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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 5 May 1976

Vol. 290 No. 5

Adjournment Debate. - “Garda Review” Editorial.

The main purpose of this debate is to establish the situation in regard to law and order. The people are entitled to be told what the real position is. It is hardly necessary for me to say that nothing but confusion exists at present. Crime is rampant. Each newspaper reports three or four robberies as well as incidents of violence and vandalism, all of which seem to be on the increase. People are genuinely terrified even in their own homes. There are many areas, particularly in the cities such as Dublin, Limerick and Cork, where elderly people live in dread in their homes. Much of the fear results from a Government decision of August last whereby financial restrictions were imposed by the Government on the Minister for Justice. The implementation of these restrictions has prevented the Garda Síochána from doing the work they should do. The Minister says there have been no cutbacks in overtime but this is not true. This afternoon we had a question to the Minister asking him whether he had noticed the editorial in the current issue of the Garda Review, the official organ of the Garda Representative Body. In this issue the editorial reads and I quote:

Perhaps for the first time, since the beginning of the present political disturbances in the country, there is now real public concern about crime and disorder. Much of the public discussion in parliament and in the media has centred on the question of Garda overtime cutbacks; the Minister for Justice has said that essential services are not affected, the Opposition spokesman, Mr. Collins, has disagreed, the media keep on recording the daily total of robberies, pillage and violence.

The public are entitled to some kind of explanation. The victims of the armed criminal are entitled to some reassurance. The working Garda himself is entitled to some basic guidelines; is serious crime any longer that serious? If it is, surely the force is entitled to the wherewithal to fight it.

Mr. Cooney is both right and wrong when he says that essential services have not been cut back. The working strength of the Garda Síochána is sufficient to hold the line against subversion and anarchy. The gunman cannot yet act with complete impunity. In that sense, the Minister for Justice is right. But he is wrong if he believes that the Garda Síochána cannot do better in the fight against crime than the events of recent weeks would suggest. We could and should do better.

We could and should do better if we get the manpower and the resources to get on with the job. Policing is a service, which, to be accomplished successfully must be all-pervasive in society....

This is a very long quotation.

Long quotations are not desirable.

I have recollections of members of this Government quoting extensively for hours from documents.

Not on an adjournment debate.

Mr. Collins

If I may not quote, I shall paraphrase.

The Deputy should make his own speech.

I can do that without any difficulty whatever.

Are there any statements relating to 1922 when the Deputy's crowd were doing the robbing?

The Garda Representative Body believe that if they had more gardai back on the beat, talking with people, finding out what was going on, they would be in a much better position to deal with criminals. They say in their editorial that they need detectives back on the ground who would be keeping track of criminals' movements, anticipating their moves instead of, as is the case now, acting after the event. This is what they believe to be the basics of efficient policing. This is how they believe they should fight crime. Without them they say the criminal will always have the initiative. They believe these basics have been largely abandoned in the interests of economy, not only in reducing overtime but also the simple numerical inadequacy of the Garda authorised strength.

The Garda Representative Body say the cutbacks exist. In the course of an interview on 10th March last, the Minister stated that there had not been a cut back in Garda overtime but that its rate of growth had merely been restricted. The Minister knows— indeed, we read in the public Press— that the Garda Representative Body failed to understand how the Minister could make that statement denying a cutback in Garda overtime when he, as Minister, should know better from the facts which should be at his disposal. The Garda themselves are adamant that the cutback exists. They say it is serious and sustained. They further say it already has had a serious effect on the level and quality of the service given by the Garda to the public.

The Garda themselves say the cutback is responsible for a grave diminution of Garda presence on the streets. They say it is responsible for the widespread grounding of Garda patrol cars, leaving the public unprotected in sensitive times. They further say the cutback exposes members of the Force to unnecessary danger and leaves the public unprotected in sensitive areas at sensitive times. It exposes members of the Force to unnecessary danger because of the lack of back-up services. I understand that when the Minister met representatives of the Garda in September last he agreed there was a cutback. On that occasion I understand the Minister told members of the Garda Representative Body that the scale of overtime was such as to make it impossible for him to argue with his colleagues in Government that there could not be a cutback in the light of the serious state of the economy.

If that is true—and I have no reason to doubt it—it is an open admission on the part of the Minister that he failed at Government level to convince his colleagues that the protection of people and their property was of prime importance. Other Ministers and other Departments have been able to get large sums of money, in the case of the Office of Public Works for the preservation of ancient monuments and old castles, and in the case of the Department of Defence to purchase a half a dozen or a dozen new small aircraft from Italy. If these demands were given priority by the Government over the demands of the Minister for Justice for money to protect people and their property, one can only conclude that the Minister for Justice was not able to make the case at Government level for more money for such important work.

It is now acknowledged by the Garda that the cutback has been felt by virtually every section of the force. I understand the Garda have protested to the Commissioner and to the Minister about the serious effect it is having on the Garda service to the public. We know that, prior to the introduction of the cutback, Garda Patrol cars were kept on the road even when it was necessary to employ men on overtime to crew them. We know a system of beat tolerance in Dublin and certain other areas ensured a minimum level of street patrolling and emergency duties were available. It is a fact—and I do not think the Minister can deny this— that, immediately after the introduction of the cutback, Garda cars were grounded, beat tolerance was discontinued, back-up services were cut back and directions were issued changing previous policy towards the employment of Garda on overtime in the investigation of crime.

These are the views of the Garda Representative Body. If these views are held by such a responsible body of people, something is radically wrong. The effect of the Minister's cutback was that a strict system of financial control was introduced which made certain that the cutback was deep and effective. The Garda Representative Body hold the view that the cutback has been implemented for its own sake without due regard to its effect either on the crime rate or on the morale of the Garda who see duties which were previously regarded as essential now disregarded. This is extremely important.

During Question Time I mentioned to the Minister that the morale of the Garda was affected as a result of the cutbacks. The Minister replied that I was wrong. If he wants to, he can tell the Garda Representative Body tonight that they are wrong. The Minister knows this is the view held by this responsible body. They are worried about the effect the cutback might have on the safety of members of the force particularly those on duty in Border areas. I understand the Garda are now carrying out duties at night close to the Border in circumstances in which prior to the cutback they would not have been asked to carry them out on their own. If this is so, the situation is very bad indeed. Recently in this House, on an occasion similar to this, the Minister could not deny that, when we had the bomb explosion in Castleblaney, there was no member of the Garda on patrol in that town on that day between the hours of 12 or 1 o'clock and 6 o'clock in the evening. That is in a town four or five miles from the Border. The Minister can say, as he did today, that the Estimate for his Department is approaching £60 million. I know he will say the force has been increased by about 30 per cent since 1971.

Anything wrong with that?

The demands on the Garda are far greater now than ever before. Ordinary people going about their ordinary business, shopkeepers, garage men, and so on, are entitled to police protection. They are entitled to the comforting feeling that the local garda is on the beat. The Minister, who has most generous resources at his disposal, must ensure that normal policing is something which can be seen. The question is being asked: are the resources which are most generous being dissipated and wasted on spectacular propaganda show pieces like the Stagg funeral which we heard yesterday cost well over £100,000?

People in Dublin will not thank the Deputy for that remark.

The views I am expressing are not just my views but the views of the Garda Representative Body. If Deputy Esmonde wants to get involved in a discussion like this, he knows how he can do it. The Garda hold the view that they could do a much better job and could be far more effective if they were allowed to do their work. Recently in the city of Limerick we had a petition signed by 5,000 people asking for more policing in the city, and I heard that 10 extra gardaí had been allocated.

I had a letter from the reverend gentleman who organised the petition thanking me for that.

He had to write to the Minister the second time because the Minister ignored the first letter. I think he ignored the second letter as well. If he is serious and honest, the Minister cannot be satisfied that everything is as it should be. In recent times we had a train carrying a large amount of money——

The Deputy should not refer to matters which he knows are sub judice.

The Chair will remember that we had a question and answer on that train robbery.

This is a different situation.

The Deputy has now gone off his script and is a bit lost.

With respect, would the Deputy go to the bar and stay in the bar?

If there is an implication in that, it is unworthy of the Deputy.

No implication in the world.

I am afraid there is and it is inaccurate in regard to the Deputy against whom it was thrown.

If Deputy Desmond wishes to try to divert me from what I am saying or tries to be funny he should realise what he is letting himself in for.

Would the Deputy please get my name right? It is not Desmond. It happens to be Esmonde.

I have three minutes left and I will give them to Deputy Leonard.

The Minister was asked a simple question, if he would make a statement on the demand for more men on the beat. It was prompted by a report from the Garda Representative Body, but the Minister refused to answer that simple question. In the House, in by-elections and during the last general election, the Coalition laid great claims to being a law and order Government. I heard them promising that all the necessary steps would be taken to give the people the protection they are entitled to. The fact is that we have been experiencing a wave of lawlessness the like of which the country has never experienced. We have a situation at present when the movement of money or valuable goods in the normal course has become difficult and hazardous. It has become so difficult that it must be having a serious effect on the business life of the country.

We are satisfied that the Garda are making genuine efforts to handle this problem, but we must say that most of the problem is due to the handling of the Garda overtime issue. The Government chopped at overtime without proper consideration of the ill effects involved. The Minister has stated frequently that cutting overtime would have no effect on security but we cannot accept this because events since the curtailment of overtime have shown how wrong it is. The hours of duty cannot be reduced without reducing the level of cover.

I come from an area that has suffered greatly. The people there are very disturbed at the level of security provided. After the recent outrage in Castleblaney it was found there had been no foot patrol in the town when it occurred. The Minister accepted then that it should not have happened. I now ask him to explain what he has done since to ensure that it will not happen again and that those areas will get proper cover from foot patrols.

It is a pity that a debate on a subject as important as this has to be taken in this fashion which provides only a limited amount of time. The subject of law and order is entitled to a comprehensive debate. It is six years practically to the day since we last had an opportunity in the House of having a comprehensive debate on the subject of law and order, giving full consideration to all the implications of that subject. I appreciate that Deputy Collins sought to raise it by way of Private Members' Motion but it was ruled out of order because it transgressed the sub judice rule. It surprises me that with his well known ingenuity Deputy Collins was not able to draft a motion that would have enabled the debate to take place without transgressing the sub judice rule, and I begin to wonder does it suit Deputy Collins better that such a debate should take place in such a confined time as is permitted on the Adjournment lest the debate would widen to the scope which this subject deserves.

I want to set the record straight on a couple of matters involving what was said in the debate so far and at Question Time today which might bring with them undue public alarm and uneasiness or might give the impression in this country or further afield that law and order have broken down and that this is a nation where lawlessness is the order of the day. Nothing could be further from the truth. There was an unfortunate rash of robberies some weeks ago but I am precluded, happily, from commenting on them because the vast majority are sub judice. They are sub judice because we have an active, intelligent, dedicated, loyal police force whose morale is of the highest. If the position were as Deputy Collins wants to present it to the House, of a dispirited force with no morale, the position which prevents us debating these matters could not have arisen. That fact speaks for itself, and in my journeys throughout the country that fact has been noted by the people with whom I have come in contact to their satisfaction and their peace of mind.

It is erroneous and fallacious to try to relate the crime rate to the amount of money being spent. There is no mathematical relationship between the number of police and the number of crimes committed and it is fallacious to say that is so. Therefore, it is erroneous to say that a restriction in the growth of overtime—words are important here: there was not a cut back but a restriction in the growth of over-time—was the cause of the spate of armed robberies which we have experienced.

Who can say on the other hand that if there had been unlimited overtime those robberies would not have occurred? There are explanations other than the amount of overtime being made available to the Garda and I will come to that subject in a moment. I would remind the House that when the decision was taken by me last August with regard to overtime, it was then running at a rate which if it had continued unchecked would have exceeded £10 million for the calendar year 1975. In a force of over 8,000 men this would have meant average overtime payments of £1,100 to £1,200 per member. Bearing in mind that a great number of gardaí are on duties which do not attract any overtime, this would clearly mean very large payments to some members. This was a cause of worry not only to me but to the Garda authorities themselves. It was also a source of worry for many members in the other ranks of the Garda and their representative body. This type of payment was not to be desired in the sense that it would be preferable to have such a payment made by way of ordinary pay rather than putting it in the overtime bracket, because the latter can bring an expectation of a continuation when, of its nature, it is only temporary.

That was the rate at which overtime pay was running and it was because it was running at what I considered to be an excessive rate that I decided, not by reason of any financial constraint, to impose a check. I want to make it clear to the House, and the budgetary figure confirms this, that where money is required for the maintenance of law and order, it will be and has been made available. There is no question of budgetary constraint or of my not being able to get the money I want. It was a deliberate policy decision taken by me that the continued growth had to be checked but, as I said at the time, this was a decision that was not taken in isolation. It had to be taken in perspective and the perspective and the part of the perspective was a planned management survey of the Garda to ensure the most efficient and economic deployment of the men.

That survey is under way and I hope to have the consultants' report towards the end of the summer. When the report is to hand and the result of the scientific assessment is available, further decisions can be made with regard to the future size and deployment of the force. Should the arguments and conclusions be in favour of an increase in the Garda that increase will be provided. Should the conclusions be in favour of redeployment that will be done. Deputies opposite and the country can be assured that, whatever financial implications will arise out of implementing the findings of that report, these financial implications will be met and gladly met.

I might now mention some global figures. The figure for the Garda Síochána Vote this year is £57,837,000; including two Supplementary Estimates and covering the overtime last year the figure was £52,500,000. As I made clear, the restriction on the growth of overtime does not apply to expenditure in the security area. I must say I was quite shocked and horrified when Deputy Collins criticised the action of the Government in what it did to prevent a propaganda exercise being carried out by the Provisional IRA on the occasion of the burial of the late Francis Stagg. Deputy Collins's words were that this was a spectacular propaganda showpiece. It was nothing of the sort. It was an important exercise in maintaining law and order, a subject upon which he expresses concern. It was an important exercise in asserting the will of this Parliament and showing that this nation was not going to be used by any subversive organisation for a propaganda exercise and the action of the Government had the complete support not merely of the gardaí themselves but of the entire community. I have no doubt about that. I was very heartened by the response I got from individual members of the Garda Síochána who expressed complete satisfaction with what had been done. To say in the context of this debate that that was a waste of money shows a gross misunderstanding of the realities of law and order. I reject Deputy Collins' suggestion that there had been a breakdown or a loss. Nothing could be further from the truth.

There was, as I said, a rash of particularly worrying robberies some weeks ago but it is fallacious to say those robberies can be attributed to the strength of the Garda Síochána or to any loss of overtime. If the Garda were trebled in number who is to say such incidents would not have taken place? The important thing is—again I must emphasise this —that we cannot debate these in detail now because they are now sub judice. That is the important thing and it is because of that that Garda morale is high and that the people are reassured their security is in good hands.

We are here suffering from a spill over of troubles in another part of the island. The gun was introduced into this island by the formation of the Provisionals, and I have to recall regretfully, but we might as well call a spade a spade, that a Member of this House has claimed some responsibility in the formation of that evil organisation and he has implicated people who were then colleagues of his, some of whom are still in this House and are on the front benches opposite me—I exclude the present occupants—but the cult of the gun, which that vile organisation has brought to this island, has been largely responsible for the troubles from which we are suffering, largely responsible for the incidents which have caused worry to Deputies opposite, to me and to the population in general.

I want to assure the population in general and Deputies opposite that, as far as this Government are concerned, the cult of the gun will be kept in control and will be finally eliminated and people need have no worry about their personal safety and the members of the Garda Síochána need have no worry about the well-being of their force. I am concerned about the well-being of the force because I am conscious of the tradition my party has in relation to the setting up of that force and to the initial policy decision taken that it be an unarmed civil power. I am anxious to preserve it in its high place in our society and to ensure that it will always be an efficient force of high morale and, whatever money will be needed to maintain that and whatever extra men may be needed, when we have the report of this scientific assessment that is being made of the Garda Síochána, that money will be provided and provided willingly.

The Dáil adjourned at 9.15 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 6th May, 1976.

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