of our Deputies to answer a question, trying to distort the situation. The position is that the present Government in February, 1972, promised that if elected they would remove VAT from food. They also promised that they would reduce prices. They said that the removal of VAT from food would have the effect of reducing the weekly household budget. Unfortunately, it did not. It had the opposite effect because of the extra VAT imposed on other essential items. At budget time last year it was said many times from this side of the House that the increased VAT on other essential commodities would have the effect of increasing the household budget. We all know the huge increased revenue from VAT gained in two ways, by the transfer of VAT and by the price increases that took place in the meantime. Let nobody tell me that for the average youngster today an ice cream is not an essential. I hope nobody would say that a child in any family is not entitled to an ice cream. Surely turf is also another essential commodity.

What followed the 121 price increases? There was a recommendation from the National Prices Commission that the situation has grown so bad that there will be no more newspaper publicity for these increases. The only place now that these increases will get any publicity is in the NPC monthly publication which is circulated to about 2,000 people. In other words: "We will not tell the people what is happening. We will continue to increase prices. We cannot control the situation, despite what we promised". Worse than that: "We will forget about our open government"—this wonderful, open government that Deputy Governey spoke about a short time ago. He spoke about the Minister for Finance asking for suggestions on wealth tax.

Would the Deputy stop for a second?

I will, of course, allow the Parliamentary Secretary to come in but I think, as a Deputy from this side said earlier, that he is becoming sensitive. I went through the records of this debate so far to find out how many contributions the Parliamentary Secretary made. He made a sizeable number.

All good ones.

I am not so sure. If the Parliamentary Secretary wants to come in will he tell me what advantage he sees can be gained by keeping from the people the price increases which are to take place? When they go into a shop how can they be their own inspectors or watchdogs? Surely this is the most disgraceful recommendation that was ever accepted by a Minister for Industry and Commerce? This is a man who has held himself up as a supreme socialist.

I think the distinction, which the Deputy's words are obscuring, is that between publishing something and allowing the newspapers to relay it in their own way; publishing it and then paying over and above that for advertising space to give the public the details in the form of an advertisement. That costs a lot of money nowadays. Unless I misunderstand the situation it is the latter that the Prices Commission recommend the discontinuance of.

I am glad the Parliamentary Secretary made that contribution.

Was it not a good one?

It was not. Before the Easter recess the Parliamentary Secretary gave the impression in a comment he passed that he wanted to control the Press and to tell them what to say. I have found fault with the Press from time to time, as I am sure everybody has, but for God's sake do not let us reach a stage when the Press are not entitled to comment, let it be for or against what a Government's proposals are.

What has this got to do with the freedom of the Press? The thing the Deputy is talking about is the discontinuance of a system whereby the Government would pay money for advertising space as though they were selling pairs of football boots, the thing the Deputy's side were talking about this time last year.

I will talk about them later if the Parliamentary Secretary wants me to.

The Chair would prefer if the Deputy made his contribution without inviting interruptions.

I only asked a question.

Questions and answers invite interruptions. The Chair would now prefer if the Deputy made his contribution without interruptions.

The Deputy talks about the freedom of the Press which has nothing to do with the debate on the budget.

I did not hear the last comment but I will go back on what I said earlier.

The Deputy would not be allowed to do that under the rules of the House.

Has the Parliamentary Secretary assumed the role of Ceann Comhairle as well as Parliamentary Secretary?

I have not.

Let the Parliamentary Secretary stay as Chief Whip and allow me to continue. The Parliamentary Secretary said that the National Prices Commission now recommend to the Minister for Industry and Commerce that he does not advertise in the national Press the price increases that take place because, if I correctly remember the terminology, it would affect the psychology of inflation.

I did not say that.

I did not say the Parliamentary Secretary did but I think that was the terminology used.

I would prefer, if we are talking about this recommendation, if the Deputy would quote from the report. I have not got it with me but if the Deputy has would he quote from it? I would like to hear what it said before letting it go unchallenged.

I am not quoting verbatim. I am only referring in a general way to the recommendation of the National Prices Commission. They recommended that there be no further advertising of price increases.

(Interruptions.)

Deputy Fitzgerald without interruption, please.

The overriding factor in all this is the rapid inflation, with price increases being kept back until after the budget and then released in a flood. I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will be here to face me on the 20th June when I know we will have a further flood of price rises but, of course, they will not be advertised in the Press on this occasion. They will be circularised to the newspapers in the booklet which has at present a circulation of about 2,000 and it will be left to the newspaper commentators to go through these minutely. They will not refer to every price increase because they will only have a certain number of columns or lines in which they can refer to the price increases. At the moment the people can read the comments of the economic commentators and they can go to the advertising columns and see what price increases have taken place. They can then go to their local grocers or supermarkets and they know what goods have been increased and by how much. They will not know this if the recommendation from the National Prices Commission is accepted. Why should the newspapers carry the boring details of the price increases on tapioca, rice and other items and have column after column of those increases?

The Parliamentary Secretary has no answer to this. The Minister for Industry and Commerce by accepting this, is throwing his hands in the air in despair and saying there is nothing further he can do, that the Government will keep as much of it as they can under the carpet because they have inflation.

I am not concerned with defending the National Prices Commission or, indeed, the Minister for Industry and Commerce or foreseeing what his decision may be; I am concerned with trying to rebut the suggestion I took the Deputy to be making that the Government were trying to conceal the fact that prices were going up. I hope the Deputy does not mean that.

Do I have to explain that to the Parliamentary Secretary? The interruptions are taking me back over ground I have covered but I should like, if I do not incur the displeasure of the Leas-Cheann Comhairle by being repetitive, very briefly to say this. The system up to now has been that although there is a booklet published by the NPC in the daily Press there is an advertisement showing the commodities that have been increased, the names of the manufacturers and the amount they have been increased by. In addition, the commentators in some part of the newspapers comment on the price increases. The people who buy papers in the morning can read all this. They know what goods have been increased and by how much. Under the new system you cannot expect the newspaper commentators to go into details on over 100 price increases. They can give their own resume of the booklet presented by the NPC. I suggest that the Parliamentary Secretary ask the Minister for Industry and Commerce who will now be the watchdogs in relation to price increases.

Would the Deputy not put down a question to the Minister and ask that?

Of course I will but the Parliamentary Secretary has been taking me to task for saying what the actual situation is.

We are debating the budget and not the action of the National Prices Commission.

The Parliamentary Secretary drew this discussion on himself and I am glad I have explained the matter to him because I think he is under an illusion. I appreciate the Parliamentary Secretary has got the message when he suggests that I put down a question to the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I suggest the Parliamentary Secretary take it back to the Cabinet and say that our Minister has made a fatal mistake; he has prevented the people having the opportunity of being watchdogs on the price increases taking place daily all over the country. It may be departing from the budget to go into the recommendations but it must be mentioned and, indeed, cannot be mentioned often enough, that on the 121 price increases there was a percentage of VAT and thus extra taxation. Some Government Deputies in their very weak contributions to this debate say there was no extra taxation but the extra taxation since April 3rd up to date by way of VAT increases alone is sizeable. Inflation is galloping so quickly, prices going up so quickly and the Government getting such huge handfuls of money by way of VAT that they should consider reviewing the rate of VAT being charged on many items.

Would the Deputy put it back on food?

I shall explain that.

The Chair would prefer Deputies to keep to the motion.

Last year the Deputy was complaining about VAT going on football and roller skates.

I did not mention roller skates.

Somebody over there did.

Will the Parliamentary Secretary check the record?

I will, but somebody——

Deputy Fitgerald on the motion.

Not alone is the Parliamentary Secretary becoming thin-skinned but is, I think, also beginning to appreciate the faults in Government and the awful mistake the Minister for Industry and Commerce has made in the last week in regard to the 121 price increases. Again, we have a huge increase in VAT but next month the people—other than a select few—will have no idea how many more increases will be sanctioned or how much they will be. Perhaps the Minister's timing is not bad. The present Government are opportunists and good at courting publicity. Prices were not going in their favour and probably with local elections imminent it is a nice time for the Minister for Industry and Commerce to say: "We will not advertise prices. We can always start again when the local elections are over".

The Deputy should keep to the motion.

VAT is part of the budget and revenue from it is growing so rapidly that I suggest the Minister should do one of two things, either review the rate of VAT or— and I presume this would be theoretically possible—not include VAT on price increases. I assume that is not practicable. The Minister is throwing in the towel. We are concealing the serious situation that has arisen and keeping the information from the ordinary people who are only paying—after all that does not matter, I suppose. So much for the open government that we heard preached so long and so often, and even in this House tonight. Yet, the one issue on everybody's lips, price increases, is being concealed from the ordinary people.

The Deputy is still talking about the National Prices Commission.

I have advised the Parliamentary Secretary to confine himself to his position as Parliamentary Secretary or Chief Whip. Does he wish me to mention the others? He is not in the position of Ceann Comhairle.

We have had only one budget a year so far. Fianna Fáil nearly always averaged about two.

Does the Parliamentary Secretary want me to go over it again? How many budgets have we had since 3rd April? Every week. I agree we had a mini-budget with Fianna Fáil. A supporter of the Parliamentary Secretary's party said to me recently: "I often said that your people brought in two budgets a year but at this stage I am trying to make out how many budgets a week my people are bringing in." If the Parliamentary Secretary comes out with that on any platform in the country during the local elections he will get a long laugh.

That would be bad for my thin skin.

Let us be realistic. VAT is increasing with every price increase. For God's sake let the people know what is being increased and by how much. I was amazed to hear some earlier Government speakers claim that the removal of VAT from food had helped the household budget. One can only say that food is probably not as dear as it might be if VAT were on it.

Is that not a lot to say?

Let me finish. Although food is not as dear as it might otherwise be, other essential household commodities——

What is more essential than food?

I am not saying more essential but "as essential". I do not know the Parliamentary Secretary's home circumstances. I am talking of the average man with a wife and a few children for whom there are items just as essential as food which are taxed and on which the VAT was increased. Do not try to put that one across. Over all, the household budget was increased. Obviously, the increased yield from VAT this year will exceed all reasonable limits. So, let us have it examined and let us have one budget aimed in the right direction to make up for all the budgets we have had in the wrong direction in the last few months.

It is amazing that any Government speakers I have heard in this budget debate did not refer to price increases which are probably the one big factor affecting every home, every farm, every housewife, every industry. I remember only too well what the Minister for Finance said in February, 1973 before the election, that if elected, his Government would reduce prices, an area in which the Fianna Fáil Government had shown no concern. What concern have he and his Government shown in the time since February, 1973 to date? Of course, the Arabs and outside pressures are being blamed but I have not heard any satisfactory explanation of the huge hoarding of coal, fuel and fertilisers that was allowed to take place. These were allowed to be stock-piled in every yard and were not given to the public. There was a scarcity of all three until price increases were imposed. This also happened in regard to animal feeding stuffs.

In honesty, the Minister should now admit that the situation is a free-for-all, absolutely beyond control, that he hopes to make extra revenue and that he will give benefits in some other way from it. In saying this he would be honest with himself, with the House and with the people. I do not think we need expect many increases to be announced between now and 18th June. As happened on 3rd April, we will then have a springboard and a rush of increases.

I hope the Parliamentary Secretary remembers what I said in my discussion on the budget last year about income tax as clearly as he remembers about football boots and roller skates. My involvement as a worker, as a PAYE contributor, and with workers over the years has educated me fairly well regarding the problems in this field. To anybody who was familiar with the situation before the first attempt at a national wage agreement this year, it was obvious that if the Minister for Finance was not prepared to come out and say that some substantial allowance should be made to the PAYE contributors the national wage agreement would not be accepted. In case the Parliamentary Secretary doubts my sincerity I can produce evidence of a statement I made before the first attempt at settling the national wage agreement took place. However, the Minister realised his mistake and intervened before the next meeting. Promises were made and substantial allowances expected by PAYE contributors. They expected that they would have a big reduction in their income tax contributions and something worthwhile in their take-home pay once the budget was over.

Does the Deputy realise that because it was very unusual, and justified only by the extreme importance of the national wage agreement, the Minister gave an undertaking of any kind in advance of the budget?

This statement proves the Parliamentary Secretary's inexperience and lack of involvement at the levels that matter. I agree wholeheartedly that that would have been an unusual step for a Minister for Finance to take, But, as I said, I can produce a copy of the Cork Examiner quoting a statement I made that it would be advisable for him to intervene, as he did later, before the national wage agreement was first rejected. I agree it would have been an unusual step but one must remember that for a Government to be strong, progressive and with it, they must be prepared to take unusual steps in unusual situations. We are living in a changing world. Unless a Minister——

The Deputy need not lecture us about taking unusual steps. We have done nothing else for the last year and a half because so many things were left unchanged by Fianna Fáil during their 16 years in office.

It is time I told the Parliamentary Secretary a thing or two. One of his problems is that he was too long within university walls. He has no knowledge of ordinary people.

Deputy Fitzgerald must keep to the budget. There should be no personal references to Members in the House.

The Parliamentary Secretary should be asked to desist from interrupting.

The Chair has repeatedly said that interruptions are not in order. They should not be invited or given.

I repeat, I have more experience of involvement with workers than the Parliamentary Secretary and I am in a better position to know the problems at that level than he. We allegedly have in the Government a Labour Party, some members of which claim to be close to the workers. They must have known, as anybody close to trade union members knew, that the national wage agreement at the first attempt was doomed to failure. I would not like anybody to get the wrong impression by thinking that I would encourage this sort of thing, because I would not. I am only too anxious, for the sake of the country, to see a national wage agreement carried through. The Minister should take whatever sensible steps are necessary to see that it is carried through.

The actual allowances given in the budget were far short of the promises made. The increased allowances were only a pittance compared with expectations. Deputy J. Lynch and Deputy Colley have already explained in detail the size of the allowances necessary to keep them in line with the present inflation growth and restore them to the 1972 situation.

I wish to refer to certain aspects of these allowances. An explanatory document entitled "The Principal Features of the Budget as Presented to Dáil Éireann" was circulated with the budget on 3rd April. According to this document a married man with three children who earns £2,000 a year saves £41.40. If he earns £10,000 a year, he saves £320.70, which is approximately eight times the amount he would save if he were only earning £2,000 a year. Yet we hear from the Coalition that they are a Government determined to help those in the lower and middle income brackets.

Many married men with three children are paying mortgages on their homes. If they earned over £2,000 —as most men do because of overtime and bonuses—they had the interest on those mortgages allowed at 35p in the £. But under the new system interest will only be allowed at 26p in the £. This means a loss of saving which is, in effect, an increase in mortgage payments. The same applies to any life insurance policies they may have or any such benefits they may be getting on their income tax. They are getting a smaller allowance than they would have under the old system.

It was not surprising that the Minister for Industry and Commerce when speaking on this debate devoted the major portion of his contribution to attacking what Deputy J. Lynch and Deputy Colley said. He spent some time lining up the allegiance of certain newspapers and picking selectively from one of them. There is a tendency on the Government side to be critical of the Press and to expect them to print only what they, the Government would like to see printed. I hope the day never comes when we no longer have freedom of the Press. They may be harsh at times; we may all be annoyed with them because they are unkind but no Minister of an Irish Government should endeavour to strangle or blame a paper for giving a particular view on any legislation.

The case made in favour of the budget by the Minister for Industry and Commerce was weak. It was obvious that he knew as well as we all know on this side of the House that the ordinary manual worker and white collar worker, the people who are the backbone of the country, were tricked with promises and were disappointed. The speeches made with fire and venom by the Minister for Industry and Commerce, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Parliamentary Secretary in favour of the budget were in sharp contrast with the two contributions this evening. Obviously, during the recess their supporters throughout the country pointed out to them the defects in the budget. They did not speak with conviction. They did not believe what they were saying. They were trying to put a brave face on it.

I would like to see the tax net broadened and any benefits that accrued given to the PAYE contributors who contributed so much over the years but I must express my doubts about the timing of the White Paper and the intention behind it. It was not only intended as a talking point or a launching ground for discussion on the taxation structure. It was also designed to impress on the workers that so much was being done by the Government. It is obvious that little thought was given to it. There are contradictions in it. Not much research went into it. We are not sure what tax will accrue even assuming that the figures in it are used. It is not a thorough document. It looks as if it was produced in a hurry. I hope I am not right in suspecting that it was a lever to help to achieve the national wage agreement and as a confidence trick to get the ordinary honest working people, the backbone of the country, to accept that agreement.

I presume that the fact that the new tax system will not apply until July 1st was deliberately intended because of the local elections, in other words, before the full impact of the disappointing allowances will be felt by the majority of the people. Possibly many people will not bother to check on what they are entitled to until they get their first wage packet and it is only then they will realise what was given to them by way of savings in tax. With loud acclaim from the Labour benches the Minister shouted that he had increased personal allowances from so much to so much for single and married people. There was a huge cheer from the Labour Party benches. A little while later in a very low tone he announced that he had done away with the earned income allowance. He was publicising what was good and playing down what was bad. There was silence here on the second occasion. It took a little while for the combined effect to sink in. I think the overall situation sank in a good deal more during the recess and after 1st July the full effect will be more apparent and it will, to use a modern term, become a streaker in its own right and be exposed when it is fully implemented.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce referred to the myth of left and right. I call it sheer nonsense to talk about left and right. He tried to say what he thought the thinking of a Fianna Fáil Government would be or, to be more correct, what he would like it to be. I will go into that in more detail later.

Last year I mentioned a few points about income tax which I thought worthy of consideration and I should like to mention them again. The first is the question of the old age pensioner. I outlined fairly clearly last year the case of the old age pensioner who was also drawing a small pension from his place of employment. I took as an example a county council road worker who has a pension from the county council and his old age pension. This man has probably reared a family. He has worked for the State. At the end of his days he is being taxed on the two pensions. The Minister waved his hands and said: "We will do wonderful things for you. We will reform your tax structure." These people cannot understand why they have to pay tax at the end of their days.

Last year I also mentioned men who have to travel to work. I am not talking about all people who travel to work but people who work in particular types of employment. Their place of employment is not regular. They move around from location to location and a car is an essential. This type of traveller should get some income tax benefit. I also feel that some concession should be given to the worker who does overtime.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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