Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 17 Nov 1976

Vol. 294 No. 2

Criminal Justice (Verdicts) Bill, 1976: Committee and Final Stages.

Question proposed: "That section 1 stand part of the Bill."

We have already discussed section 1 when we were discussing the Bill on Second Stage because, in effect, there is only one section in this Bill. The section sets out to cure the position that arose following the decision of the Court of Criminal Appeal in the Rice case, when the court held that alternative verdicts were not open to be found by a non-jury court. In order to avoid the necessity for excessive pleadings in non-jury courts it was felt that they should be put on the same footing as jury courts with the right to bring in alternative verdicts. The courts in question are the Special Criminal Court and the District Court. The section also deals with the position in the Special Criminal Court where there is a plea of unfitness to plead and it also enables the court to give a verdict of guilty but insane. Paragraph (a) of subsection (1) deals with the Special Criminal Court and paragraph (b) is so drafted as to take into account the position of the District Court. We felt it necessary to include the District Court because it is a non-jury court and up to now it was assumed, as it was assumed with the Special Court, that it had power to make alternative findings. However, the decision in the Rice case changed that position.

There has been no decision with regard to the District Court specifically. It is quite clear that the finding in the Rice case would apply to the District Court and the position there has to be accounted for also in the Bill. For example, if there were a finding of larceny on a charge of housebreaking when only housebreaking was alleged, certainly that could be set aside by virtue of the decision in the Rice case. Consequently, the Bill is necessary to cure the position in the District Court as well as in the Special Court.

The argument was made on Second Stage that this was giving extra jurisdiction to the Special Court, something that was not intended when the courts were originally envisaged in 1939 in the Offences Against the State Act. As I pointed out in my reply on Second Stage, the answer to that is that the debates in 1939 do not give any substance whatever to the point that the courts were intended to have only very specific jurisdiction. It was intended that they would have all the jurisdiction of the ordinary criminal courts, the only difference being that they would not have juries. This was for the regrettable reason that juries were sometimes liable to be intimidated with regard to a particular type of criminal engaged in subversive activities.

It was always assumed, as it was assumed in the case of the District Court also, that the court had power to make alternative findings, the practice of making alternative findings being a practice in frequent use and of very long standing. It did not originate with any statute; it was there from the common law itself. The argument that in some way this gives extra powers to the Special Court that were not originally intended is not an argument that stands up. The intention was that the Special Criminal Court would have all the powers of the ordinary criminal courts. It would be exactly the same in the mode of operation and in the procedures of evidential proof required, the one exception being the absence of juries. This is regrettably necessary because of the danger of intimidation.

On examining the Bill one must come to the conclusion that it is not a Bill that can be amended as it comprises one net point dealing with the jurisdiction of the Special Court. During the course of the debate on Second Stage we expressed our unhappiness with the way the Minister introduced the Bill. He tried to describe it as a mere procedure Bill. We made our views well known at that time.

The Bill is with us now as a result of the case of Rice v the DPP of last November. This showed up a loophole in the legislation and six months afterwards the Minister came to this House with the Bill. At the time we were told there was an immediate urgency in having the Bill passed and having the loopholes blocked. This urgency, whether expressed by the Minister personally or more correctly expressed by that fantastic source, "the official Government spokesman", to correspondents of the House before the introduction of the Bill——

If the Deputy is making allegations he should be more specific.

If the Minister was listening he would readily understand what I was saying. I do not think the Minister even heard what I was getting at.

If the Minister would like me to repeat what I said there is no great problem there.

I do not think the Deputy should repeat an inaccuracy.

Although the Minister may not like to admit it now, there was a certificate of urgency stamped on the introduction of the Bill. The impression was conveyed that it was urgently required to close the loophole which appeared as a result of the Rice case. I am pointing out that the Bill was introduced in April, approximately six months after the Rice case, and we are now back on Committee Stage approximately six months later.

The Bill is not one that can be amended because it comprises one net point dealing with the jurisdiction of the Special Court. During the course of the debate on Second Stage I expressed certain fears and worries, one in particular dealing with the powers in the Bill. It appeared that there were powers that would allow a situation to arise whereby the Minister for Defence, Deputy Donegan, could have three Army officers on a court that could decide a person was unfit to plead. If I am reading something into the Bill that is not there perhaps the Minister will correct me. It appears to me that a person could be brought before a court comprised of three Army officers who might not have any legal training. Under this Bill they could come to a decision that a person was unfit to plead and that person could be held until such time as they thought he was fit to plead. Perhaps the Minister would like to comment on that point for me? If I am wrong I would like to be corrected.

The Special Court as presently constituted is composed of judges. As I have pointed out, it has all the powers of the ordinary criminal courts—it is a criminal court. There is provision in the Offences Against the State Act, 1939, for which I was not responsible, which permits the replacement of judges by Army officers in the event of the situation demanding it. It would be a very extreme situation should that eventuality arise. Nevertheless that eventuality was anticipated in 1939 and it came to pass a number of years ago when the Special Court was composed of Army officers.

The personnel comprising the court have nothing to do with its jurisdiction. That jurisdiction comes from the 1939 Act. The intention of that Act was to give it all the powers of the ordinary criminal courts and the personnel comprising it is an incidental matter not related to the jurisdiction of the court but to the exigencies of the time in which it might happen to be sitting. The exigencies are those relating to security and the incidence of terrorism then prevailing in the State.

The position is that the Special Criminal Court at the moment is comprised of judges and hopefully it will continue to be comprised of judges of our ordinary courts. However, there is provision under the 1939 Act for the Special Court to be composed of Army officers. Should that eventuality arise they would have the same jurisdiction as judges—full jurisdiction throughout the full ambit of the criminal law. By virtue of this amending Bill they would also have power to make a finding of "guilty but insane" or power to find "unfit to plead by virtue of insanity". That is part of the normal procedure of any criminal court and there is nothing significant or sinister in it. It is part of the normal jurisdiction of a criminal court which is what the Special Criminal Court is.

I wish to thank the Minister for his contribution and ask him further if, under the 1939 Act, a court comprised of three army officers would have the power to decide that a person was unfit to plead and that the person they decided was unfit to plead could be held at their pleasure. Was that power given to army officers under the 1939 Act?

It is incorrect to say that any person would be held at the pleasure of the court. If there is a finding of unfit to plead a person is detained until he becomes fit to plead. The position in 1939 was that it was intended to give full criminal jurisdiction and the full powers of an ordinary criminal court to the Special Court. It has been assumed since 1939 that the Special Court had such powers until the Rice case, which decided that the court did not have the powers to make a finding of alternative verdicts. The ratio decidendi in the Rice case was based on the fact that, because there was an absence of juries in the Special Court and the right to bring in alternative verdicts was always related to the presence of a jury, therefore the presence of a jury was necessary before there could be alternative verdicts. Therefore, in the absence of a jury, alternative verdicts could not be brought in.

As a corollary to that, the matters of unfitness to plead, and guilty but insane are, in the statutes concerned, provided for by reference to findings by a jury. Therefore, it would be a logical extension of the decision in the Rice case to assume there would be a gap in this regard also with regard to the Special Criminal Court which would have to be cured by legislation. The position is that, irrespective of whom the court is comprised, if the persons comprising the court have full criminal jurisdiction and there is a plea before them that the defendant is unfit to plead, they will have to decide on the evidence before them whether or not the plea is justified and, if justified, then arrange for the detention of the person until he becomes fit to plead. This is the normal procedure in our criminal courts. If we did not have this measure in this Bill, the position would be that the court would be unable to make such a finding and would have to give a discharge.

Again, I thank the Minister for his contribution and clarification. However, I hope the Minister will bear with me when I ask if, under the 1939 Act, a court comprised of three army officers had the power to say that a person was unfit to plead and that that person could be held until he was fit to plead.

It was assumed under the 1939 Act that the Special Court did have such power. But it would appear from the Rice case that that assumption was ill-founded. It is to cure that wrong assumption that this Bill is before the House.

I thought that the primary purpose of the Bill—which we know is here because of the Rice case—was to ensure that a person could be charged with a lesser charge, as it were. Perhaps I misinterpreted the Minister last April and what he said since then but I thought that the prime motivation of the Minister and his Department in introducing this Bill was to see to it that in regard to a person charged with an offence—if that were not proved—the court could find for a lesser offence. I did not think—or perhaps it is just now it is coming to light —that the reason just given by the Minister was the main one for introducing the Bill. The Minister says he believes that under the 1939 Act it was assumed that Army officers did have power to hold a person until that person was fit to plead. During the course of the Second Stage debate on this Bill I argued the case that that in itself would possibly lead to the establishment of a Special Court as a sort of feature because if a person was held to be unfit to plead, then the court would have to be there to decide when that person was fit to plead.

This is a very serious matter and is causing me and my party worry. It is a method used in eastern European countries. It is a method used for disposing of politically undesirable elements in the eyes of those who may be in government. I am not going to say that the Minister for Defence, for his next trick, is going to set up a court of three Army officers and decide to get rid of this side of the House in that fashion. But the Minister can see that it is a very serious situation and one that certainly causes disquiet.

These points were made in the course of the Second Stage debate and were dealt with by me in my reply. It may be necessary, to put the record straight and to avoid confusion, to recall what we are at. The 1939 Act which set up the Special Criminal Court intended that it would be an ordinary criminal court with the one exception, that it would not have a jury, for the very good reason I have already stated, that jurors have been intimidated, but that it would have the full powers of the ordinary criminal courts. The ordinary powers of the criminal courts permit them to bring in alternative findings. That is—if, for example a person was charged with murder, the court may find manslaughter. It is not necessary for the prosecution to specifically allege manslaughter as well; the lesser offence is encompassed in the greater and the court may bring in the alternative finding. This has been a common practice and feature of criminal courts since they came into being. It is something that arose in common law and is also being followed in statute law.

In addition, ordinary criminal courts are entitled to find in particular cases that a person is unfit to plead, if the allegation to that effect is made on his behalf, and may order him to be detained until he becomes fit to plead. On the other hand, courts may find that a person is fit to plead but at the time he committed the offence was insane and they can bring in a finding of guilty but insane. These were common powers exercised by the criminal courts from time to time over the years. The intention was that the Special Criminal Court would have all these powers.

I apologise for interrupting the Minister. Perhaps the Minister could cover in his reply now in what circumstances or when a Minister would envisage that a court comprised of three Army officers might be set up and how it would be set up.

If the Deputy will allow me to continue my train of thought, I will deal with that. The 1939 Act set up the Special Criminal Court giving it the power of the ordinary criminal courts in relation to terrorist type crimes, the intention being that it would act in exactly the same manner as the ordinary criminal courts. As regards its jurisdiction— and I want to separate its personnel from its jurisdiction—it had the full criminal law jurisdiction of the State. On the question of the personnel in the court, there was power to have the court comprised either of judges from the ordinary courts or—speaking from recollection; I have not the 1939 Act before me—Army officers. The nature of the personnel comprising the court had no effect on its jurisdiction. The same jurisdiction would be exercised by the court irrespective of who composed it. Therefore, any jurisdiction that the Special Criminal Court had could be exercised by the persons comprising it, whether they be judges or Army officers. That is the position in law. It is important not to confuse jurisdiction with personnel. The Act setting up the court did not make any distinction in that regard; it did not say that when the court was composed of Army officers it shall only have so much jurisdiction or that when it is composed of judges it shall only have so much jurisdiction. The legislature of 1939 made no such distinction. The jurisdiction is exercisable by the court irrespective of whom it is composed of. Section 39 of the 1939 Act permits the court to be composed of judges or of officers of the Defence Forces. As I say, who composes the court at any particular time has nothing whatever to do with the jurisdiction of the court. That is something separate, and the powers of the court something separate. They have exactly the same powers irrespective of who composes the court at any particular time.

It was intended that the Special Criminal Court would have the ordinary jurisdiction of the ordinary criminal courts. Throughout the years it has acted as if it had such jurisdiction and the matter had never been called into question. Last year, however, one particular matter was called into question. On a charge of robbery, the court found a verdict of assault with intent to rob, which was a lesser offence than the actual offence charged. An appeal was taken by the defence against that on the grounds that the court was not entitled to bring in this alternative verdict because such entitlement only applied to courts sitting with a jury. The Court of Criminal Appeal upheld that contention. Therefore something which we had always assumed, that the full criminal jurisdiction applied to the Special Criminal Court, was not there in this regard and it had to be cured.

This Bill sets out to cure that. The prime motivation—I make no apology for this—for introducing this amending legislation was to enable the Special Criminal Court to bring in alternative findings. In our analysis of the position arising from the Rice case it became quite clear that the same situation existed in the other area where the presence of a jury was referred to in the ordinary corpus of the law, that is in respect of a finding of guilty but insane or a finding of unfit to plead. The law with regard to both of those matters is set out in the two Acts quoted in subsection (3), which refers to findings by a jury and to a jury being empanelled. The references are to a jury. The provisions are on all fours with the provisions relied on by the Special Criminal Court when it made its finding in the Rice case.

It was quite clear on a preliminary analysis of the position that, if there came a case before the Special Criminal Court, where it found itself constrained to make a finding of guilty but insane that finding would be set aside by virtue of the reasoning in the Rice case. There is no doubt about that and the person concerned would be acquitted. Likewise, if the court, as a preliminary matter, made a finding that the defendant was unfit to plead, that also, following the reasoning in the Rice case, would be set aside. There would be no acquittal there because there would be no verdict. What would happen is that the particular person unfit to plead would be released into the community. There would be no question of his detention until he became fit to plead.

It was quite clear on the analysis made, consequent on the Rice case, that not merely would the position with regard to alternative verdicts have to be covered but we would have to go further and cover the position with regard to findings of guilty but insane or findings of unfitness to plead, because both of those in the ordinary corpus of the law only arise following jury decisions. If the absence of a jury was a defect in respect of alternative verdicts so also would it be a defect in respect of issue of insanity. That is why the amending legislation was extended to cover more than just the net point of the Rice case. It was amended to cover this further point that would inevitably at some stage arise in the operation of the Special Court.

Deputy Collins raised a further point. Suppose, for example, following the passing of this legislation, the Special Court makes a finding of unfit to plead. The normal procedure is that a person is detained until found fit to plead. Deputy Collins was worried as to where, if in the meantime the Special Court became disestablished, that person would be brought when he became fit to plead? As I indicated in reply to the Second Stage debate, at column 549 of the Official Report of 4th May:

If the Special Court should be disestablished, such a person would then, if his condition improved so that he was fit to stand trial, be brought before the ordinary courts.

He would probably at that stage have to be brought before the District Court because the offence would probably be an indictable offence and the preliminary hearing would have to be gone through. We have to remember that the Special Court is part of our courts. It is special in the sense that there is no jury but it is a criminal court like the other criminal courts. The fact that it is disestablished does not mean that the criminal courts are gone and there is no venue to bring a person found unfit to plead back for trial. That person, obviously, would come back before the criminal courts of the land. If the particular court that found him unfit to plead and ordered him to be detained was not there he would be brought to the appropriate criminal court. It is really straining imagination, language and debate to suggest that in these provisions there was a hidden procedure for some sort of a Star Chamber business whereby the entire Opposition could be found unfit to plead and incarcerated indefinitely. It is making a debating point in such an exaggerated way that it is ludicrous.

I am sure the Minister appreciates that I did not allude to the Minister for Justice but to the Minister for Defence.

If the Deputy wants to make that sort of debating point he may.

Am I right in what I heard during the course of the Minister's reply, that if a person is unfit to plead then that person is released into the community?

No. I said if we did not have the amendment proposed in the Bill a person found by the Special Criminal Court to be unfit to plead could seek, through his defenders, to have that set aside on the grounds that such a finding could only be made by a jury and following the reasoning in the Rice case, the Court of Criminal Appeal would have to say "Yes, that can only be made by a jury. The Special Court was not entitled to make it. Off you go".

Question put and agreed to.
Section 2 agreed to.
Title agreed to.
Bill received for final consideration and passed.
Top
Share