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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 12 Apr 1978

Vol. 305 No. 4

Private Members' Business. - Fair Rents Tribunal: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Dáil Éireann calls on the Minister for the Environment to set up a Fair Rents Tribunal to ensure that tenants of private houses and flats benefit from the abolition of rates on domestic dwellings.— (Deputy Horgan.)

I said yesterday evening the time is long overdue for the establishment of some form of Fair Rents Tribunal. According to the Government White Paper there will be a cutback on centre city housing because of cost factors. That will have very serious repercussions because it will throw a vast number back on to the private sector within the city. One can imagine what will happen if there is not some form of control and some mechanism upon which people can fall back to ensure the rents asked are reasonable and fair.

I would ask the Minister to give this matter careful consideration. There will be serious consequences for housing in Dublin city because young couples with families will not have any accommodation. They will not be able to afford the rent required for private accommodation and, because of the Government's policy, they will not get housing in their native city.

The motion specifically refers to the matter of the abolition of rates and this is an aspect that should be considered urgently. The Government must ensure that the rights of people are protected. If they are not, there will be serious consequences. I do not know if the Minister will announce tonight that he is going to set up a Fair Rents Tribunal, although I hope he will do so. If that is the case I hope he will set it up as soon as possible.

I welcome the Minister's announcement that additional funds will be made available for housing for the elderly. Given the present market situation, young married couples with children have no hope whatever of obtaining accommodation. The whole area of private letting will have to be taken into consideration by the tribunal. There must be no discrimination. At the moment young couples are discriminated against, particularly if they have a baby. Any legislation must ensure that discriminatory practices in the private sector or even in the local authority sector are abolished. Safeguards must be provided to protect the rights of people. While the motion put down by Members of the Labour Party deals with rates, overall a tribunal is required urgently to meet an impending housing crisis in Dublin city.

The terms of this motion bring together two very important themes or factors, namely, privately-owned rented accommodation on the one hand and, on the other hand, the abolition of domestic rates.

The abolition of domestic rates is my responsibility. In order to accomplish this and to fulfil our undertaking we brought a motion before the House on 6 July that was passed and from that date the necessary preparations were made for derating domestic dwellings, community halls and secondary schools. This will be followed by a Bill—the Local Government (Financial Provisions) Bill, 1977 —that will come before the House very soon. It is almost ready. In that legislation I shall deal with the issue that is involved in this motion, namely, ensuring that full benefit will accrue to people in private rented accommodation as a result of the derating of that accommodation.

Quite a number of people are involved. The landlord of a premises usually included in the rent an amount in respect of rates which tended to increase from year to year. It is the intention of the Government to ensure as far as possible that tenants get the benefit of derating. It is a complex problem and there are legal complications in ensuring that this will happen and that it is complied with in accordance with the wishes of the Government and of my Department.

I wish to make clear my attitude to the motion before the House. I have considerable sympathy with the objectives of the motion. I believe the people who tabled it were well intentioned. However, I have a real reservation at this stage as to whether the aim of the motion can be achieved by the means put forward, namely, a Fair Rents Tribunal. I am still to be convinced that the setting up of this kind of tribunal now would be the best way of achieving what we want, namely, to give the benefit of derating to the tenants concerned. I have not closed my mind completely on it but I do not think it will achieve the result all of us would wish.

It is a very complex problem. The setting up of such a tribunal involves considerations far beyond this single issue. I am confident that the best way to help those concerned is to use existing statutory provisions in addition to the provisions contained in the forthcoming legislation. This will be a quicker and better way to achieve the purpose of the motion before us. I hope I shall be successful in this. In due course Deputies will have a chance to debate in this House the merits and demerits of what will be involved.

This debate would not be taking place now if the Government had not taken action on derating, as promised in the manifesto and in accordance with our commitment given five years ago. Were it not for the fact that the Government took the necessary action and brought about derating of domestic dwellings we would not be faced with this problem. Fianna Fáil grasped the nettle. We said we would do that in 1973 while the National Coalition had a different approach. They believed in doing it in stages. At first they removed the health charges from the rates and thereafter reduced rates by 25 per cent. They were late converts to the need to remove rates on domestic dwellings, community halls and secondary schools. Their approach was different from ours and the public recognised this when they elected us. We have not failed the public who supported us.

When we made our decision to derate domestic property we had to consider whether the relief should apply to owner-occupied dwellings only or, whether it should be extended to rented accommodation such as we are discussing now. We decided it would be wrong to exclude that sector. It is not easy to ensure that such people get the benefit of derating. We all know that there are difficulties involved between landlords and tenants, in particular those who pay rates in their weekly or monthly rents. However, landlords have been given the relief and we must try to ensure that tenants also benefit.

Once the principle of derating rented accommodation is established the question arises of how to ensure that relief is fairly passed on to tenants. I should like to point out that some weeks ago I mentioned in the House that I will be including this in forthcoming legislation. There are different categories in rented accommodation. Firstly, there are local authority tenants. Before January last I sent a circular to each housing authority instructing them not to collect rates from tenants of their rented accommodation from January. We have 103,000 dwellings provided for letting by housing authorities and tenants of such properties are getting the benefit since January.

Domestic rates relief applies also to private rented accommodation and this was dealt with in a more general circular which was sent to housing authorities before January. This made our commitment clear to the housing authorities, that the full benefit of domestic rate reliefs should be passed on to tenants of rented accommodation. Where inquiries are received from either landlords or tenants, housing authorities were asked to make it clear that domestic rating relief would extend to all housing accommodation. The authorities were asked to point out that landlords should reduce these rents by the amount of the rates relief grant on properties.

The Rent Restrictions Act, 1960, provides statutory backing for this instruction as far as rents of controlled dwellings are concerned. With the removal of rates from houses, amounts added to the rents of controlled dwellings under the Rent Restrictions Act, 1960—amounts corresponding to the rates paid by the landlord—no longer constitute "lawful additions" to the basic rents of those dwellings. Tenants of such dwellings have available to them, therefore, the remedy of serving a notice on their landlord under section 13 of the 1960 Act reducing their rent to an amount equal to the lawful rent. An estimated 45,000 dwellings are covered by the above provisions.

Deputy Horgan adverted to this point, but he appeared to link it to sections 19 and 20 only of the Rent Restrictions Act, 1960. By referring only as he did to the special provisions applying to small controlled dwellings in certain appointed areas, he may unwittingly have given the impression that the right to secure a reduction of rent is available only to tenants of this special category of controlled dwelling. This, of course, is not the case. As I made clear in my reply to a parliamentary question, as reported in Volume 303, columns 1604 to 1608 of the Official Report, quoted by Deputy Horgan, all tenants of controlled dwellings are entitled, following domestic rates abolition, to secure a reduction in their lawful rent. The general provision applying is, as I have said, section 13 of the Rent Restrictions Act, 1960. The provisions of Part III of the Act mentioned by Deputy Horgan are of application to small controlled dwellings only.

In much the same way, small dwellings under the Local Government (Rates on Small Dwellings) Act, 1928 —that is, mainly rented houses or flats with a valuation of not more than £8 in Dublin and not more than £6 elsewhere—will also benefit fully from domestic rates relief. This will be the case whether dwellings are controlled under the Rent Restrictions Acts or not.

In many other private lettings, the tenant, as part of his contract of tenancy, had always accepted direct liability for the rates due on a dwelling. Again, where this is so, the benefit of domestic rates abolition is guaranteed to him under the terms of his contract.

I think it is important to emphasise that existing provisions already guarantee the passing on of domestic rates relief in the case of a majority of tenancies in the country. I also accept that in certain cases, especially where shorter term lettings are involved or where a unit of letting does not correspond to a unit of valuation on the rate books tenants often had not been paying rates as such. It may be assumed that in such cases the rent which the tenant pays reflected in some way the cost of rates even though no amount would be specified in the demand from the landlords in respect of rents.

I can assure Deputies that the forthcoming Bill will be designed to ensure that, as far as possible, the benefit of rates abolition is felt also in those cases. In general, it is my intention to place an obligation on landlords, who before 1 January 1978 paid the rates on dwellings occupied by their tenants, to make to the tenant by way of proportionate set-off in the rent an allowance equal to the amount of the rates in question. I would suggest to Deputies that further discussion could more usefully take place when the terms of the Bill have been circulated and the Bill itself is before the House.

The solution proposed by the motion is the setting up of a fair rents tribunal. This would involve the extension of rent control to the whole of the private rented sector. As such, the proposed solution goes far beyond what the motion is attempting to ensure. It would go far beyond the issue and the aims we are discussing. I think Deputy Horgan admitted this in a limited way last evening.

The experience of rent tribunals in other countries is not very encouraging. It is a complex and expensive organisation to set up with serious indirect costs for the community in general by way of increased public expenditure. Considerations of organisation and finance could be described as secondary if it achieved all we wanted it to achieve. The question is—would it? It is by no means the case that it would. There seems to be a connection between the extension of rent control and the falling off in supply of accommodation where the control applies. This has been the experience not only abroad but here. There was a drastic decrease in the supply of unfurnished rented accommodation here between 1946 and 1971 as reflected in the censuses. In 1946 there were approximately 161,000 unfurnished rented units. By 1961 this had fallen on 100,000 and by 1971 to 65,000. Estimates at present in regard to 1981 show that it will be so low as 42,000 if it follows the existing pattern. As Minister with overall responsibility for housing I cannot regard this evidence lightly.

In 1975 a review of the whole area of privately rented accommodation was begun in my Department with the object of bringing forward solutions to the problems attending the private rented sector. That review has now been completed. Its purpose is to provide the background information and analysis which can form the basis of any proposals to be formulated in this area. The review deals with all aspects of privately rented dwelling accommodation including the availability, cost and suitability of such accommodation. In the course of the review, account has been taken of recent developments in other countries, notably the United Kingdom, in relation to privately-owned rented accommodation.

Regard has been had also to measures which had be taken and the effects which such measures had on the overall situation, particularly the effects on the supply and availability of such accommodation. As my colleague, the Minister for Justice, recently indicated in the House, the review has been circulated to other Departments for examination and for their observations on it. Pending the outcome of this examination it would, of course, be premature for me to disclose details of the review. The points mentioned by Deputies during the debate on this motion will, however, be taken into consideration.

I should like to add that my concern and that of local authorities for the area of private rented accommodation ranges a good deal beyond the matters which I have dealt with so far. Under section 70 of the Housing Act, 1966 housing authorities have power to make bye-laws regulating the physical condition of houses let for rent in their areas. Since 1973 when model bye-laws were circulated to housing authorities by my Department, 39 authorities have adopted bye-laws. Despite certain criticism of their operation the bye-laws are being administered with increasing effectiveness from year to year. In all cases housing authorities favour an initial approach to the parties concerned. They offer advice and are willing to have consultation with those concerned before resorting to enforcement measures. Only reluctantly do they resort to these when the persons concerned are not receptive of advice and suggestions and do not want to know about them. They are then forced to adopt enforcement measures.

As I said at the beginning. I am in sympathy with the motion. I am not convinced that it is the right way to do it; as a matter of fact I am convinced that the way I am proposing to do it, namely to have the necessary sections or section included in the forthcoming Bill, is the immediate way to tackle the issue. A rates tribunal would not be confined to this issue in isolation.

The Minister has about five minutes.

It is one single issue, and the setting up of a rents tribunal is so complex and would take so long that it would not deal with the problem in the immediate future. Some people have expressed concern because a number of tenants have been paying the rates since 1 January. It is probable— indeed pretty definite—that the landlords who have collected rates since 1 January would be collecting the rates for the second payment of last year, 1977. The reason I would be definite about this is that there is no way that they could be collecting the 1978 rates because I do not know of any local authority in this country who has issued the demand notes yet. A landlord can hardly collect it when he does not even know the amount of it. In all probability it had to be in every case that landlords were collecting these rates in retrospection, or at least one half-year retrospectively. Since the change in the rating year to 1 January from 31 March the demand notes very rarely were issued in any local authority area anywhere before March and because of the changes in local financing this year, due to the abolition of domestic rates, there is no way the local authorities could have the demand notes issued yet. In my opinion there is no danger that any landlord is collecting the 1978 rate from 1 January last. He would be collecting the remaining portion of the second half of the 1977 rate. Therefore there is still time to ensure that the tenants we are worried and expressing concern about will benefit from the fact that the rates have been abolished, and I hope they will when the necessary legislation has passed through this House in the very near future.

The motion before us is a symptom of the increasing concern in the community at the degree to which expectations which were built up seven or eight months ago are not being fulfilled. I accept the good intentions of the Minister and I have no doubt that the legislation which in February he promised to introduce very soon but which still does not show any signs of appearing, when it does eventually come about will include measures which would meet to some extent the kind of concern being expressed by the movers of this motion and by those who support it in principle, as we on this side of the House do.

Nevertheless, the abolition of the domestic rate, which we all welcomed, was embarked upon without any clear idea of what this would imply and no mechanism had been thought out to ensure that the benefits would be automatically passed on to the approximately 300,000 tenants in rented accommodation throughout the country. It is perfectly clear from recent surveys carried out by the Flatdwellers' Association that they are not being passed on. I do not primarily blame the landlords here because they have problems in their own right, not merely the problem of the Rent Restrictions Act but other difficulties as well. The legislation and the proposal to abolish rates should have been accompanied in the first place by proper measures to ensure that the benefit would apply. The Government's decision to abolish rates simply has meant nothing to over 250,000 people. They have not benefited and they do not seem likely to do so.

The Minister said that the case could be made that rates are not being collected for the current year. By the time legislation is enacted I have no doubt another year will have elapsed. The Minister was asked in the Dáil in the debate on 21 February 1978 to which he referred whether or not this legislation would be retrospective. There is not any reply on the record and I do not remember whether the Minister nodded or not. I do not think he did.

It has to be because de-rating is from 1 January.

We will have to wait and see. We may find that the Bill when introduced will encompass the essence of this motion and perhaps improve it, but at present there is a very anomalous and unhappy situation where people who were led to believe, rightly or wrongly, that their rents would come down and legislation would be enacted to protect them now find that neither has occurred. The truth is that the Fianna Fáil Party during the election campaign issued a special document in at least the flatlands in Dublin areas in which they promised immediate legislation to cope with the list of points which the Flatdwellers' Association brought to their attention. I am wiser now and I believe that this move was primarily designed to catch every possible vote, regardless of the cost, the practicability or the integrity of implementing it. Thus far on the one occasion when the Flatdwellers' Association met the Minister for Justice, the Minister responsible in that regard, they were not impressed by his enthusiasm or interest. They were rather brusquely handled and he left after about five minutes. He is not here to answer for himself this evening so we will say no more about that.

There may be problems with a fair rents tribunal, but on balance it is worth considering the setting up of such a body, to which both landlord and tenant could have recourse. They both have problems and it is legitimate to see these problems and the difficulties which both landlord and tenant are having in the context of the difficulty which we have at the moment in relation to basic housing policy. Dublin Corporation and some other local authorities some time ago set up a system of registration of landlords. It has not been an outstanding success, and that was predictable, because if these by-laws were implemented overnight all that would happen is that thousands of people would be precipitated onto the streets and there would be no place for them to go.

It is fair to say that the position of the tenant and the landlord needs treatment immediately and I hope it will get this in the context of a new Bill which will deal with fundamental problems relating to both sectors. A landlord is entitled to expect a fair return if he lets accommodation in which he has invested money if he keeps it in good condition. First of all, he is helping the Government and the local authorities to fulfil their statutory duty of ensuring that people are housed in decent conditions; that statutory duty is not being fulfilled at the moment. Secondly, it is reasonable to believe that because the landlord, unlike any other person who is involved in investments of any kind, is acting in an area which involves a basic need and a fundamental right, a particular Government interest should be taken with regard to the provision of decent tenant accommodation. The rights of the tenant need major attention also. At present it is clear that there are problems, not merely with regard to rents but on other aspects also. The Minister mentioned that people had the right under the appropriate section of the Act to insist on rates being allowed. I ask him in all sincerity if he does not accept the position of the average tenant who might, for example, be a single person or a married person with a young family, going to the landlord and saying "Please, I want this allowance, or else".

The Minister must accept that there is a certain degree of unreality about that suggestion. The onus should not be put on the tenant to ensure his right. It does not happen in any other case. The onus does not rest on the housewife to prove she is getting value for money and that she is not being overcharged. The first obligation is on the people involved in that trade to ensure that they are acting in accordance with certain standards. It is unrealistic to expect the average tenant to go to the landlord because there is a hidden fear of intimidation and worry that the landlord would say "Then you can get to hell out," which is what some of them would say.

If one has a young family—and many of these people have—there are enough trauma and burdens without getting involved in an argument with the landlord. Many of these tenants would not be aware that they were entitled to this benefit and therefore would not seek to have it implemented. I do not believe that the onus should be on tenants, who are seeking to have a decent roof over their heads and to have a certain degree of privacy in their private and married lives, to drag the landlord before the court, a tribunal or any third party.

The Government have a responsibility to protect and ensure that people in all walks of life have decent accommodation and that they are protected from the minority of rapacious landlords. Although there are many people involved and providing excellent accommodation, in some cases at ludicrously low rents, the fact is in some quarters Rachmanism is still alive and well and doing good business. I will be happy to forward details of numerous cases to anyone who does not agree with that, but there is very little tenants can do about it at the moment.

I appreciate also that if major and immediate measures of a heavy handed nature, the Minister used the word "sledgehammer", were to be introduced they could have major implications for the problem of local authorities in trying to house people. That does not mean we should shirk the responsibility of protecting those people who are now in trouble.

The ending of discrimination against tenants, not just with regard to their rents but in regard to other matters, is important and needs attention. A would-be tenant should not be refused accommodation and the Government of the day have the moral, and should have the statutory, responsibility for ensuring that such tenants are not discriminated against on the grounds of such things as class, colour, creed or family size. One of the primary problems of the urban areas is the fact that in a so-called Christian society a couple with a child or a couple where the wife is pregnant find it almost impossible to get accommodation. In some cases they get accommodation on the strict understanding that if the wife becomes pregnant they must leave. That is wrong.

I do not expect any side of the House to have a monopoly of wisdom on how to handle this but my view is that that sort of discrimination should be outlawed. I hope the Bill the Minister speaks about will encompass measures to deal with that type of discrimination. It is wrong that growing numbers of immigrants should be discriminated against on the grounds of colour. It is wrong that there should be this type of discrimination at all. We should do everything possible to ensure that accommodation is provided for people regardless of these essentially and fundamentally discriminatory, in some cases even sectarian, concepts and ideas.

The Rent Restrictions Act has contributed to the problems. This is not a black and white issue. I know of tenements housing old people and some young people. Because the rent is so small it is not worth collecting. This gives the landlord an excuse to allow the dwelling to fall into disrepair. In some cases people are living in what are little more than hovels. I have spoken to the people who own these houses. They will explain the arithmetic of the matter and say they cannot cope financially. There is no recourse at the moment in that sort of circumstance. There is no point asking an elderly lady of 70 years of age living in one small room to insist on getting the landlord, who in many cases is an absentee landlord, to ensure that she gets her rights.

I do not believe that this is a sledgehammer proposal. It is a very acceptable suggestion worthy of consideration. All it asks is that people who are either tenants or landlords, because there is no discrimination in the proposal against landlords, could have recourse where necessary to an independent arbiter. That is a perfectly acceptable procedure in all walks of life and in all measures involving trade or commerce or an exchange of commercial interests in other areas.

It does not necessarily mean that every case will go to this tribunal but it does mean that the rights of both parties will be protected. In my view it is a reasonable suggestion and is worthy of support. I can only assume that the fact that the Minister does not accept it is an indication that he may have this measure or one very similar to it in the Bill which he promised some months ago but which we have not seen yet.

I frankly believe, and I say this more in sorrow than in anger, that this Government have a vested interest in maintaining the problem as it is. The State has the fundamental responsibility for providing housing. It is clear from the Government's White Paper on housing and from their fairly hamfisted efforts so far with regard to the provision of grants and the extra-ordinary escalation in house prices which has occurred in recent months, that they are to say the least of it very uncertain about where they are going with regard to the provision of houses. This means for the tenants, the landlords and the question we are dealing with here that if major moves were to be initiated which would appear to have the effect of curbing the minority of landlords who act in this Rachman-like way, there could be a backlash which would put more people on our housing lists, and the Government clearly do not want that.

From a second point of view they are also hamstrung. My overriding impression coming into this House is that Fianna Fáil have sold their soul to a certain extent, and are simply enmeshed with the seedier and seamier elements of the new rich society, where the rights of the weak are trampled underfoot. I do not believe that the Government party feel a real responsibility or interest in those who are weak in our society. The people at the heart of this evening's motion are weak. They are the people who cannot speak for themselves adequately or articulately. Therefore this motion is very timely because it brings to our attention the problems that exist.

There is no point pretending that impending legislation at some unspecified date containing unspecified measures will deal with the actual situation where present landlords can legally demand rent increases of up to 100 per cent. I stress also that the socio-economic groupings involved in flat dwellers are, on average, people who are relatively less well off than others. Why should flat dwellers from whom a demand may be made for an increase of up to 100 per cent in the rent—I admit this does not happen in all cases—feel constrained to comply with the spirit of national co-operation which various Ministers are requesting in the context of the national wage agreements? Is that not totally unrealistic?

According to estimates with which we are provided there are approximately 300,000 people involved here. In Dublin there are some 130,000 people involved and 8,000 landlords. I cannot help but feel that whereas the 130,000 people were very important in June, it is the 8,000 who now seem to be important, because to a substantial extent they control, manipulate and exercise their influence in the Fianna Fáil Party. If the Government are serious about this measure they will respond very sympathetically to the concept of a Fair Rents Tribunal. Why is it that anybody who wishes to have a measure of justice introduced into his situation finds that the onus is put on him to go to the landlord? It does not happen in any other walk of life. It does not happen because of fear and the threat of eviction. It is not good enough for the Minister to fob off people with that excuse.

In the Bill which the Minister is proposing to introduce he might consider one or two other measures which would help to bring order into the situation. It must be accepted that the private rented accommodation sector is a legitimate part of the housing policy for the whole State, in which the Government must have an interest and maintain standards and which they must control, where necessary. There is a decreasing land bank available to local authorities and it seems timely to consider the possibility of subsidising private rented accommodation in some cases by a subsidy to the tenant. It is no more unrealistic or socially unwise a proposal than the subsidies which exist at present in the local authority sector. It would encourage people to provide decent accommodation. In some cases there is no doubt that landlords are under substantial financial pressure. I do not weep greatly for them, but it has been pointed out to me on numerous occasions when making representations on behalf of tenants that under the present setup and with existing legislation landlords find extreme difficulty in getting a fair return for their investment or, in some cases, their alleged investment. The possibility of subsidising private rented accommodation by a direct subsidy to the tenant would be consistent with the policy in the local authority sector of subsidising quite massively the building and maintenance of local authority dwellings, including where necessary the subsidy in respect of differential rents which allows a flexible rent which takes into account a person's financial income. Why should people who have recourse, for one reason or another, to the private sector find that they are outside the scope of this policy?

Discrimination in this regard needs to be examined. The key area when thinking about flat-dwellers is discrimination. They are by their very nature mobile, often not very coordinated in their movements, and only in latter times have they become organised. They have not been a force to be reckoned with, though I admit that Fianna Fáil recognised them as a force prior to the election when all types of goodies were promised for which the tab is now about to be picked up. I do not share the confidence of some that the tab will be picked up. I expect relatively minor amendments to existing legislation and no real grasp of the nettle. I do not believe that Fianna Fáil will ever act in any way which appears to be against the interests of the landlords. That has been their record and that is their position at the moment. Nothing the Miniser says in his contribution leads me to believe that anything will be different.

My approach would be to suggest that in the new legislation the Minister would ensure the termination of discrimination against the tenant under the headings I have mentioned: class, creed, colour and family size. It is abhorrent to me that young people are regularly discriminated against and turned away from doors because they are doing what they believe to be right in trying to start and maintain a family. That is a fundamental black spot in our society. The appeal is made that children tend to cause more trouble than single people or tend to bring down the tone of a place. A substantial sector of our society discriminate against a couple who have a family or who are about to start one. That is morally and socially wrong and there should be legislation to prevent it. Other areas of more subtle discrimination also exist. In many ways we are a society riddled with discrimination. If one's address happens to be in a certain part of the city one it automatically discriminated against in looking for a job or a flat or in seeking entry to a school.

A new deal for tenants is necessary. This tribunal could ensure that justice is done and is seen to be done. The setting up of a Fair Rents Tribunal would shake many people into a realisation that the old exploitation is no longer good enough. I admit that "landlord" is an emotive term in the context of our history, but there are many landlords who are providing a very important fundamental social necessity, without which the Government and the local authorities would be in a catastrophic situation, much worse than the present situation where 5,500 people are waiting for accommodation in this city alone. Eight hundred families feel obliged to squat in dwellings which are not their own, the majority having done so because they are frustrated and have nowhere else to go.

The Deputy has five minutes.

This tribunal would provide recourse for the tenant and, if necessary, for the landlord. All the right is never on one side. Justice would thus be done. At present the only thing the tenant can do is go to the landlord and insist on his rights in some extraordinary way which the Government have no way of defending. Presumably one could go to the courts but this is never done because it is totally unrealistic.

The basic need in this case is to protect the landlord and, primarily the tenant in order to ensure that he would have an opportunity of living in a dwelling which is his own with decent conditions and privacy and for which a reasonable rent is paid which takes into account inflation, investment in the property and the maintenance of that property. On both sides there is a great deal left undone. The proposal here is not being helped by the Minister's contribution which is basically to point, as he did last February, to some unspecified date in the future and to tell us that a Bill is on the way. Section 13 of the 1960 Act is not good enough and it is not good enough for a Minister to pretend that a tenant has the capacity to achieve his or her rights. It does not work.

The Minister said that the charge in respect of rates as part of rent is no longer lawful. If that is so, is it not reasonable to assume that a Government who are serious about their job would ensure that mechanics would be established to protect tenants against whom that illegality is being operated? All we get are pious aspirations, that it is no longer lawful and that some time in the future statutory improvement will be brought about.

That is not what the flat dwellers were promised last June. It was among a sheaf of promises that littered the country at that time. This is another breach of faith. I do not believe that when they abolished rates the Government had the slightest knowledge of its implication for members of the National Flatdwellers' Association. I do not think they had the slightest idea of passing that benefit on. They are now seeing the necessity for it, although earlier in the year in reply to questions the Minister evaded the issue and told the House to wait for the forthcoming Bill. That has been repeated this evening. It would be a timely gesture of good intent and good faith if the Minister were to accept this motion in principle. It would show us he is a man of his word. The situation is that the only contact the Government have had with the flatdwellers association has been one brusque, brief meeting. I look forward to seeing the Minister's Bill and hope it will incorporate some of the suggestions contained in the motion.

Deputy Keating has succeeded in making a case against the setting up of the tribunal suggested in the motion. He said it is not possible to rush legislation through the House. We in the Government can see no reason why it is not possible to get legislation through in a reasonable time provided we have not the same type of filibuster from the parties opposite that we have had on the Rates on Agricultural Land (Relief) Bill which has been before the House for a considerable time, a Bill solely aimed at granting relief to agricultural landowners.

The Minister for the Environment was quite right when he said that the content of the motion is a non-issue, that in cases where landlords are collecting rates as part of rent, such sums were due to them during the six months at the end of last year before landlords were relieved of rates. The Deputy knows that the establishment of a tribunal would entail considerable work. It would also require far more time than Deputy Keating realises. A tribunal would have to be given terms of reference, their foundation would require legislation and it would take some time for them to hold hearings and to prepare and issue a report. We cannot wave a magic wand to set up an organisation and lay down procedures overnight.

The Minister honoured the promise to abolish rates on private dwellings on 1 January 1978. He also acted to give rates relief to 103,000 local authority tenants. A certain number of tenants may not have got the benefit of rates relief but I am confident that the Bill which the Minister has promised will remedy that situation. it will deal with other matters consequent on the abolition of rates on private dwellings. It will be technical, complex legislation and it will probably take some time to prepare and introduce it. When it is introduced all Deputies will have ample opportunity to discuss its provisions. Therefore, it is premature to debate the issues involved in this motion. It would not be right or proper to have a tribunal set up while this Bill is pending.

Deputy Keating admitted that a heavy-handed approach to this problem could produce dire results for tenants. He agreed with the point the Minister made that a tribunal of the sort suggested in the motion might act against tenants' interests. It could lead to a reduction in the supply of rented accommodation and the Minister is greatly concerned to avoid such a situation. The setting up of a tribunal is not the proper way to deal with this problem.

(Cavan-Monaghan): The net point in this motion is to ensure that the rates relief promised, and given, will find its way to tenants occupying private houses and flats. During the election campaign it was suggested that tenants would feel the benefit of the abolition of rates on houses which they occupy. There were solemn assurances in this respect. The Minister has said on a number of occasions that in the case of controlled houses the tenants have a remedy. That is so, but there are many houses which are not controlled. The vast majority of flats in Dublin are not controlled. When we speak of flats we are inclined to associate them with Dublin only, forgetting that in every provincial town there are people living in flats all of which have been de-rated.

It is not good enough for the Minister to say that some time in the future when the promised Bill has been enacted, perhaps towards the end of the year, machinery will be provided to pass on rates relief to the tenants. Since 1 January last tenants have not been getting the benefits of this rates relief. Will the Minister take steps to apply this relief retrospectively? I doubt if he will be able to put such machinery into the Bill. Many people have been disillusioned because the rates relief, which the Minister's party promised and granted, has not been enjoyed by the people for whom it was intended. This promise of derating was a product of the Fianna Fáil think-tank but was not thought out and they had no means of implementing it.

It will be interesting to see the provisions in the Housing Bill which the Minister has been telling us about. He does not seem to know when it will be introduced. He says it is nearly ready. What is holding it up? Why did the Minister not introduce a small one-section Bill months ago to ensure that this rates relief would be passed on? His colleague, the Minister for Justice, did that in the case of ground rents. In the Ground Rents Bill he divorced the ground rents section from the rest of the 130-section Bill which the previous Minister for Justice, Senator Cooney, had ready. The present Minister for Justice, under heavy pressure, broke up that particular Landlord and Tenant Bill and introduced the sections here dealing with ground rents. Why did the Minister for the Environment not follow suit and introduce a small Bill of one section, two sections or even six sections, making provision for passing on this rates relief to the tenants?

In tabling this motion on behalf of the Parliamentary Labour Party, my four colleagues and I, were acutely aware of a very specific piece of correspondence written by the Fianna Fáil National Director of Elections, Senator Eoin Ryan. I am sure a Member of the Upper House will not be too perturbed by my naming him. That letter dated 7 June 1977 was written to a Mr. A. Cassidy, Secretary, National Flatdwellers' Association, 9 Anglesea Street, Dublin 2. It is of such historic importance that I should circulate copies of it to the Members of the House who are present. We will give the Minister a copy. I will ask Deputy Horgan to circulate them. Deputy Horgan is just crossing the the floor of the House.

If we want to circulate anything in the House it should be done through the Chair of the House and by the officials of the House.

We will give a copy to the Press. I will read the letter.

The Deputy is entitled to read the letter if it deals with the motion before the House.

The letter should be enshrined in the Custom House with gold-plated lettering around it. The letter states:

Dear Mr. Cassidy,

I acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 31st of May.

Our Party stand on Landlord and Tenant law relating to flat dwellings, has been very fully set-out by our Deputy leader, Mr. Joseph Brennan, in an address to the Solicitors Apprentice Debating Society and reported on the front page of the "Irish Times".

It is our view that legislation should be enacted to provide protection for tenants of flats or houses, but at the same time to ensure that landlords do get a fair return on their investment, and that they do have protection against bad tenants.

We fully appreciate that the private sector provides a large part of the rented accommodation in the city of Dublin. We would not favour a situation where these people were restricted to such an extent that they were discouraged from investing in this type of project. We would like to see a fair balance, and would like to see the private sector being encouraged to provide good accommodation, with certain minimum standards, and at a rent that is fair to the tenant, and fair to the Landlord.

I now come to the crunch paragraph in this letter. The Rathmines Flat Tenants' Association would be particularly interested in the National Flatdwellers' Association. There was a very good survey done in the Rathmines area in Deputy Brady's constituency. They would be particularly interestd in the next partgraph which says:

We would be in favour of setting up tribunals, to which the Landlord and the Tenant could have recourse for the purpose of fixing fair rents, and deciding disputes between the parties.

What could be a greater election promise than that? There is no ambiguity there. We remember the ambiguity we had in the correspondence regarding the abolition of ground rents: "we will, we will not, we have, we have not, we are about to do it". This is quite clear-cut. The National Director of Elections, Senator Eoin Ryan, went on to say:

We would stress, however, that the rents should be fair, and we would not like to see a return to the old situation, where rents were restricted to such an extent, that landlords simply allowed their property to deteriorate to such an extent that in cases the properties become totally unhabitable.

It is in the interest of those seeking accommodation, that the people providing that accomodation are encouraged to provide it to a high standard.

The letter went on to deal with the question of evictions generally and expressed views in that regard. It then said:

We are also totally opposed to discrimination against tenants, on the grounds of martial status, colour religion or sex.

This is the usual hoohah put into election letters of this nature. The second last paragraph of the letter said:

We are accordingly basically in favour of your suggestion for the charter of rights, and we are prepared to introduce appropriate legislation in this field.

I remind the Minister that that charter of rights laid down by the National Flat Dwellers Association specifically said in the fourth paragraph:

Neutral tribunals to be established with statutory power to arbitrate in landlord and tenant disputes on application with power to make binding rules.

It also said:

Tribunals should have power to fix fair rents and to rule on validity of notice to quit issues by landlords.

I wish to put on the record, as do my colleagues here and our colleagues from the Fine Gael Party who supported us, notably Deputies Fergus O'Brien, Keating and Fitzpatrick, our feelings with regard to this promise. This is outright reneging by the Fianna Fáil Party on an absolutely clear promise.

If I may interrupt the Deputy that is about the landlord and tenant law and the Department of Justice.

There is no reference whatsoever——

Deputy Desmond on the motion.

It has to do with landlord and tenant law. That is in the second line of the letter.

I will quote it again.

It is irrelevant.

It is irrelevant because it is true.

Deputy Desmond on the motion.

I will quote it again in case the Minister might be under the slightest misapprehension.

Have we got the wrong Minister?

Deputy Desmond on the motion.

Lest the Minister be under the slightest misapprehension, Senator Eoin Ryan, not a man known for ambiguity, stated that Fianna Fáil would be in favour of setting up tribunals to which the landlord and the tenant would have recourse for the purpose of fixing fair rents and deciding disputes between the parties. We submit that there are something in the region of 320,000 tenants in flat accommodation and the rates relief allegedly given to those tenants is something in the region of £9 million. The total rates relief given by the Government was about £85 million, about 10 per cent of that, roughly £10 million, is applicable to flat accommodation. Of that £10 million rates relief given to landlords in relation to rented accommodation only about £2 million or £3 million has benefited the tenants. As evidence of that I have the results of a most illuminating and interesting survey which was carried out a few weeks ago by the National Flatdwellers' Association. The Rathmines branch of the National Flatdwellers' Association dealt with 70 complaints from tenants from 1 January to 28 February 1978: and the only tenant who benefited from the rates abolition was a tenant who paid rates directly to the corporation. The other 69 tenants had rates included in rents paid to their landlords and they failed to get it. It was decided to survey a street of houses let in flats to determine whether landlords are consistenly refusing to pass on the benefit of rates abolition to tenants by reducing rents proportionately, and to collect up-to-date information. The survey was carried out from 28 February to 7 March this year in Grove Park, Rathmines. Sixty-seven of a total of 99 rated houses in Grove Park are known to be let in flats. Full details on rents and conditions were obtained for 51 houses and 469 tenants. Incomplete information was received on a further 16 houses where the surveyors failed to gain access. In six cases a person believed to be the landlord, claimed that the houses were not let in flats. In one case a tenant refused to give any information and there was nobody in nine houses which were surveyed. This information is entirely reputable and authentic. None of the 469 tenants in 51 houses for which complete information was available received any reductions in rent due to the abolition of rates. I will give the Minister a copy of this survey later on.

The Deputy should have brought in a copy of Hibernia, it would have been easier.

I have a copy of the report here.

Deputy Desmond on the motion without interruption.

The Minister said in January that he had no evidence that rates relief was not being passed on. The Minister can have a look at this afterwards and he can check the numbers of the houses involved. The houses involved were Nos. 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14 15, 16, 17, and right down to No. 105. The following houses were let in flats, 5, 12, 26, 30, 34 40, 41, 46, 48 right up to 107. Virtually the whole street in that part of Dublin is in flats and it was clearly established during that week that 80 per cent of the tenants got no reduction in their rents from 1 January after the abolition of rates. This is a serious situation. The Government gave rates relief to the tune of about £10 million in respect of flats throughout the State and only about one-third or one-fifth of the tenants got any actual relief. This is absolutely disgraceful. Many people are paying exorbitant rents. In Dún Laoghaire, which is my constituency, it is not at all unusual to have a husband, wife and one or three children pay any-thing up to £15 or £20 a week for a two-bedroomed flat with a bathroom, or £12 per week for a one-bedroomed flat with a little kitchen and sharing a toilet with other tenants. There are several thousand tenants paying less than £12 or £15 a week and the vast bulk of them got no rates relief since January. What the Fianna Fáil Party have done is they have given about £6 million in rates relief to private landlords.

The Deputy's sums are wrong.

I challenge the Minister to refute them. I challenge the Minister to set the situation right. The only way it can be set right is by setting up a simple tribunal system where a tenant could go before the tribunal and produce his rent book since January 1978. He could indicate that he received no relief and the tribunal could rule that apart from inflation, repairs and normal increases in rent, the person should receive a proportionate reduction in rent.

A large number of people are letting private accommodation and they do not make income tax returns on it. I am not opposed, nor are the Labour Party, to the commercial letting of private property at a fair rent. That is a legitimate occupation. We are opposed to people being exploited and we suggest that the Minister extend the scope of the 1960 Rent Restrictions Act to include uncontrolled rents and that the Minister introduce a tribunal system. I am shocked that a Minister from Clare and rural Deputies should regard this motion as being amusing. There are hundreds of young women in the public service and young married couples from rural Ireland who come to Dublin and they are mercilessly exploited within a five mile radius of this House in private rented accommodation. Landlords do not make any income tax returns, they dodge here and there and the register of flat tenancies of Dublin Corporation is a joke and the Minister cannot or will not introduce legislation. It is about time we in this House ended that national scandal. For that reason this motion was tabled.

I would remind the Minister that Senator Eoin Ryan wrote this letter. Some people lost the prospect of winning seats in Dublin. I believe that Senator Mary Robinson would probably have won a seat in Rathmines were it not for the kind of promise made by the Fianna Fáil Party that they would bring in a tribunal system. They are not fulfilling the promise.

Question put.
The Dáil divided, Tá 44; Níl, 64.

  • Barry, Peter.
  • Barry, Richard.
  • Begley, Michael.
  • Belton, Luke.
  • Bermingham, Joseph.
  • Boland, John.
  • Bruton, John.
  • Burke, Joan.
  • Byrne, Hugh.
  • Cluskey, Frank.
  • Collins, Edward.
  • Conlan, John F.
  • Cosgarve, Liam.
  • Cosgrave, Michael J.
  • Creed, Donal.
  • Deasy, Martin A.
  • Desmond, Barry.
  • Desmond, Eileen.
  • Donnellan, John F.
  • Enright, Thomas W.
  • FitzGerald, Garret.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom (Cavan-Monaghan).
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harte, Patrick D.
  • Hegarty, Paddy.
  • Horgan, John.
  • Keating, Michael.
  • Kenny, Enda.
  • Kerrigan, Pat.
  • Lipper, Mick.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Mannion, John M.
  • Mitchell, Jim.
  • Murphy, Michael P.
  • O'Brien, Fergus.
  • O'Brien, William.
  • O'Donnell, Tom.
  • O'Keeffe, Jim.
  • O'Toole, Paddy.
  • Pattison, Séamus.
  • Taylor, Frank.
  • Timmins, Godfrey.
  • Tully, James.
  • White, James.

Níl

  • Ahern, Bertie.
  • Ahern, Kit.
  • Andrews, David.
  • Andrews, Nial.
  • Aylward, Liam.
  • Barrett, Sylvester.
  • Brady, Gerard.
  • Brady, Vincent.
  • Briscoe, Ben.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Burke, Raphael P.
  • Callanan, John.
  • Cogan, Barry.
  • Colley, George.
  • Collins, Gerard.
  • Conaghan, Hugh.
  • Connolly, Gerard.
  • Cowen, Bernard.
  • Crinion, Brendan.
  • Cronin, Jerry.
  • Davern, Noel.
  • de Valera, Vivion.
  • Doherty, Seán.
  • Fahey, Jackie.
  • Farrell, Joe.
  • Faulkner, Pádraig.
  • Filgate, Eddie.
  • Fitzpatrick, Tom. (Dublin South-Central).
  • Fitzsimons, James N.
  • Flynn, Pádraig.
  • Fox, Christopher J.
  • French, Seán.
  • Gallagher, Dennis.
  • Geoghegan-Quinn, Máire.
  • Gibbons, Jim.
  • Haughey, Charles J.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Keegan, Seán.
  • Kenneally, William.
  • Killeen, Tim.
  • Lalor, Patrick J.
  • Lawlor, Liam.
  • Lemass, Eileen.
  • Lenihan, Brian.
  • Leonard, Tom.
  • Leyden, Terry.
  • Loughnane, William.
  • Lynch, Jack.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • Moore, Seán.
  • Morley, P.J.
  • Murphy, Ciarán P.
  • Noonan, Michael.
  • O'Connor, Timothy C.
  • O'Hanlon, Rory.
  • O'Leary, John.
  • O'Malley, Desmond.
  • Reynolds, Albert.
  • Smith, Michael.
  • Tunney, Jim.
  • Walsh, Joe.
  • Walsh, Seán.
  • Wilson, John P.
  • Wyse, Pearse.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies B. Desmond and Creed; Níl, Deputies P. Lalor and Briscoe.
Question declared lost.
The Dáil adjourned at 8.45 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 13 April 1978.
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