I move:
That Dáil Éireann, in accordance with established precedents since the entry of Ireland into the European
Communities, approves the nominations of five members of the party or parties comprising the Government and five members of the party or parties comprising the Opposition, to be the delegates to the Assembly of the European Communities, pending the holding of Direct Elections to that body.
Firstly, as is proper, I should like to thank the Taoiseach for responding to a request made by me last week to let us know the Government's intention with regard to the representation in the European Parliament. The Taoiseach was courteous enough to inform me by letter that it was the intention of the Fianna Fáil Party, by virtue of their strength in this House, to take six of the ten allocated seats. That is the reason why I have submitted this motion to be debated by the House. For the purpose of this debate it is desirable to look at the history of our membership of the EEC. The Labour Party were the only party in this House who during the EEC referendum campaign opposed our entry. In doing so we fulfilled, in my view, an extremely valuable service to the country and to democracy. In the course of that campaign we pointed out some of the undesirable aspects of entry into the EEC which the Fianna Fáil Party brushed aside but, unfortunately, many of the things we predicted then have come true, particularly with regard to the effect of entry on our industries and on prices.
However, this party fully accepted the results of the referendum. Without reservation we accepted the verdict of the people and since that referendum we have played a full and active role in the EEC at various levels. We have played a constructive and worth-while role as far as Ireland's interests are concerned. The reason behind the claim by Fianna Fáil to six of the ten seats is based on the fact that they have an overwhelming majority in this House. There is no doubt that by force of lobby fodder they can claim those six seats. By virtue of their majority of 20 in this House they can ensure that their wishes are met in this respect but that is not the issue here. The issue is whether or not it is fair, it is just and in the best interests of Ireland that our representation should be as they insist. Surely they are the major considerations and the ones that Fianna Fáil should be taking into account, giving more thought to and giving more attention to rather than the Taoiseach, with a large number of hungry back benchers and anxious to give out as many positions as possible, taking six of the ten seats in the European Parliament.
In his anxiety to meet the pressures on him in this respect the Taoiseach has failed to take into consideration the important points I mentioned in the interests of justice, democracy, fair play and in the interests of the country as a whole. We find it somewhat strange that the claim to these seats is based on representation in the Oireachtas. If one looks at the representation over the years since we became a member of the European Community and the percentage of the total representation in the Houses of the Oireachtas one finds a picture that can by no stretch of the imagiantion justify a claim to the six seats by the Taoiseach on behalf of the Fianna Fáil Party. We entered the EEC in January, 1973, and the seats were allocated on the basis of party representation here. The percentage representation of the Labour Party at that time was 10 per cent. In fact, between the Dáil and Seanad, we had 21 members who were members of the Parliamentary Labour Party. At present 24 Members of the House of the Oireachtas are members of the Parliamentary Labour Party. Therefore, by some extraordinary attempt at mathematical gerrymandering we find that while we have 24 Members in the Houses of the Oireachtas our representation in the European Parliament is being cut by 50 per cent, from two members to one. I cannot understand the calculations that led to that situation or how anybody can justify a proposal of that nature.
To illustrate my point a little more and to point out the fair and equitable way our representation in the European Parliament has been considered by successive Governments I should like to quote a few statistics even though I realise that statistics and percentages are boring and difficult to grasp. When the first group went to the European Parliament from Ireland in January, 1973, Fianna Fáil, who had 50 per cent of the seats here, were given 50 per cent of the European Parliament representation while Fine Gael, who had 33 per cent of the seats, received 30 per cent representations in Europe. The Labour Party, with 10 per cent of the seats here, got 20 per cent of the representation in Europe. The second group from Ireland also went in 1973 because of the general election in February of that year. There was a change of Government, Fianna Fáil went out and the National Coalition came in. As a result of the change the percentages were as follows: Fianna Fáil, with 43 per cent of the representation in the Houses of the Oireachtas, were left with 50 per cent of the representation in the European Parliament; Fine Gael, with 39 per cent in the Houses of the Oireachtas, were left with 30 per cent representation in Europe while the Labour Party, who had increased their representation to 14 per cent, were left with 20 per cent of the representation in Europe, two seats.
Between the election in February, 1973 and the dissolution of this House earlier this year, as a result of by-elections held for both Houses of the Oireachtas Fianna Fáil representation had dropped to 40 per cent and the representation of the Labour Party had risen to 17 per cent. No one suggested that because there had been this drop of 10 per cent in the representation of Fianna Fáil in this House it would be fair or just or in the best interests of Ireland that a mathematical gerrymander should shift another seat from Fianna Fáil. The precedent had been established that the Government side, irrespective of who was in Government, whether one party or a combination of parties, would have half of the representation in the European Parliament, pending direct elections, and the other side of the House, whether one or two parties comprised the Opposition, would have half of the representation. That precedent was established and maintained by Fianna Fáil and maintained by the previous Government, despite the very sharp drop in Fianna Fáil representation in the Oireachtas between 1973 and 1977.
Fianna Fáil now hold 54 per cent of the seats in both Houses. Their representation in the Dáil is approximately 51 per cent of the vote. They have a huge majority because of the way things worked out but their vote in this House is not in accordance with their claim to the European Parliament. If one looks, as they do in the European Parliament, at their percentage in both Houses one sees that it now stands at 54 per cent and they wish to claim six seats, 60 per cent. If one wants to round up the figures one way or the other, they are a lot nearer 50 per cent than 60 per cent. To show just how well the principle of the precedent was maintained, when the previous Government went out of office the total representation between Fine Gael and the Labour Party was 56 per cent. We had 2 per cent more than Fianna Fáil now have and we did not at any time suggest or even discuss taking a seat away from Fianna Fáil.
This proposal by the Taoiseach on behalf of Fianna Fáil is undoubtedly inspired by only one factor, the pressures upon the Taoiseach to feed the hungry backbenchers. We have a Bill going through the House which will create Ministers of State. I have no argument with that; an increase at that level is necessary and desirable in the interests of the country. It has renewed pressures on the Taoiseach from the hungry backbenchers, that huge majority which he had publicly acknowledged is too big. It is too big from his point of view because it increases the pressures upon him and the result of those pressures is this totally unfair and unjust attempt to deprive the Labour Party of their proper representation in the European Parliament.
If one looks from the national point of view at the composition of the European Parliament, one realises that it is composed of various political groupings who, according to their size, exercise influence upon the decisions of that Parliament. The biggest and most effective political grouping is unquestionably the socialist group. The Labour Party is the only party which has access to that group and is entitled to be a member and to be heard. This matter affects not only the Labour Party. In order to fend off pressures for appointments by some of his backbenchers, the Taoiseach is acting directly against the best interests of Ireland on very serious issues affecting the whole of our society. We know from our experience at European level that deliberations within the political groupings can be decisive. Let us face reality. If we take a seat out of the socialist political grouping, where does it go? With whom are Fianna Fáil connected at European level and how effective are they as a political grouping within the European Parliament?
It is not my purpose to make any comment on any political grouping or party outside this nation but I pose that question and there are sufficient knowledgeable, intelligent people in this country to draw the right conclusion as to the effect of the proposed action by the Taoiseach on Ireland's position within the European Parliament. These issues are important from the point of view of Ireland's position within the Parliament and within the EEC in general. The European Parliament although it has not the power that we would like, still has sufficient influence to enable the Commission and the Council of Ministers to take note of decisions made by the Parliament.
Undoubtedly the decisions there are largely influenced by what happens within the socialist group. By deliberate act of the Government, we are now proposing to have Ireland's representation in the most influential political group within the Community, and for what purpose? It is to satisfy the personal ambition of some members of the Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party. Dear God, it is a high price to ask Ireland to pay for the personal ambition of a Member of this House irrespective of which party he may belong to.
When I discussed putting this motion down it was rightly pointed out to me that Fianna Fáil had the numbers, the votes. When the bell rings, some will go into this lobby and others into that, and by the will of the people, perhaps now regretted, Fianna Fáil will have a majority because the reality is that their majority in the House is bigger than the Labour Party's representation in the House. In that way they can have six seats in the European Parliament. They will trip into the lobbies, including the man who has put pressure on the Taoiseach to get them the six places, and they can impose this position not on the Labour Party but on the people.
The Taoiseach last week spoke in King's Inns on parliamentary democracy. He was eloquent, impressive. I will quote from page 9 of his script, handed out by the GIS. On the motion "That so far Western Democracy has Failed" he said this:
One final word. It is necessary, I think, to say something of what we do not mean by democracy. I want to touch on this question now because it affects us all in this country. Democracy does not mean the imposition of the will of the majority on the minority.
I wonder how hollow those words sound now against the background of what is being proposed by Fianna Fáil tonight.