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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 29 Jul 1975

Vol. 284 No. 4

Wealth Tax Bill, 1975: Report Stage (Resumed).

I move amendment No. 13:

In page 10, between lines 26 and 27, but in section 6, to insert the following:

"(7) This section shall not apply to a private non-trading company nor to a private non-trading company which has control of another private non-trading company (in this subsection referred to as the first private non-trading company) and, for the purposes of this subsection, where a second private non-trading company has control of the first private non-trading company and is, itself, controlled by a third private non-trading company the third private non-trading company shall be deemed to have control of the first private non-trading company, and so on provided that the shares in that private non-trading company or the shares in the private non-trading company deemed to have control of that private non-trading company are—

(a) held solely by a child or children of a marriage either with his or their parent or parents or without his or their parents or

(b) are shown to the satisfaction of the Commissioners to be held for the exclusive benefit of:

(i) one or both parties to a marriage, or

(ii) one or more named individuals, for the reason that such individual, or all such individuals, is or are, because of age incapacity or improvidence, incapable of managing his or their affairs or for any other analogous reason which, in the opinion of the Commissioners is sufficient to justify the benefits conferred by this subsection".

The object of this amendment is to import into the provisions for the imposition of wealth tax on private non-trading companies the reliefs which are already provided in the case of discretionary trusts. We may accept the fact that because those reliefs are provided it is accepted that they are genuine cases requiring relief. Some of the reliefs were already provided in the Bill when it was first published. Others were added in as a result of amendments from this side of the House but it can be taken from the fact that they were accepted by the Minister and are incorporated in the Bill as it now stands that the Minister accepts that the cases involved are genuine cases in which relief should be given.

The effect of allowing the relief is that thresholds as provided in a later section of the Bill would be applied in these genuine cases. As I have said, the purpose of this amendment is to try to import those reliefs into private non-trading companies as they exist in the Bill in the case of discretionary trusts. To illustrate the kind of problem that is involved I would like to quote from a letter which I received from a solicitor whom I do not know personally in connection with a client for whom he was acting, the client being a professional man, not a solicitor. This is what he says:

This man is married with eight children and in the normal event would have exemption up to a figure of £120,000. To provide for his wife and children my client purchased three properties including his surgery and each of the properties is owned by a non-trading private company. The ordinary shares of all three non-trading private companies are held by one holding non-trading private company and the ordinary shares of that controlling holding company are held by the minor children of my client. The property is worth somewhere about £70,000 to £80,000 and covers all my client's wealth other than the capital in his practice, his office equipment, motor car, et cetera, possibly worth another £10,000 to £15,000. He also owns his dwelling-house and contents which, of course, are exempt.

You will see from the above that if all my client's property was in his own name he would have no responsibility whatever for wealth tax but because his chief wealth of about £70,000 is held in the various connected private non-trading companies he is going to be caught for about £700 a year wealth tax. This is the thanks he is getting as a professional man working hard trying to educate and provide for his large family. As I see it, his only legal remedy is to sell back his property to himself from each of the companies but in that event the proceeds of the sale of the property goes to the holding company. The ordinary shares of that holding company are owned by his minor children. This would mean that they would become entitled to same absolutely. He is most reluctant to deal with the matter in this way and, of course, there would be substantial stamp duty and costs involved.

On reading the Bill special provisions appear to be made to provide for such a provision arising in connection with discretionary trusts where the wealth of the trust is assessed on the settlor if the wife and children are the only objects of trust. In my client's case his children are the only beneficiaries under the private non-trading companies and it seems grossly unjust that a discretionary trust should be exempt while a private non-trading company in exactly the same position is not.

This amendment, Sir, is fairly lengthy but I tried to draft it to incorporate in the same precise language as far as possible as the reliefs which are provided in an earlier section in relation to discretionary trusts. I am not aware of any reason in principle why the same reliefs should not apply in the case of the private non-trading company, nor am I aware at the moment, although the Minister may throw some light on this, of whether the granting of these reliefs in the terms set out in the amendment would provide any loophole for avoidance. I do not think they would. Certainly I am not aware of any such. If, in fact, no such loophole is provided there cannot be any objection in principle to the importation of these reliefs in the case of the private non-trading company. I would therefore urge the Minister to accept this amendment which I think is right in principle and I hope in practice and which would cover the kind of case that I have quoted and many others too which the Minister accepted in relation to discretionary trusts constituted genuine cases deserving of the relief provided by nature of the thresholds available to the individuals concerned.

The purpose of this amendment is to equate the position of private non-trading companies with that of discretionary trusts as regards the special cases where it was considered that hardship might arise. Such cases are: trusts where the sole objects are the parents and or children of a marriage where a minor child was a living object; trusts for named individuals including parties to a marriage who for various reasons are incapable of managing their own affairs. In practice the trustees of discretionary trusts in such circumstances have a discretion as to the application or non-application of the capital or income of the trusts for these objects. It is almost impossible to visualise the situation where a company would be set up or would be in existence solely for such purposes.

The situation where all the shares of such a company would be owned or held on behalf of such persons or where the dividend policy of the company would be dictated by their circumstances would be most unusual. If a company were controlled by such persons the shares would be vested in them or in nominees or trustees for them. There would not be a situation analogous to a discretionary trust.

In the case of such a private non-trading company it would in most cases be open to the parties to rearrange their affairs to take advantage of the exemptions and reliefs in the Bill. It must be assumed that none of the shareholders mentioned in the amendment would be in the wealth tax bracket. There is nothing to prevent the liquidation of such a company and the vesting of the assets in such shareholders or in trustees on their behalf thus enabling them to get the benefit of the relieving sections of the Bill.

One of the main reasons why it was necessary to bring in the special provisions in subsections (2) and (3) of section 5 relating to discretionary trusts was that it might not be possible in certain circumstances to wind up such a trust. There should be no difficulty in winding up a private non-trading company especially where it would be in the interests of all the shareholders to do so. The analogy with the special arrangements made in relation to a discretionary trust is not valid. For these reasons I am not prepared to accept the amendment.

The example put forward by Deputy Colley is a perfect example of what was under discussion on the previous two amendments. Here you have a situation where the Minister is saying, all you have to do is to wind up the company. This can cause considerable complication. Take the case of a person who has gone to the trouble of creating what amounts to a discretionary trust for the benefit of his children. It does seem to me to be quite unfair that if the law up to date permitted the establishment of a company or companies of the kind described in amendment No. 13 put forward by Deputy Colley, that the person who has taken advantage of the law, not for any purpose of evasion but simply in order to create a happier situation for himself in relation to his responsibilities to his children, should now be put into a position where he must dissolve this company and, as Deputy Colley indicated, may find himself in a situation where the property in effect would not be his but would go to his children immediately. There would be considerable cost in stamp duty and so on involved. It does seem to me that the Minister should be able to make provision through something like the amendment put forward by Deputy Colley so as to avoid this situation for an individual who has done nothing wrong, certainly in the case put forward by Deputy Colley. It is similar to the argument being put from this side of the House 15 or 20 minutes ago where we queried why, if ownership of the property was easily ascertainable, the wealth tax liability should not apply directly to the ownership in the same way as it would to the ownership of shares in a trading company.

The amendment, as Deputy Colley said, is rather a long one covering a special case and whilst it may be difficult for the Minister to consider an amendment of this kind at this stage, I do think that the Minister may be reluctant to consider amendments at this stage from the Opposition, there is a case here of a degree of hardship which is not fair to an individual who has not done any wrong, who has simply used the existing machinery to create what amounted to a discretionary trust but because it comes under the heading of a non-trading company he will now be liable for a tax under this Bill because he is not being allowed the threshold to which he would be entitled if the property were vested either in himself or in himself and his children through an ordinary trading company. The Minister should consider the reasonable objectives behind Deputy Colley's amendment in the interests of fair play to an ordinary individual.

(Dublin Central): It is quite obvious that deeming all private non-trading companies to come within the umbrella of the wealth tax as envisaged by the Minister does not stand up when Deputy Colley's letter is considered. It is quite obvious that people have used private non-trading companies for various genuine purposes. It is wrong that this category should be victimised. This is not the first occasion that this has been done. The Minister defended his action by saying it was used as a tax avoidance measure. It is unfair to victimise an innocent person when we are legislating here. To bring the entire private, non-trading companies under one umbrella and victimise a particular person or group of people who have used it legitimately, is not right.

There are people who will find themselves in difficult situations when this Bill goes through this House. Some private, non-trading companies will have to be wound up. This will present inconvenience and expense to these people who can ill-afford to employ the legal profession to draw up new agreements. We should not be seen to be legislating so that innocent people find themselves in such situations.

I am not defending private non-trading companies that use it for tax avoidance. I am defending the case mentioned by Deputy Colley, a genuine case, that will be caught by this section. There are thousands throughout the country who will have to reassess their whole situation to see where they stand. They will have to consult their legal advisers to try to get themselves out of this situation which, 12 months ago, they had been told was best for them. Their solicitor might have advised them, for example, to hold capital for their children in private non-trading companies. Now they will have to go to the same procedure again of unwinding this private, non-trading company and probably forming a discretionary trust. I believe this should not be done.

It should be within the competence of the Minister for Finance when drafting this legislation to see that these problems will arise. The Minister should see the sincerity behind Deputy Colley's amendment.

The Minister could not say that a genuine person who has set up this company for his family's benefit and was advised to do this by his legal advisers was doing so for tax avoidance purposes. By virtue of the fact that private, non-trading companies are being brought under one umbrella, irrespective of the reason the company was formed, he will be liable for tax. If the company was formed for the purpose of tax avoidance then the Minister is quite right in taxing that man without threshold. But the genuine, private, non-trading company set up for family reasons should not be penalised in this way. By taxing the private non-trading company, the families we are discussing would not be entitled to a threshold. This is not good legislation. I ask the Minister to consider Deputy Colley's amendment because some private, non-trading companies are genuinely established. The Minister should deal sympathetically with cases like that.

We have established the principle that there are genuine cases to which relief should be given in relation to discretionary trusts. As pointed out by Deputy Brugha, private non-trading companies were set up lawfully, as were discretionary trusts. There is no inherent advantage, morally or otherwise, in a discretionary trust over a private non-trading company. There cannot be any dispute about the principle involved in this amendment. If the Minister was able to accept these provisions in relation to discretionary trusts, he can have no objection in principle to acceptance of them in relation to private non-trading companies, which, as I said, were set up lawfully. Whether they were discretionary trusts or private non-trading companies, if many of them were vehicles for tax avoidance, the Minister has recognised that many others deserve special treatment. He has given that special treatment in relation to discretionary trusts.

As far as I could follow what the Minister said, he did not indicate that there was a loophole involved in the acceptance of this. He talked about the possibility of the liquidation of these companies for the purpose of tax avoidance. It does not seem that that produces avoidance for anybody, of itself. The wording of the amendment is quite tight and deals with the provisions relating to discretionary trusts. The Minister said that it would be difficult, if not impossible, to visualise a private, non-trading company of the kind covered in the amendment. I quoted to him from the letter I read, precisely one example of the kind of case that would be covered by the amendment. No doubt there are many more.

I am not suggesting that these cases are very widespread. The Minister is right in suggesting that there would be a limited number. From one point of view, that is all more reason why the Minister should not have difficulty in accepting the amendment because it does not mean any major breach in what he has envisaged. Whether there are many such cases or only one, the case rests on the justice of the matter which clearly demands that a provision of this kind be inserted in the Bill.

The Minister has accepted the justice of the matter in relation to discretionary trusts. Why should it not be accepted in relation to private non-trading companies? It is unfortunate that cases of the kind I referred to in the letter from which I quoted will be subjected to wealth tax where if the assets involved were held individually or under a discretionary trust, they would not be subjected to wealth tax. I do not think it is a sufficient answer to say that such people can easily wind up the private non-trading companies concerned.

Apart from the expense that may arise for people in such a transaction— an expense which is not confined merely to the legal expenses involved, but the possibility of being subjected both to gift tax and capital gains tax —in the case I quoted, it produces the undesirable situation from the point of view of the man involved that the bulk of his wealth would then be beneficially in the possession of his minor children. All of us can understand that he would not reasonably want that to occur at this time. Therefore, it is no answer to say that it is easy enough to wind up these private non-trading companies and then you get over the difficulty. You do not get over the difficulty if you do that. The way to get over the difficulty is to accept this amendment. The Minister, unfortunately, has indicated that he is not prepared to accept the amendment, from which we must assume either that he does not recognise the difficulties—although they have been spelled out— or, if he does recognise them, that he is not prepared to do anything to deal with them, although he was prepared to do so in relation to discretionary trusts.

The logic and principle involved in that attitude, if any, escape me. The logic and principle involved, clearly require acceptance of the amendment. If the Minister is not prepared to accept it, there is little more we on this side of the House can do. We have, however, drawn the attention of the Minister to the difficulties, the anomalies and the inequities that will arise because he is not prepared to extend, in genuine cases of private non-trading companies, the relief which he is prepared to give in the case of discretionary trusts. It is unfortunate that this should be so. It seems to be an attitude which is not based on principle or logic. We, on this side, have done our best to draw the Minister's attention to what is involved. If he does not accept the position, or is not prepared to do anything about it, people will know where the responsibility for that position then arising rests.

Amendment put: "That the amendment be made."
The Dáil divided: Tá, 62; Níl, 70.

  • Allen, Lorcan.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Blaney, Neil T.
  • Brady, Philip A.
  • Brennan, Joseph.
  • Breslin, Cormac.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Brosnan, Seán.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Brugha, Ruairí.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Calleary, Seán.
  • Carter, Frank.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Crowley, Flor.
  • Cunningham, Liam.
  • Daly, Brendan.
  • Dowling, Joe.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Farrell, Joseph.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Fitzgerald, Gene.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Dublin Central).
  • French, Seán.
  • Gallagher, Denis.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Gibbons, James.
  • Gogan, Richard P.
  • Haughey, Charles.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Herbert, Michael.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Kitt, Michael P.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lemass, Noel T.
  • Leonard, James.
  • Lynch, Celia.
  • Lynch, Jack.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacSharry, Ray.
  • Meaney, Tom.
  • Molloy, Robert.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Murphy, Ciarán.
  • Nolan, Thomas.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Connor, Timothy.
  • O'Kennedy, Michael.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Power, Patrick.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Timmons, Eugene.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.

Níl

  • Barry, Peter.
  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Belton, Paddy.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Dick.
  • Burke, Joan T.
  • Burke, Liam.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Clinton, Mark A.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Coogan, Fintan.
  • Cooney, Patrick M.
  • Corish, Brendan.
  • Costello, Declan.
  • Coughlan, Stephen.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Crotty, Kieran.
  • Cruise-O'Brien, Conor.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Dockrell, Henry P.
  • Dockrell, Maurice.
  • Donegan, Patrick S.
  • Donnellan, John.
  • Dunne, Thomas.
  • Enright, Thomas.
  • Esmonde, John G.
  • Finn, Martin.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Cavan).
  • Flanagan, Oliver J.
  • Gilhawley, Eugene.
  • Governey, Desmond.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Patrick.
  • Hogan O'Higgins, Brigid.
  • Jones, Denis F.
  • Kavanagh, Liam.
  • Keating, Justin.
  • Kelly, John.
  • Kenny, Henry.
  • Kyne, Thomas A.
  • L'Estrange, Gerald.
  • Lynch, Gerard.
  • McDonald, Charles B.
  • McLaughlin, Joseph.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Malone, Patrick.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Lalor and Browne; Níl, Deputies Kelly and B. Desmond.
Amendment declared lost.

O'Leary, Michael.O'Sullivan, John L.Pattison, Seamus.Reynolds, Patrick J.Ryan, John J.Ryan, Richie.Spring, Dan.

Staunton, Myles.Taylor, Frank.Thornley, David.Timmins, Godfrey.Toal, Brendan.Tully, James.White, James.

Amendments Nos. 14 and 15 may be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 14:

In page 11, between lines 19 and 20, to insert the following:

"(g) the right to receive any benefit or any annuity or periodic payment which, when added to any such right, if any, under any of the schemes, provisions or arrangements referred to in any of the subparagraphs of paragraph (e), other than subparagraph (iii), would yield an entitlement equivalent to the superannuation entitlement of a Civil Servant having a similar income and contribution record.

(h) the property of any scheme or arrangement assuring or supporting the right to receive any benefit, annuity or periodic payment referred to in paragraph (g)".

These two amendments are designed to deal with the situation we discussed at some length on Committee Stage, the situation in which, in our view, there is effectively discrimination under this Bill against the self-employed person or the person employed in the private sector in relation to superannuation provisions. The Minister for Lands, who was dealing with this matter on the Committee Stage, deputising for the Minister for Finance, said there was no discrimination and that all such pension schemes, whether they related to the public service or the private sector, were being exempt. That is not accurate because, in the first place, non-statutory pension schemes are only exempt, as far as I can see, to the extent that they qualify for income tax relief. In order to qualify for income tax relief they have to conform to the regulations laid down by the Revenue Commissioners. Those regulations include an upper limit of £1,500 a year contribution and also a prohibition on any provision in the pension scheme for adjustment for inflation above 5 per cent. There are, of course, other conditions. I am just mentioning these two as an example. Apart from that, in the case of a self-employed man in many cases his provision for retirement is either the goodwill of his business or practice, if he is a professional man, or in the case of an owner of a small factory the sale of his factory and its assets is his provision on which he is depending to provide for his retirement. As was indicated by Deputy Brugha in discussion on this matter on the Committee Stage, such a person may not be in a position at all to make any contributions or certainly to make the contributions up to the extent of £1,500 a year which are permitted under the Revenue Commissioners' regulations.

I said, when we were discussing this matter on the Committee Stage, that I was not suggesting for one moment that it was easy to find a solution to this problem, because it is not. I did, however, suggest that given the will to find a solution to it, it would not be impossible for the Minister to produce provisions which, while they might not precisely equate the position of somebody in the public sector with that of somebody in the private sector, could roughly do so and certainly could go a long way to removing the anomaly which now exists under the Bill. However, no such effort was made by the Minister in the drafting of the Bill nor in any amendments he has introduced. Therefore I was obliged to make an effort to do so. I do not want to suggest for one moment that this amendment and the subsequent amendment which we are discussing with it are perfect. In fact, I can probably see some difficulties involved that may not even be obvious to the Minister. Certainly I had considerable difficulty in drafting them and I am aware of difficulties that arise. Nevertheless, I think that these two amendments, taken together, show the general lines on which it would be possible to achieve reasonable parity between the treatment of those in the public sector and those in the private sector in regard to pension arrangements.

I think there was some suggestion from the Government side when we were discussing this matter on the Committee Stage that really there was no great problem here and no great concern about this. I am aware of the fact that the Minister and the Taoiseach received what I might describe as strong representations on this matter because I received copies of some of them, not all of them I believe, but some of them, and they were certainly couched in strong language. There should not be any doubt at all but that the point we are dealing with here represents a serious problem about which some people are very much concerned. I say that because not alone do I think that in principle an effort ought to be made in this Bill as far as possible to achieve equity between the public and the private sector but also because some people individually are incensed at what they regard, in my view rightly, as discrimination in this Bill between the public and the private sector. This amendment and the following one represent an attempt to tackle that serious problem. I repeat that I do not regard it as the last word in tackling it, that I am aware of difficulties that arise from the manner in which these amendments are drafted of some areas of uncertainty, but I do not really think it is a function of a Member of this House to try to do the Parliamentary Draftsman's job to the extent of producing a perfectly worded amendment. I do say, however, that the two amendments together represent not only an attempt to tackle this problem but also indicate the way in which it can be tackled.

Amendment No. 14 which is designed to cover the case where a person in the private sector we will say —when I say private sector this can extend to perhaps some semi-State bodies and certainly to some bodies which are in receipt of Government subvention but are not part of the civil service or, of course, in what is commonly called the private sector— takes out his own insurance or enters into a scheme to provide a pension for himself aimed to give him something similar to what would be available to somebody in the civil service at approximately the same level as himself. It is designed to cover the case where he does this in addition to a pension scheme which he already has and which comes under the section as drafted and is exempted from wealth tax because it qualifies as one which rates income tax relief. It also is designed to cover the case where he has no such pension scheme but enters into an arrangement which would not come within the terms of the section but is designed to give him approximately the same superannuation rights as a comparable person in the civil service would have.

I have indicated in the past in discussion on this just how serious the discrepancy can be. To put the matter in perspective, first of all, one of the representations made to the Minister and to the Taoiseach put the matter this way: the Bill provides that a self-employed or non-pensionable married man is entitled to have up to £100,000 before he reaches the tax threshold level of 1 per cent. The same Bill appears to provide that a married man with pension or superannuation rights is entitled to a threshold level of £100,000 plus the capitalised value of his pension. That statement could, I think, be qualified in regard to one or two aspects, but basically it represents the position as it is under the Bill. This problem of course is extremely serious for people, say, who are in their 50s or 60s.

From the point of view of the self-employed, the person who has no existing pension scheme, this is the major difficulty and it is sought to be covered in amendment No. 15. His is the most stark case involved here because no relief is provided in his case. He is self-employed and he puts his savings which, of course, have been subjected to income tax, into stocks, shares or property of various kinds in order to produce a pension for his retirement. In his position, he is not alone paying income tax on the profits or income he accumulates but, having put this money into stocks or shares or property, in order to provide for his retirement he is, if he is over the limit, subject to wealth tax on that accumulation whereas a person in the civil service may have accumulated money of various kinds and different kinds of property but if he is below the limit of £100,000 he can, in addition, have a pension with a very substantial capitalised value and not be liable to wealth tax. That is the starkest contrast and starkest case which can be made here. That is not to say that the case is less real or valuable where somebody has an existing pension scheme but because it cannot compare with that available in the civil service he, in an effort to supplement it, is being subjected to wealth tax in a way that somebody entitled to a pension under the civil service scheme is not.

I indicated some figures in this regard and it is worth bearing them in mind because many people tend to forget what is happening with inflation at the moment and how in a very short time people who think they will never be liable for wealth tax can find themselves liable for it. I indicated, on the basis of figures which I obtained from a qualified actuary, that if we take the secretary of a Department at present in receipt of a salary in the region of £11,000 per annum and if we assume he is aged 55 and, therefore, has another ten years to run in his office and assume an average rate of inflation of 15 per cent per annum for the next ten years, on his retirement he would have a salary of approximately £44,500 per annum, assuming that civil service salaries kept reasonable pace with inflation as they have done in recent years. It is important to realise that having that salary of £44,500 per annum would not mean that such a man was in any way better off than he is today. There would be no improvement in his standard of living with that salary. On that basis, on his retirement in ten years' time, he would be entitled to a pension of £22,250 per annum apart from a lump sum of 1½ times his retiring salary.

On his retirement that pension would have a capital value of £321,000 and built into it is a guarantee that it will keep pace with inflation. That is something that you cannot buy today commercially no matter how much wealth you have. That capitalised sum is calculated on the assumption that it could be invested to produce a yield equal to the rate of inflation of 15 per cent per annum. If, in fact, it could not be so invested so that it would produce, say, a maximum yield of 13 per cent per annum, leaving a 2 per cent shortfall, the capital sum required would be £370,000, and so on, depending on the yield that can be got on this capital sum. These figures are based on an actuarial calculation by a qualified actuary based on the life expectancy of a person in normal health at the age of 65 at his retirement.

I want to emphasise again that there is no way in which a private individual whether self-employed, say, as a professional man or the owner of a business, can make provision of that kind for himself. No matter how much money he has he just cannot make that kind of provision. Furthermore, the capital sum that I have mentioned and the assumptions on which it is based as regards yield assume that the capital sum involved would earn a gross rate of interest. Again, in the case of the private individual that is impossible because he is taxed on the yield from the investment, taxed to income tax that is. The maximum sum which is allowable for income tax contributions to superannuation schemes for somebody in the private sector is £1,500 per annum. That sum, which is the maximum and which might be invested by a self-employed person if he has a very high income, could not produce anything like the level of pension available, say, to the secretary of a Department on the lines I outlined.

It seems to me there is a built-in advantage under the existing scheme of superannuation for those in the Civil Service. I want to make clear, as I did on the last occasion, that far from disapproving of that, I wholly approve of the provisions made for retirement in the Civil Service. I had something to do with part of the present arrangements and I would like to see everybody in the country enabled to benefit under that kind of pension or superannuation scheme. I do not want any misunderstanding of this sort. I have no wish to take from the benefits available to members of the Civil Service in regard to superannuation. The scheme they have is a good one, is one that is necessary particularly at times of high inflation as at the present. That is not what I want to do. What I want to do is to try to ensure, as far as possible, that those who are not able to benefit from such a superannuation scheme will get equivalent consideration under the Wealth Tax Bill in regard to the capitalised value of either pensions which they effect or the capital which they accumulate in order to provide for their retirement.

There are very many people who think they are people of little or no property, when in fact they have an entitlement to a capital sum under a pension scheme, such as operates in the civil service, which makes them far wealthier than many people in the private sector whom they would regard as being much wealthier than they are. Too many of us are inclined to forget the value of such a provision. Another thing which I said before but which I would like to repeat is that when I refer to provisions in pension schemes which help to keep pace with inflation I am not referring solely to the civil service although perhaps their's is the most commonly known scheme. I am also referring to pension schemes which operate in relation to Members of this House and of the Seanad and to former members of the Government. Again I do not want any misunderstanding as to my attitude in this regard. I am not suggesting for a moment that such schemes should not exist. What I am suggesting is that under the wealth tax legislation those who have not got the benefit of such schemes should as far as possible be treated equally. Therefore I have produced amendment No. 14 and the following amendment.

Amendment No. 15 is designed to cover a case where there is a self-employed man with no provision for a pension scheme who wants to use, say, the value of his business when he retires by selling it, or the goodwill of his practice if he is a professional man, as the source from which he will obtain his pension on his retirement and it is endeavouring to equate the two. I have already pointed out that such a person in order to accumulate capital in terms of money or property is subjected to income tax in doing so. Under the terms of the Bill he will be subjected to wealth tax also if he accumulates such money or property as would yield a comparable or anything like a comparable pension as would be available to him in the public service.

It is also worth noting that a self-employed person with a business, or a professional man relying on the goodwill of his practice, would be liable to wealth tax as long as he holds on to the property or the goodwill or whatever it is, but on the sale of it, in order to produce a pension, it could well be subject to capital gains tax.

I would suggest that there is every case for this amendment and the following amendment, which we are discussing with it, every case for accepting the principle that as far as it can be done we ought to try to give equal consideration to those who have the benefit of what, in outline terms I am calling the civil service scheme of superannuation and to those who have not got it. These two amendments are designed to tackle that problem and to suggest a way in which it could be done.

As I said at the outset, I am not suggesting that either of the amendments covers all the possible difficulties that arise. I am aware of some of them myself which would arise from this but it is an attempt to tackle the problem and it is illustrating the way in which it could be done. I want to urge very strongly on the Minister that he should, if he cannot accept the amendment itself, accept the principle that is involved in it which I regard as very important and ensure that the Bill is amended to cover this principle. Any practical difficulties which would arise for the Minister in the sense of procedure in this House I can assure him can be overcome and he will get the fullest co-operation from this side of the House if that is the only problem with which he is faced dealing with this amendment.

The ideas behind these amendments are based on a combination of envy, vindictiveness and ignorance.

(Dublin Central): That is nonsense.

I am not attributing these motivations to Deputy Colley but I am satisfied, from the most vitriolic correspondence I have received on any aspect of the capital taxation legislation, that my charge is well founded. Some of the correspondence was most offensive, most insulting to public servants and most abusive of them. It contained allegations that they were deliberately drafting capital taxation legislation to give them benefits which would not be available to anybody else. Therefore, I must suspect the motives of people who have campaigned in this particular way.

No doubt Deputies opposite and others have seen spurious, vicious letters in the public newspapers of a similar kind alleging that the public officials of this country lacked integrity and were disposed to legislate to give themselves protection which is not given to others.

When we get an amendment we must, of course, look to the merits of the amendment and not look to the motivation of the people who may have argued in favour of such amendments. I propose to consider very carefully these amendments on their merits.

I may take it that what the Minister has said so far relates to critics outside this House and not inside it?

Yes, I am not accusing the Deputy of these things but I think there is ample evidence available outside the House to justify what I have said. Perhaps it is that people felt strongly and allowed themselves to be carried away and to make allegations which I know Deputy Colley would consider to be unworthy because he, like many other Members of this House, knows the tremendous integrity and unselfishness of our public servants who would not attempt to draft legislation to their own advantage.

May I interrupt the Minister?

This has nothing to do with the case put by members of the Opposition.

I am saying that the arguments which have been advanced have been of a nature that I have described. These amendments are not dealing with superannuation benefits. What is involved in both amendments is the deduction of underlying property whether actual or imputed in respect of a benefit, or annuity which does not exist.

Superannuation benefits in common with analogous benefits provided by private individuals for themselves are among many forms of property which are exempted by section 7 of the Bill which also excludes or exempts private dwelling houses and their contents, livestock, bloodstock, growing timber, artistic gardens and objects, certain securities and so on.

If one determines precisely what is involved in exempting superannuation benefits, one fundamental principle which underlines the whole subject of the Bill must be borne in mind. It is present rights and not future rights which are taxable, present rights, enjoyment of property, as opposed to having future rights to property only are to be liable to tax. Property to which a person is entitled in possession is the only property which is liable to tax. The principle is made clear in the first section of the Bill which deals with definitions. The result is that future interests in property do not come within the scope of the wealth tax. The tax is not concerned with future life interests, with reversions or remainders generally. Therefore, the right to enjoy a superannuation benefit in the future is not within the scope of the tax any more than the right to receive any other annuity or any other benefit in the future or any future life interest.

Reversions are included.

Not generally. It is necessary to spell this out, to make clear what the exemption in section 7 of superannuation schemes is all about. It exempts the present right of enjoyment of these schemes, for that is all the Bill makes liable. There would be no point in exempting property that is not made liable to the tax. The exemption, therefore, can narrow down the individuals to whom section 7 applies. In the same way it narrows down the individuals to whom Deputy Colley's amendments apply. They are persons over retiring age, normally 60 or 65, or persons who would be retired for reasons such as ill-health and who are in the wealth tax bracket. It does not apply to anybody who is not in the wealth tax bracket. It applies to those who are in the wealth tax bracket and who have, in addition to all the exempted property, £70,000 if single or £100,000 if married.

That would include most civil servants on retirement if you did not have this section, if you capitalised the value of the pension —would it not?

I do not think so. The next point to consider is what is involved in the exemption taxwise, what the value for tax of the benefit or annuity would be. Subsection (3) of the Bill provides the method of valuing all annuities which are not charged on specific property and this valuation would apply to pensions payable under a superannuation scheme. The value is arrived at by taking the current yield on the 11 per cent National Loan, 1993-1998 which was the then most recently issued Government security within the meaning of the Bill on 5th April, 1975. At that date the loan stood at 80 so that the current yield for the purpose of subsection (3) was 14 per cent. The value for tax, therefore, of the pension of £5,500 which Deputy Colley quoted on Committee Stage of the discussion of this matter would be around £40,000. This figure indicates that if the pensioner to whom he refers or, for that matter any other person with a similar annuity, were to be liable to wealth tax he would have to own in addition net taxable assets over £60,000, assets other than his dwelling house and contents and any other exempted property. On Committee Stage Deputy Colley applied a yardstick to that pension which, with respect, has no application to the Bill. As I understand his approach, he took the pension of £5,500 and estimated what it would be worth in ten years' time including an average inflation rate of 15 per cent per annum. He arrived at a pension of £22,000 per annum which he then valued at over £300,000. Although many exceptions could be raised to the methodology, there is no need for me to go into that.

What we are concerned with here is a Bill which states clearly what its intentions are, and with dealing with the provisions which are in this Bill and not with anything else. The case Deputy Colley builds up falls on two grounds. First, what we are dealing with is the present value of a pension enjoyed by a pensioner. We are not dealing with its value ten years or more from now. Secondly, his method of valuation under the Bill is incorrect. If I am right in my understanding of the Committee Stage of the debate in regard to the valuation of property, the Opposition's case is that all property was overvalued under the Bill, including limited interests and annuities. Yet, for the purpose of making his case Deputy Colley increases a valuation of a pension under the Bill, of £40,000, up to over £300,000, which is not a bad increase.

I have gone to some length to explain what is involved in exempting all superannuation schemes. Much of this was already gone into in great detail by my colleague, the Minister for Lands, on Committee Stage. I think there is now no room for any doubt about the matter. Bearing in mind that we are talking only about pensioners in actual receipt of pensions in these amendments, I would like to make some points. As I understand the proposal, the object would be to treat all wealth taxpayers in the pensioner age group as if they had been in the civil service all their lives and made all the contributions and fulfilled all the obligations necessary to qualify for a civil service pension. As they are proposed the amendments appear to be cumulative. They also leave many questions open.

I do not think there is any need for me to go into these points. I will just confine myself to the general proposition as I understand it. On that proposition several points arise. First, it is, perhaps, significant that there is no provision similar to that suggested to be found elsewhere as far as can be ascertained and writers on the subject have not advanced the idea. A book on wealth tax which runs to over 350 pages, published after this Bill was introduced and entitled An Annual Wealth Tax by Sandford, Willis and Ironside, has this to say about superannuation benefits:

The conclusion is that pensions and pension rights should be exempt as the British Green Paper proposes whether they arise under the national scheme, a statutory scheme or an approved private scheme. Similar exemption should be given in respect of the retirement annuities provided for themselves by self-employed persons and non-pensionable employees where the conditions for income tax relief are satisfied.

This is precisely what we are doing in the Bill. In one way or another all exemptions bring about some element of discrimination. An exemption means that you discriminate in favour of the person to whom the exemption is granted, and, perhaps, giving the exemption to one causes some sense of disappointment in another. It is human inclination to be dissatisfied as portrayed by Our Lord's parable of the labourer in the vineyard where people were content with what they were receiving until they saw that others were getting the same for doing less. A town dweller might think he should get a further exemption——

I should tell the Minister that statement is based on a misinterpretation of the parable. The key phrase is: "Is thine eye evil because I am generous?" and not as the Minister and I learned it: "Is thine eye evil because I am just?"

The Deputy may take either interpretation or both interpretations. Town dwellers may have a grievance that they do not enjoy exemptions similar to those enjoyed by rural dwellers. The tillage farmer may be annoyed that he does not receive an exemption that is given to a livestock farmer. Perhaps the people with the greatest grievance are the many thousands who will never reach the threshold at all. Therefore they are people for whom the exemptions are academic.

The amendments seem to find their justification in the fact that an individual in receipt of superannuation benefit is granted exemption from wealth tax in respect of such benefits. It is contended that as a result of this exemption very few such persons—and they are very few who would be in the wealth tax area— would be in a privileged position vis-á-vis those who enjoyed no such benefit. The amendments seek to provide exemption in respect of property which the wealth taxpayers in question do not possess. In that respect it is wholly illogical. If this principle has validity it would have to be applied to all other exemptions.

For reasons best known to himself a person might not have purchased a house, livestock or bloodstock but instead chose to utilise his assets with better effect in his view. That is common practice in other countries. Another person might not choose the full-time involvement, the way of life or the discipline of an employment of which the possible ultimate enjoyment of a superannuation benefit is part of the contract of service. This benefit is taken into account in many facets of such employment, including the salary scales and conditions generally. This decision might have been made for a variety of reasons such as the expectation of inheriting wealth, the present ownership of wealth, the intention of acquiring wealth otherwise. For whatever reasons the taxpayer finds himself in the wealth tax bracket why should he get an exemption for property which he has not got and of which he would not be possessed unless he had pursued an entirely different way of life? It would be just as logical to give a pensioner a productive asset allowance for property which he did not possess.

If the amendments were accepted they would present enormous administrative problems, added to the obvious necessity to ascertatin and evaluate capital would be the problem of ascertaining income of every person and every individual whose wealth would be aggregated with his. Over what period of time would the income be dealt with? As a corollary, should a person who has an annuity or benefits in excess of the civil service norm have his exemption reduced? Entitlement to a superannuation benefit earned over a period of 40 years which is not assignable and which ceases at the latest on the death of the widow is in no way comparable with possession of a sum of money which is actuarially equal to that benefit. The possession of capital which is readily disposable and may be transmitted inter vivos or on death is obviously superior to the possession of income which ceases. Some method would have to be found to take these varying factors into account. It must be clear that the amendments are not acceptable.

On Committee Stage the Minister for Lands pointed out that there was one sure way of removing the discrimination which they claimed that the exemption of superannuation benefits created. This could be done by deleting the exemption for all superannuation schemes without exception. They were told that if an amendment in this form was put forward it would be considered. But it was clear what would be involved in such a proposal.

It would, of course, be quite contrary to all that has been advocated. We are not trying to take anything away from those who have it. We are trying to give equal treatment to all.

The Deputy knows that very few pensioners would be affected by making superannuation benefits liable to the tax. Most of the campaign in relation to superannuation benefits has been of an envious and bitter kind which suggested that civil servants at large were people of such substantial wealth that they would get an advantage by the exemption of superannuation benefits which would not be available to others. As Deputy Colley admitted, he has not followed up that suggestion. That speaks for itself.

Of course the suggestion was from the Minister's side, not from this side.

We offered it to the Opposition for consideration. They obviously saw that it would be wrong. I applaud them for that. We considered it to be wrong too.

Totally out of consonance with what we are advocating.

That is one point on which we are in agreement. There is another option open to the Opposition if they want to take it up. We would not agree with it, but if they wanted to argue it, they could do so. It is that all future interests would be liable to wealth tax. I do not think the suggestion would find much support especially if Deputy Colley's method of valuation were to be applied to such interests.

We make no apology for exempting pensions in the hands of pensioners, either aged or in ill-health and irrespective of whether or not the pensions are privately arranged or are available in the public service. We are not alone in this approach. Every country in Europe which operates a wealth tax operates a system similar to the one we are proposing. The British Green Paper on Wealth Tax proposes to do likewise although it is apparently intended to charge all property there, whether present or future interests. Nonetheless, the British, in common with practice elsewhere, propose that superannuation benefits will not be liable to wealth tax. However, when we grant an exemption here, it is interpreted, and in many cases, maliciously in effect as creating a charge on those taxpayers who cannot avail of the exemption. This is a very odd line of thinking and it is creating a charge on those taxpayers who cannot avail of the exemption. It is a very odd line of thinking and if followed through could mean that no exemptions whatsoever should be granted. Then there would be no sense of grievance on the part of people who could not enjoy the exemption.

It seems to me that the Opposition in these amendments, and on many other occasions in these debates, regard an exemption on one taxpayer as a charge upon another. It is a strange approach to taxation and I suggest it is an invalid one. On this account I am unable to accept the amendments offered. The reasons I have given are very compelling. I hope that the nastiness and the bitterness some people have voiced about the Irish public service will now cease. I trust they will examine the merits of the exemption for superannuation benefits without assuming that the legislators are, as so many people have suggested, mere putty in the hands of their advisers. Nobody makes laws for the people of Ireland other than Parliament. It is not the parliamentary draftsman, or the officials in Departments; it is Parliament and Parliament has been fully seized in this matter. It has been explained at great length on Committee and Report Stages of this Bill. It has been also explained in public debates and in correspondence. Having regard to the good reasons which exist for exempting superannuation benefits, and that the rest of the world has found these reasons to be legitimate too, I suggest the time has come to bring this debate to an end and to accept the fairness of exemption of superannuation benefits without imputing unworthy motives to those who accept the validity of those arguments.

Debate adjourned.
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