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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 27 Feb 1975

Vol. 278 No. 9

Developments in the European Communities—Third Report and Fourth Report: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Dáil Éireann takes note of the reports: Developments in the European Communities—Third Report and Fourth Report.
—(Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Foreign Affairs.)

When we adjourned for Question Time I was emphasising the physical conservation of energy and pointing out that economists and statesmen and the man in the street had not realised the importance of this factor. It was tacitly assumed that energy supplies were physically limitless and that considerations which arose were monetary and economic—in other words, a question of cost. We now know that the position is otherwise.

Deputy Staunton and I were pursuing a line of thought. Energy considerations and the supply of oil were, to some extent, motivating the element we introduced into this debate. One must realise that the oil supplies of the world are limited. Even if there were a completely free flow of Middle East oil to the communities of the world, a problem would still have to be faced. Technology is developing and, where it has developed, it has raised the living standards and the true wealth of communities. It would be the hope that that technology and development could be extended to all people to raise standards of living, and to dominate the solution of the problems facing humanity living on this planet.

All that depends on limited resources of energy. If, for instance, the Third World were to be as developed as the most advanced parts of the world are today, the demand on energy resources and the expenditure of energy reserves would increase. Therefore, urgent and all as it is in the short term, even if oil supplies, and easy and economically available oil supplies, to use the old fashioned terms, from the Middle East were as freely and cheaply available as they were, an end would come to the gallop perhaps sooner than we think. That leaves Europe and every country in the world, the big powers no less— the law of the conservation of energy is a great levelling factor—with the urgent problem of where the supplies of the future are to be secured.

I can understand the reactions of those with oil supplies to simply getting paper or token remuneration, or something like that, for the real wealth which they were supplying to the rest of the world. I will have to postpone developing that point until I come to the question of monetary policy, which I hope to come to later in connection with Europe.

On the question of the physical supply of energy, the present situation has brought home to everybody that every other available source of energy production and energy harnessing all over the world must be urgently explored and exploited. The answer to the energy problem of Europe, or anywhere else, is not simply the solution of problems arising in regard to Middle East oil supplies. It is much wider. It is not even a question of the partition of certain energy reserves between two super powers, or between east and west. It goes far beyond that. Therefore there must be a development of other available resources and, if possible, the harnessing of new power.

Before going directly to the point I want to make, and to show where I am going, I should like to make this remark in parenthesis. This is such a big and global problem that it cannot be treated on a local basis and in particular, it cannot be treated on a local basis by a small country such as this. Here we hit an area where the importance of our association with other states, the importance of our membership of the European Community, becomes emphasised. In that context, and with that parenthetical statement in mind, I want to go a little further into the question of energy supply.

In the era of easy supply when costs were the principal factors, wherever oil was easily found, such as in the Middle East or in parts of America, or part of Russia, there was no problem. The oil was got out of the ground as cheaply and physically easily as possible, and distributed. It was bought as cheaply as possible and applied for manufacturing purposes, or similar purposes, without question as to anything else but cost, and without regard to the fact that there is such a thing as the law of the conservation of energy. We must think more deeply now. Obviously the first thing must be exploration and exploitation of such energy reserves as are available.

Now I come strictly to the European context. I come to the Continent of Europe and its environment. As we know on the coast, in the sea, and perhaps elsewhere, there are some reserves of oil and gas which heretofore it would not have been economic to exploit, and which may have been considered even irrelevant, on the tacit assumption that the supplies coming from elsewhere could continue indefinitely. In the light of our present knowledge the importance of tapping these resources is self-evident. In fact, under the compulsion of necessity this process is well under way. We read every day about oil discoveries, oil contracts, Government interests and so on, but the relevant point for the purpose of this debate is that the physical capacity —largely a question of size of population and development—the technical capacity—largely a matter of the technological resources of the community concerned—and the financial capacity —measured in terms of the conventional financial and economic resources of the community concerned—that are required for this development are so great that they are far beyond what a community of, say, our size can undertake on its own. It brings one immediately into a broader context and, looking at it in the long term I can see that the best and most efficient and beneficial way of dealing with the newlydiscovered and the less easily exploited energy resources in oil, coal and gas particularly, will be on a European basis.

I am not suggesting that national interests are not to be considered: having regard to the size of the problem a European base and a common base for approaching this problem of energy seems to be the logical and sound long-term way of looking at it and constitute a justification one did not argue for those who advocated entering the common market on the one hand and a justification for our being in it and adhering to it in the present and for the future, on the other.

So far, I have spoken of energy reserves which are really stores of energy in the earth, whether oil, coal or gas. Another kind of energy is possibly physically available but in terms of old economics it is outside the Pale on questions of cost, technical complexity and difficulty. That is the energy that can be got by harnessing certain large natural forces such as the wind or the tide. There are large amounts of terrestrial energy available but, again, it seems that the human, technological and financial resources needed to harness these forms of energy are so great as to force even the larger continental nations to coalesce into co-operative effort.

I see our energy problems in many ways closely connected with our membership of the Communities of European peoples. For an individual to attempt any answers here would be worse than futile and I shall not do so but the general point is valid and should be made and should help to clarify our thinking regarding such matters and help to bring the problem into such focus that many of the wild and impractical things that are being said about energy, oil and other things will be eliminated and will help to furnish an answer to the absurd when the absurd is stated.

Complementary to that is another thought on energy. I have not mentioned nuclear energy, a large potential source of energy which I think will have to be exploited. The problem there is largely technological now since the cost element has been completely changed, as I indicated earlier. It is something to be pursued and is being pursued all over the world but, again, for a worthwhile pursuit of that objective one must have sufficient resources under the three headings I mentioned earlier and no small community such as ours has such resources. Therefore, the answer is the same: we must look to a larger association and in our case to the European Community and we must co-operate in that towards the desired end because, in simple physical terms, energy is life.

There is, fortunately, a factor which may help to make available to areas such as ours the energy which is harnessed elsewhere. It is most likely that when it comes to utilisation of the energy produced the tendency will be to use it primarily for the generation of electricity and to transmit the energy to consumers in that form. That is a broad statement and is not meant to go without the necessary qualification in particular cases where necessary. Broadly speaking, energy is likely to be most efficiently harnessed, I think, and prepared for distribution in the form of electricity. Fortunately, that form of power is more easily transmitted over a distance.

As a simple example let us take a railway. In the old days when coal was used to generate power for the trains, the only thing to do was to put coal in all the engines so that each would function individually. If the problem of using coal for this purpose had to be faced, say, 150 years later, it is conceivable that someone would have said: "We will electrify the railways instead of putting coal into the engines because it would be much more efficient to put coal into a central power station and transmit the power to electric trains." I trust that explains the point I am trying to make —that the tendency would be to distribute electricity. This is a developing science which, apart from efficiency considerations, has great advantages in transmissability.

We have been sharing power from local stations with our neighbours across the Border but we must foresee a time when a power network distribution system will be on a much broader basis than the present national boundaries and that situation would require co-ordination. Therefore, to the first argument which was directed to the realities of energy production must be added the second argument relating to the distribution of energy produced. Those arguments lead me cogently to a long-term commitment to some association. That association is there and this is a very strong reason for our membership of the EEC, for developing it and for playing our part as far as possible in co-operating in it.

If, in the future, there should come about a situation in which wind or tide would be harnessed, it is possible that at least one site would be found here. However, I have made these remarks as a result of Deputy Staunton's interesting contribution but they are out of the sequence in which I intended speaking. To those who take a narrow view of current economics and of the difficulties or the advantages of a current situation, whether they be industrialists, farmers or those considering the situation from the point of view of taxation or any others, I would emphasise the importance of the physical role of energy. I am speaking purely in organic physical terms when I say that energy is life and that without energy there is physical death. The world has a real problem in respect of its energy resources. It is not realised commonly that there is an upper limit to the availability of energy on this planet because our energy comes mainly from the sun, but if the rate of consumption were to exceed the annual rate of income from outside this planet we would be thrown completely on reserves and, consequently, the duration of life would be limited by the length of time the inadequate supply plus the reserves would last. That is a simple equation. It is not common in a parliament to hear emphasised the physical law of the conservation of energy but I am invoking this law which is known to physicists and chemists as the first law of thermodynamics as a reason for appreciating the importance of our membership of the EEC. Here is set up the mechanism to put us on our way for the future.

When the question of our accession to the EEC was mooted those of us who strongly supported membership were influenced largely by such considerations as that. At last here was an opportunity, after almost 200 years, to break out again from the encirclement of the British economy and I do not mean in any way to be disparaging of that economy but we were going into the broader context of Europe which, culturally and otherwise, this country had belonged to formerly. Here was the logical and intelligent way for a country such as ours which, only comparatively lately, had been able to realise what are known commonly as national aspirations. To go into the future, preserving the integrity of this State, and bringing it into modern conditions and for all time.

It seemed to those of us who advocated membership that the road to the Community was the road to take. There were economic arguments from some people against joining but these may have been over-stressed. Some of us—I hope I am among them—were more moderate in our views. We must realise when we are discussing a subject like this or our own financial business that there will always be problems and criticisms, there will be different opinions about how something should be done, there will always be mistakes and there will be unforeseen contingencies. However it is a mistake to let these possibilities dominate one's thinking. There will also be opportunities and unexpected favourable circumstances, perhaps alternating with the others.

I am sorry I was not here for the Parliamentary Secretary's speech but I was at a committee. It has been pointed out by some speakers that there have been financial benefits as a result of our membership and that there has been a considerable contribution to the liquidity of the State as a result of our association with Europe. We should be on our guard against letting the short-term difficulties demoralise us in our determination to pursue the line we were authorised to pursue by the vast majority of the people—which I still believe is the right line to pursue— and we should not be inhibited by the difficulties and disappointments of the moment. For that reason I will not go into detail on this occasion about the regional fund or about agricultural problems. We must do the best we can and we must be clear about our course in the foreseeable future.

I have no doubt about our course with regard to the European Community. I am convinced that membership of the Community is essential for our survival as a State, quite apart from the benefits we may obtain. People who talk in terms of isolation at this late stage of history are getting away from reality. I am only expressing a feeling and will not try to justify it by argument or logic but for some reason when people talk in a certain way the word "Newfoundland" and the problems of integration in Nova Scotia and other places in that area come into my mind, although I realise their problems are different from ours. We want to be ourselves, with the dignity of statehood and nationhood, and the maintenance of that status depends on our free association in the EEC. We should not have any ambiguity on that point.

The next element is free trade. I am emphasising where we stand on this because, when one makes a comment for reform or action or when one offers a legitimate criticism, it is too easy to have it turned back on one on a point where there should be common agreement. If the EEC is to develop for the mutual advantage of participants and associates, it is clear that free trade is essential. If that is denied the association is partitioned off. If energy is life, trade in its broadest terms is the functioning of life. I admit there is a transitional problem with regard to free trade and that there will be problems of adjustment, as there were in the Treaty of Accession. When I advocate free trade I do so as a principle not as an automatic, universally applicable rule. It is important to do this because a protectionist approach has a great deal of attraction in the short-term and in certain areas it may be necessary at a given time but, in the long-term, for the development of human activity on a global scale free trade is essential. That may seem a rather strange thing for one of the older Deputies on this side of the House to say. I would say to the Parliamentary Secretary, not as an excuse but as a very important factor, that we must go with the times and I would say to him tempora mutantur, nos et mutamur in illis.

The profession to which the Deputy and I belong under one of our various hats has the motto nolumus mutari.

A sound one too: "Be not the first by whom the new is tried."

Ná bris nós agus ná deán nós.

We were talking about Chinese yesterday. I do not know any Chinese. The Parliamentary Secretary is quite right and I would like him to accept the spirit in which I say that. It involves no apology. It involves no change of view but it does, I hope, involve facing the realities of the present in the present. I further concede that there are problems with which the Parliamentary Secretary and his Government have to contend, and I must in no way be taken as not supporting any effort made to get particular relief or particular attention of our problems. That is the function of the Government the Parliamentary Secretary is representing at the moment and I do not want my remarks to be taken as in any way not supporting all laudable efforts.

Free trade as a principle is a sine qua non. In the new day that will probably never dawn I suppose free trade over the whole world would be the ideal. That leads one to a thought about wealth and wealth of benefit to humanity, which I hope to develop in a moment, but before doing so I have yet another parenthesis in regard to the relationship between agriculture and industry.

As an agricultural country we are very conscious of this sector of our economy. It has been an unfortunate factor that in the development of the western world in the last century and this century the emphasis was so much on industry and on what technology could provide by way of such things as transport, amenities like artificial light, modern heating and so on, all classed as industrial. In that area of industrialisation the agricultural sector, which basically provides us with our food, was taken very much for granted in the same way as our energy resources were taken for granted. In fact, where agriculture was concerned the situation was a little bit worse. It was, for instance, taken for granted that you could command food supplies ad libitum, like energy, without inquiring too closely into the how. In the agricultural sphere, as I say, the position was worse than in the energy sphere because it was assumed you could get food for practically nothing and that had the effect of depressing that sector of the economy which is, perhaps, the most vital sector of all, the sector that nourishes our bodies.

There is now an acute awareness of the problem. Food producers all over the world have come to realise that they were not sharing to the same degree in prosperity as were those who exploited the opportunities of industry. This has brought a tension between the two sectors. Perhaps it was legitimate up to 20 years ago or so to regard these two arms as two entirely different sectors of the economy. I pose now what I regard as an important question. Is it legitimate any more to take this line and say one sector is agriculture and another sector is industry? Is it legitimate any more to make a clear distinction between that which is classified as agricultural and that which is classified as industrial? In the past one could substantiate such a dichotomy by referring to the technology of industry and so forth as against the individual character and the relative simplicity and primacy of the product of agriculture. On a deeper analysis however that was probably a false concept from the start but, false or true, it was there and, perhaps, a workable concept up to the last war.

In the last 20 years agriculture has become highly industrialised and agriculture can no longer be differentiated from industrial processes in what might be described as industry proper. The agricultural effort now involves the collaboration of farming interests, specialisation and so on, in the same way that industry involves these things. In the future I suggest agriculture must be thought of in both social and economic terms on the same level as industry. Why, in economic terms, I have already indicated. Why, in social terms, should there be a differentiation? It is one of the anomalies of the development of western civilisation that the more basic the individual is to the economy the lower his social status but, if anything, from the point of view of basic importance to the community, the agriculturist could certainly sustain a claim as against many other categories. If this is so, are we not bedevelling the problem by making too clear a distinction between the two? Recently when there was a difficulty about beet for the sugar factory the farmers' cry was: "If we were in the industrial sector we would not have put up with this for so long". I am not going into that controversy but am using it as an illustration of the realisation on the agricultural side.

When we are considering agricultural and industrial problems in regard to Europe, we must balance them and tell our people there is a common interest here. We can no longer draw a line between agriculture and industry. We are in this Community to play our part and to get the greatest benefits we can out of it by mutual co-operation. The benefits to the agricultural industry are important. We must seek to get the best balances and develop the industry in the most efficient way from the social and economic point of view. I do not know if I am labouring this point or even if it is too abstract, but if one could get away from using these terms narrowly we might get greater co-operation from all the interests involved.

Everybody should realise that he is dependent on his fellow man and that the prosperity of the individual depends on the level of prosperity of all. The best way for a group to achieve prosperity is to promote the prosperity of the whole. If that attitude of mind could be engendered, local friction might be eliminated. We would have a clearer view of where we were going and we would make a more significant contribution to Europe, not that I am belittling our contribution to Europe by any means.

On the basis of the conclusions arrived at, there are such large problems that they are beyond the scope of a small community but are problems for the European Community itself. I should like to know what is wealth in real terms. What is finance and monetary policy? What are the international conventions governing economics? Clearly, a small country like Ireland cannot change the environment. We must accept it. All peoples cannot avoid asking what is the reality of wealth? What is real wealth and prosperity? It may be conventionally measured in stocks, shares, bank balances, statistics, figures, international passing of chits and so forth, but what does it mean in real terms? First of all, it means that the individual eats. It means that he has a house in which to live. It means that if society is progressing he has progressive degrees of comfort and of amenities. If he is to have these comforts and amenities there must be higher organisation and more intertwining with his fellowmen in an outgrowing and expanding organisational structure. Given the basic requirement of food and shelter, he can still do better.

Primitive man spent all his time gathering food. When he progressed he built a shelter. When he made further progress he had enough time to specialise in something, for instance, the trade of smith—to help the community. That can be followed into the complexities of modern times. We still must ask what is real wealth. In broadest terms, it is the physical things we have, the environment in which we live, improved to make living better. It is also the intangible thing resulting from this physical wealth: the opportunity for cultural development. These social factors are based on economic factors. Nowadays we tend to think too much in terms of organisation and financial mechanics and to lose sight of the meaning of real wealth.

Here one must advert to the importance of monetary and financial policy generally. It is here also that one asks questions about Europe. It is too early yet to hope for integration of monetary policies, though in the long-term it is a desirable aim. In the interim period in western countries the administrative structure governing wealth, in the real terms I have tried to describe, have become divorced from the reality of wealth in the sense I mentioned.

Our western economy seems to be dominated by a super finance structure, a banking structure. It is one of international finance which seems to be over-dominated by what I might roughly and maybe inaccurately describe as bookkeeping, docket passing, accounting without adequate attention to production units. It means that those production units, the factories and the farms, all that stratum of organised society which is producing the wealth, is subject to the brokerage operations of the top structure and we have now reached a stage where simplication is needed.

This thing that I can summarise as being the upper deck of the financial structure is governing economic activity in real terms which may be impeding rather than promoting the development of real wealth and its availability at high levels to the maximum number of people. The problem is beyond even contemplation by any local state, not only by a state of small population such as us but even the big powerful financial countries who seem to have got caught up in this net of financial brokerage and all the rest of it.

The solution to this set of difficulties, roughly called capitalism and berated by those who like to call themselves socialists, does not lie locally. The only hope of coping with them is in a community like Europe which is of such big dimensions that its failure must be termed as the fall of Adam. For that reason, the development of monetary and finance policy in the Community is vitally important to us. It will not come for some time and, therefore, it is creating problems from which we cannot get away in practical terms. We, being a small nation, cannot hope to influence even in a little way our own economic destiny and there lies for us the importance of membership of this Community.

Perhaps I have been speaking in a very rarified and abstract atmosphere but I hope I am able to convey the importance of the problems that arise, problems of credit availability and of finance, in simple language. The problem is high in the sky and it is only through our association with the European Community that we can hope to have any influence in shaping our destiny.

One thing that has been noticeable since this State was founded is that from the beginning our Ministers and permanent officers have been speaking in international organisations and associations and they very quickly made their beneficent presence felt and they obtained results. In the EEC I have no doubt that something similar can be achieved.

There are two other matters which I should like to discuss and they have been stimulated nearer home, although the last one was very near to home. One is the question of the organising of Europe. I am talking here in a purely personal manner. When the Community was in the process of development in the early 1960s, I was a member of the Assembly of the Council of Europe and I instinctively felt that the Halstein approach, to which I was very hostile, would involve Europe in two unpleasant consequences. One was the over-rapid development to a super-state which would have meant the extinguishing of individual member states. The line taken later of free association, and influenced by progressive binding and natural evolution of European nations and States was a much better concept. I reiterate that I think Europe historically, and indeed the world perhaps, is lastingly indebted to the late President de Gaulle of France. To me the Halstein approach was repulsive. In the early days of the Community one was haunted by that fear and I know in coming to a conclusion, as all of us had to make individual decisions when it came to facing the realities of the referendum, that was a consideration.

I am following the Deputy with great interest but I wonder would he explain what he means by the Halstein approach. I ask merely because it will help me to understand what he is getting at.

Well, it is history. Shall I say that the approach was a little dictatorial, a little totalitarian in a certain way? I am not saying anything about Professor Halstein or anything else.

In the grand manner. Is that what the Deputy means? On the high style?

I do not know what the Deputy means by the grand manner. The Parliamentary Secretary has asked me a rather difficult question because it means recounting the history of five years which I cannot do in a sentence.

I merely wanted to know on whose part the Deputy was inclined to fault a Halstein approach. I just could not see with whom the Deputy was finding fault in having adopted a Halstein approach; certainly nobody in this country, I hope.

Oh no, not in this country. We were not in it at all. I am referring to how the six started in Europe. There were certain personal objections I had, which are really relevant to, I shall put it this way, Professor Halstein's approach and particularly to what seemed to me to be the logical conclusion to be drawn from that—an overriding and dictatorial bureaucracy.

My own impression of the origins of the Common Market, if one can single out one virtue, was the desire to create a framework in which the traditional hostility between France and Germay would be submerged.

Quite. But the solution was offering a very rightish approach. May I leave it at that?

That was a high ideal anyway.

Was it? The difficulty in which the Parliamentary Secretary is placing me is that I do not want to open up old sores in history between France and Germany and put labels on things. Let us deal with the present.

What I was saying was that I was worried about the approach, which savoured more of what used to be called the Prussian approach, combined with the danger of an overriding bureaucracy, a paternalism where the permanent, anonymous, bureaucratic organisation had all the answers and which seemed to me to be a threat to basic democracy. I do not want to go into the question of history here. I was merely giving, by way of explanation, my own reaction and what I feared. If the Parliamentary Secretary will excuse me, I do not wish to go into an historical review of this. I do want to say that, having considered those things, I came firmly down in favour of our entry in this regard, that the Community had achieved, in reality, a basic structure that depended on a balance, that my fear of bureaucratic dictation, if I may say so, was removed by the effectiveness of the Council of Ministers. That is really what I want to say. As things stand today I am a little intimidated but, just like our own problem here on a much smaller scale, it must be faced with sympathy, understanding and realism. The complexities of Europe must, of necessity, mean a large permanent establishment. They must mean a lot of administrative legislation. They must mean a lot of administrative action. Look at all the paper that is emanating from it, and so on. I am referring to this in exactly the same way as I would have done to the organisation of our business in this House. I should like to see that minimised if possible. I should like to see simple solutions being sought in regard to this administrative complexity and to the tendency for the permanent establishment machine to grow in size and complexity. A check on those trends can come only from political decision. Therefore, I am urging, as I urged the Minister for Finance last evening in regard to our financial administration, that we play our part in the Council of Ministers, which is the democratic control that removed my first objection, to try to achieve a simplicity and a directness in the affairs of the Community so that it works with the minimum of friction. It is a very difficult problem because we are at a transitional stage. Basically the aim is to try to curb unnecessary administrative activity, not to go too fast, to promote and to do everything to facilitate the power and control of the Council of Ministers.

Before we went into Europe I was one of the people commissioned on this side of the House—we were then in Government—from the political point of view, to be actively engaged in the matter. After our entry I dropped out of closer association. I am not on the EEC committee and probably I am not as well briefed as, say, Deputy Staunton, or others who serve on that committee. But the last time we were talking about it I tried to emphasise the importance of the role of Ministers and the time it would take to make the European Parliament effective. I think those arguments still obtain. It is an ongoing thing; it is a developing thing. Europe is still at the stage where it is vitally dependent on the Council of Ministers. These are the people who are important. These are the people who are to be supported. These are the people who have to make the decisions and who have to face the difficulties of this situation.

I am in favour of a European Parliament. I would like to see it promoted, but I hope it will be done with due regard to parliamentary experience in other countries, including our own, and that difficulties and problems existing here are not carried over readily into the new system.

Anybody who thinks that the European Parliament can quickly take over and elect a European Government, or that the Council of Ministers can forego their present status and powers quickly, is thinking dangerously. There are many reasons why we should stay in the Community and play our part in it. We should also have regard to the transitional phase and be careful not to run too fast in advocating changes of structure until we know where we are going. We are in a transitional phase, the argument has already been advanced that the national entities are still the national entities, that the states are still individual states and that we are a long way from practical realisation of a financial or monetary structure that could unify Europe on the economic side.

We should beware of going too fast on the purely administrative or political side without the other. It is for many of these reasons that I commend, as I have done on a former occasion in other regards, the approach of the French to this problem rather than the approach of others. I have advocated the approach of the French people to Europe because I believe it was realistic and it has been justified by time. I believe it will accommodate itself to what is in the future. We should have the same consciousness of ourselves, willingness to co-operate and use our influence to develop the Community as the French people have had. If we do that it will be to our advantage and it will enable us to play a greater role in Europe.

I have not referred to the British referendum on renegotiation which has a bearing on us economically and otherwise. If I was to comment in political terms on it I might be a bit harsh, so I will content myself with saying that I agree with the Deputy who said that whether the British stay in or decide to withdraw we should stay in Europe. Our future is in Europe. We had difficulty enough being tied to the British economy in its heyday and the heyday has passed. It would be wiser for us to remain as we are, a nation and a State in a free association of peoples that is the Community of Europe. Unrepentedly, I stand on this issue where I stood before our referendum. In my view our people made a good and sound decision and the best role for us is to implement that decision with confidence and vigour.

It goes without saying that membership of the EEC has brought a completely new dimension on our economy and our general way of life. Part of our two years in Europe appeared to be a period when manna was falling from Heaven on all sides and that we were going to have a happy and easy future. However the latter half has brought a severe period of accounting and a realisation that life, just because one is a member of the EEC, is not necessarily going to be an easy one. Last year also brought that message home to the older members of the EEC in addition to the new members such as ourselves. There is a view here of a real lack of understanding of the workings of the EEC and the implications of EEC policy when brought home to the domestic level.

While Thursday is always a bad day for a debate in this House one cannot help noticing that the attendance in the Public Gallery is decidedly sparse. One only has to think back to when other issues were discussed in this House, issues one would think were of far lesser moment from the nation's point of view and compare the interest taken in those issues with the present debate. Perhaps it is because this debate is not a controversial one. However it is a very important debate because it is the reporting by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the developments in the European Communities. This covers a considerable period of time and includes the third report and fourth report. It covers the period in which we had to struggle with the impact of multiplied oil prices, the energy crisis and the superabundance of meat in the Common Market. This in turn has given rise to the far more serious aspect of the matter, the human aspect— the lack of employment, the mounting numbers of unemployed not alone here but in other countries.

Today I saw the frightening news that one of the strong nations of the world, Japan, has had a fantastic rise in unemployment figures in a short period. We are all aware that Japan has enjoyed a strong and good economy in recent times and that she seemed to have avoided the difficulties that had fallen on the shoulders of Europe, but she is now in the thick of a huge tide of unemployment, rapidly increasing. You see what has happened in America, in Germany and other countries that are in a completely different league to this country when one considers and compares them in the context of their power, population and wealth. Let me specifically refer to a short passage in the Fourth Report on Developments in the European Communities that we have here before us today for consideration; it states at paragraph 14.6, page 114:

As indicated in the Third Report, Ireland's policy is that progress towards monetary union must proceed in parallel with progress towards the elimination of structural and regional imbalances which will promote the convergence of economic conditions within the Community.

You may say that is great stuff, nice language, and incorporates everything including Ireland's duties to the Community. However, it does contain a fundamental truth in relation to the Irish situation, that we have very serious regional imbalances in our country, within the country and by way of relation to the stronger members in Europe. This means that whenever anybody thinks of the EEC, one of the first things he thinks of is regional policy.

Deputy O'Kennedy spoke at great length here today and took the Government to task in relation to the allocation of money under the regional policy. What Deputy O'Kennedy appears to have forgotten is the fact that the Treaty itself does not provide for a regional policy in the same sense as it provides for policy of CAP. There could only be a policy that was created by the consensus and agreement of all the members of the EEC, and that meant unanimity in relation to the regional policy. I think it had to be brought in under a special clause in the Treaty—paragraph 235 or some paragraph like that; I have not got it to hand at the moment— it was not just for picking up and implementation. It had to be created anew. I am well aware of that, as I have been working on that with my fellow members in the sub-committee on the EEC legislation, which is a joint committee of both Houses.

It can be fairly said that the approach of all the members of that committee on regional policy to the draft directives and proposals on regional policy was an unanimous one. We teased out the problems that Ireland had to face. We carefully examined the draft directives. We criticised them and we have reported on them, and a great number of hours were spent on considering the implications of the proposed regional policy. The real point at issue was the very existence of a regional policy, and not so much the amount. First we had to get the principle established that a regional policy was required and, secondly, we had to see where we stood in relation to the other nations that could benefit from a regional policy.

Having said that, I would like to direct the attention of the House to Chapter 15 of the Fourth Report, which is headed "Regional Policy", and it is interesting to note that Ireland's allocation under the regional policy is 6 per cent, in the first instance, but by further negotiations and further adjustment, another half per cent was added to that, so Ireland ends up with 6.5 per cent of the entire fund as per entitlement. When one turns to page 122 one sees, in the allocation of money from the regional fund, Ireland does far better per capita than any other nation mentioned. In terms of units of account Ireland is at the top of the list with 6.46. The other country that is supposed to suffer from serious regional imbalance and is a prime candidate for regional aid is Italy. The comparable figure for Italy is 2.20. Ours is almost three times the allocation Italy is getting, if you judge it on a per capita basis of population.

One has got to bear in mind that in all the negotiations for the allocation of this money from the regional fund our Minister for Foreign Affairs made the very good point that we had no area in our country on which we could fall back to provide us with funds to help the poorer areas, that we had to be regarded as a unit. The actual application of the moneys, when they come, will, I imagine, be a function for our Government, but I should think the greater part of the allocation of money will be to the western seaboard, and that will include Counties Donegal and Kerry: it will not necessarily be restricted to the province of Connacht.

This brings one, I suppose, to a topical matter of discussion that has, I understand, been the subject of political debate and political activity for some time, back, I believe even prior to the last general election. That is in relation to the proposed bridge across the Corrib from Kilbeg to Knockferry. This bridge would be near Headford, and I understand that Deputy John Donnellan has already been on a deputation to the Minister for Local Government where the matter was carefully discussed and where the Minister suggested that costings and plans should be started so that proper consideration can be given to the proposal for a bridge across the Corrib at this point.

The significance of this in relation to regional policy, which is what I am talking about now, is that it has been mooted in this House and elsewhere that what the west really needs is the opening up of its roadways, that it needs an updating of its transport to make its western regions accessible. I understand there has been a new mart built on a co-operative basis by the local people in Headford. That is an area that used to have a very well known fair. Headford would be nicely situated if there was a bridge built across the Corrib. If one looks at the map west of the Corrib, the Oughterard side, and searches around for facilities for the sale of cattle and sheep, one finds that the nearest mart is down at Athenry. This means that the farmers on the west side of the Corrib have to travel great distances to gain access to marts. The effect has been that jobbers and middlemen have done very well out of that situation to date. I hope therefore that the people of Galway will see the relevance of a proposal for the building of a bridge over the Corrib at this point. It would join various areas that would have a common economic interest in each other's activities and it would bring up to date and improve the economy west of Lough Corrib. It would redound to the benefit of towns like Headford that have a cattle mart and would increase business. In the west there is not the same amount of industrial activity or opportunity for employment and therefore the building up of a mart in a place like Headford would make room for further employment and would be of immense benefit to a small market town.

The subject of roads is a matter that is causing a considerable amount of concern to local authorities. In my constituency and in Wicklow people have been considerably inconvenienced by the size of the various vehicles that pass through the towns. If one drives into the town of Arklow one runs the risk of finding oneself in a traffic jam that could last for anything up to an hour because of the difficulty of trying to get large vehicles through a town like Arklow. The roads are not as yet constructed to carry the heavy weight of traffic, of European juggernauts and large containers. This adds to costings. If there is a delay, it adds to transport costings. Rosslare, being a harbour that is well situated for European trade and traffic, could benefit greatly from a better system of transport. We must face the fact that a considerable amount of money will have to be invested in the building of roads, far greater than we have done heretofore, because of the demand for increased transport. A great part of our transport has left the railways and has been transferred to the road network. Difficulties can arise on the road from New Ross to Wexford or out of New Ross harbour to south Kilkenny into Waterford and various parts of Wexford. There is a virtual bottleneck there.

Deputy O'Kennedy referred to the green £ and said it was slow in coming and that the Government dallied in the matter early in 1974. He said, with a certain amount of confidence and certainty—I do not know where he got it from—that the green £ could have been introduced in April, 1974. I find that an extraordinary statement because I was present with certain Senators and Deputies from the Joint Committee of both Houses when we paid a visit to Brussels and Luxembourg. I think it was in Luxembourg that we had a special meeting with the agricultural commissioner. It was not exactly a peaceful type of meeting. There was a very frank conversation, if one could call it that. A spade was called a spade, and sometimes a spade was called a shovel for better emphasis. It was a fairly heated meeting. I have a distinct recollection of putting the proposal of the green £ to the commissioner in June of 1974 and getting what I can only describe mildly as a dusty answer. I came away with the very clear impression that there was no green £ then or previous to that date. I was very surprised to hear Deputy O'Kennedy making the statement he made earlier on, and it would be very wrong if the country were to accept Deputy O'Kennedy's statement. He may have made it in all good faith but being a person present at the discussion and having asked the question, I find it my duty to make the position quite clear. There was no green £ forthcoming in June, 1974. It came later. In fact the commissioner said at that stage we had a long way to go before it could be considered, as it would be necessary to try to reconcile our economic difficulties with the English economic difficulties in relation to the livestock situation and particularly having regard to the link between the Irish £ and the English £.

The Joint Committee of this House have spent a lot of their time considering the energy situation and the energy crisis in the light of proposals that have been forthcoming from the Council of Ministers and the last summit. I do not think we have actually considered as yet the new proposal of Mr. Kissinger in relation to the oil floor price. This is only a very recent matter which came up in the last week or so. I should like to consider it very carefully before I pass judgment on the proposal, because I think it might have rather tough implications for the less well protected sections of society. It might be all very well to talk about pegging a price for oil and energy, but one has to go a great deal further before committing oneself to artificial interference with market prices.

We have had some experience of man's interference with events, and the results which can follow. All we have to do is look at our own history and at the balance in the west, when viewed in the light of the economic circumstances of the midlands, the east, and other parts of the country, to see man's handiwork. It occurred when we were occupied by another nation, and governed by another nation. One can only say it was man's handiwork and not a natural creation. We have had to live with it and pay for it since. It is an outstanding example of where a man can be wrong in his judgment or wrong in his conduct and create difficulty.

In relation to the energy situation, it would seem that recent proposals for the use of gas in our power stations might indicate that we are not complying with a European directive. That is not so because, while the proposed EEC directive is a restriction on the use of natural gas or petroleum products in power stations, the competent authority of the nation has power to absolve itself in certain circumstances. The competent authority of a member state can authorise the use of natural gas in power stations where such a course is necessary for economic reasons.

Possibly the prime target of all countries and competent authorities who have a duty to deal with the energy situation, is to try to take the load of demand off the oil resources —in other words, to put their eggs in different baskets. In view of our very high dependence on oil, we should have no difficulty in availing of that escape clause. We have the right to avail of it in the circumstances in which we find ourselves.

There is one aspect to which I want to advert which is of great interest in my constituency. I would hope that if any money is being made available for new development of fishing boats and vessels, the largest possible amount of money available under the FEOGA regulations will be made available for fisheries. Basically Ireland is still at the pioneering stage in developing her fisheries. I understand there are good prospects for fishing away beyond our normal limits. I am talking about ships working 200 miles from Irish shores in the blue fishing areas. I am told by those who have studied it that there is a very good future in that, although it is at the experimental stage. I believe it can give very good employment and yield a large and very rich dividend and harvest for us and for those involved in such activities. I would hope therefore that the grant under the FEOGA system would be at least 25 per cent in the circumstances. We are a deserving country. We are a deserving case for that type of attention.

The final matter I should like to deal with is the British attitude to renegotiaton, as England likes to call it. If I may use Churchill's words: "Some neck; some chicken". It is an effrontery to the other countries who signed the Treaty of Accession that any country can turn around and call its own tune. Any Deputy in this House, or any member of any parliament of any country which is a member of the EEC, has the right to express himself in whatever terms he feels fit and entitled to, in the light of the attitude of the British Government to their membership of the Common Market.

Where there is a common bond of trust and a common treaty between the parties who signed it, it is out of keeping that one member can resign out of that treaty on its own volition. Rather fine points are being sought and striven for in the British argument to try to give them an excuse to resign out of their obligation. If it is a matter of shading colour and emphasis, there may be a case for a rethink. But if it is a question of principle—in other words, of scrapping the treaty and resigning out of their obligation—that is another day's work.

I agree with Deputy O'Kennedy who said we are entitled to express our views on the British attitude on this matter. We are now seeing a pathetic exhibition of a ragtime Annie Oakley performance in British politics. Anything you can do I can do better. Just because the Conservative Party negotiated entry, the Labour Party now say: "You did not do a proper job and we will re-do it."

They must realise their obligations to this country and to the other European countries in this matter. They are not to be taken lightly. We do not regard their obligations lightly. We regard our own obligations as serious obligations, as we have proved by abiding by the terms of the treaty. We have probably got a better record in relation to the terms of the Treaty of Rome than any other member of the EEC. We are in a better position to talk about conduct or misconduct than any other member of the EEC.

We have to look back and examine the position we have found ourselves in during the year in our relationship with the Common Market and the Common Market countries. Our people went wholeheartedly for this relationship when they were asked to express their opinion at the referendum some years ago. There is no doubt that the decision was right, and it is still right. We must stay within this community of nations at all costs. Our trade returns and our general wellbeing depend on that. The situation which developed during the year in our major industry, in agriculture, and particularly in our cattle trade shows the necessity for us to be constantly vigilant and constantly watching our position in our relationship with Europe. When they got the chance some of the countries of Europe did not hesitate to import meat which left our major industry in a position which had very serious effects for many of our farmers and, in particular, our smallholders. They are people who had long looked forward to the benefits they were promised this relationship with Europe would bring them. Today many of them have suffered a serious setback and may not be able to recover. This pinpoints the necessity to keep a constant watch on developments in Europe because bigger nations will always try to win their own point and get the advantage and generally they are not concerned if it is to our disadvantage although, strictly speaking, they are supposed to help us as a developing nation and give us every possible assistance. We have found them lacking to some extent in that respect.

The importance of staying in Europe is, I think, clearly illustrated. Our trade returns for January show that despite our large number of unemployed we had an increase of roughly £36 million over January 1974. Industries and factories established in the past decade are now coming into their own. The expertise of the workers in those factories is proved conclusively when we can achieve an increase of that magnitude in January alone. One gets great pleasure in seeing the display of Irish goods in the shops of practically every city and town in Europe now. The pride of place they hold and the numbers around the stands displaying Irish goods is something to be justly proud of in view of the fierce competition—and the European market is competitive. The results are a credit to our workers and salesmen. It is clear distinction when a country can hold its own in that type of market. It also shows the necessity for us to stay in Europe no matter what happens as regards our neighbour. I think we have nothing to fear by staying in. We have the ability, energy and expertise to hold our own in any market once we get entry to it. I think we have this, and we have the opportunity of developing and gaining further access to this vast European pool.

It is more than ever obvious that we must develop our resources in regard to cattle, and consider the type of cattle that can be sold and the materials on which they must be fed if we are to produce top-class animals. A good deal of effort is still required to get our people thinking on the right lines in this connection. There is a huge market for meat in Europe and I think we can sell there but it must be meat of good quality and up to the standard Europeans require. Too often we turn out cattle very much as we did in the past without any cognisance of European requirements. We had, through the years, a great number of experts telling our farmers what they should do but the experts seemed to be forever changing their views. For instance, as regards silage, we can see by the roadside today circular concrete buildings which were first put up and never used in most cases. Then we had the ordinary concrete tank in the ground and eventually the earthpit. Finally, we find we can put the material on the surface without any building and it works out successfully. If we had this kind of thinking, with one expert trying to supersede the other, how can farmers think ahead in a rational way to develop the type of animal and meat necessary? In spite of all the expertise we do not seem to have got a guiding line which our people could follow in developing the right type of animal and bringing it to the right condition.

In general, I am referring to the western areas where cattle are bred and reared. I think an approach to the kind of industry we have there is needed so as to guide it into trying to develop along the correct lines. I seem to be always pinpointing things in this House: I can never speak in a general way. I try to dig a little deeper than it is possible to express in the time allowed but I like to establish points and one can only do that by speaking in depth on what one sees and knows. If we can make and hold our place in world markets with products which are second to none, there should be no reason why we cannot develop our greatest industry, our agricultural arm, and gear it to the same system. We have a horde of experts who seem to be always branching out with different ideas and they seem to have our farmers and smallholders bewildered.

One of the most important points I want to raise is the inflow of money we expect from the EEC to help particularly our undeveloped areas. The western counties are really underdeveloped by modern standards. I wonder if our thinking is directed in the most productive way so that this money can be utilised to the maximum benefit. There are proposals for major development of main roads in my area and we shall endeavour to get as much as possible from the regional development fund for this work.

I have spoken consistently here on the development of two of our natural resources—turf and fishing. If money from the regional development fund is to be used to the best advantage possible it must be channelled into the development both of our bogs and of our fishing industry. Now that coal is selling at £40 per ton turf must come into its own but an all-out effort must be made to develop it. Of late, I have been pressing for such development. In reply to parliamentary questions in this regard I was informed that £500,000 has been made available for the local improvements schemes and that there was nothing to prevent some of this being used for the opening of roads and drains in the bogs. However, that is not the type of approach I had in mind. We need vast sums of money for this work. During the war years people had to cut turf by hand and much of the product was anything but quick drying. Nowadays there are portable machines that can be used in the small bogs and these machines extract 18 per cent of the moisture and deposit the product on the bog top. In this way the whole picture of turf production is changed. There is no problem, either, in transporting the turf to any part of the country. Admittedly, in extreme western areas of Kerry there is not a lot of bog left that is suitable for production, but there are vast tracts of suitable bog in, for instance, the centre of Roscommon, in Mayo, which is known as the Sahara of Ireland, and in Galway.

In addition to the benefit that would accrue to the economy as a result of turf production, there would be immense benefit locally to men, particularly men of middle-age, in that they could be employed in a capacity that would allow them to work out-of-doors because most of these people could not adapt to factory life. What is needed is the major development of our bogs on a national level. There are many people who would be only too willing to be employed on turf production.

The previous speaker referred to the fishing industry and to the vast amount of wealth off our coasts in terms of fish. To go briefly through some figures that I quoted here a couple of weeks ago, I would cite Norway, a country the size of our own but which had a production of fish last year which totalled £390 million of which £240 million worth was exported. There are a total of about 70,000 people engaged in the industry. Their fishing fleet consists of about 200 boats of the major engine type, about 300 of the lesser engine capacity type and about 38,000 open boats, the latter being solely the row-boat type, and which bring in more than half the total catch. The Norwegians can fish only during five months of the year whereas we have an all-year-round season but caught only about £15 million worth last year, of which more than half consisted of shellfish and of fish caught within our estuaries and harbours.

We need to go out into the broad Atlantic and compete with the big fellows. Our landed catch last year represented only 8½ per cent of the total caught off our coasts. There are 1,200 major trawlers fishing continuously from the Cork coast in the south to the Donegal and Derry coasts in the north. This is an intolerable situation. The Government are to back the oil and gas finds off Cork to the extent of £10 million but if we could have that amount for a few years to develop some of our major harbours and to buy the type of boats that are required to travel up to 200 miles out into the Atlantic, we could explore our fishing potential. That cannot be done until we have the type of modern harbour facilities and adequate boats that are needed. The money that would be required would be very small in proportion to the vast benefits that would be reaped. In this way we could have, within ten years, an export market of as much as £500 million. When times are bad, Europeans tend to buy more fish than they buy in the better times.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 5th March, 1975.
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