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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 18 May 1978

Vol. 306 No. 9

Vote 42: Labour (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That a sum not exceeding £27,355,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on 31 December 1978 for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Minister for Labour, including certain services administered by that Office, and for payment of certain grants-in-aid.
—(Minister for Labour.)

I should like to refer to the Employment Equality Act 1977 which was introduced by the previous Government and which is vital legislation. Women are employed at present in a very narrow range of jobs. The Employment Equality Act prohibits job structuring and the designation of men's jobs and women's jobs and widens employment opportunities for women. But the Minister knows that it cannot work without the next legislation which the previous Government were working on—paid maternity leave legislation. The Unfair Dismissals Act 1977, which was introduced by the previous Government, at least protects a woman against dismissal on grounds of pregnancy. There must be a firm commitment by the Minister to introduce maternity leave legislation.

The Irish Congress of Trade Unions maintain that greater responsibility for maternity protection must be assumed by the State on the ground that maternity is a clearly recognised social function. The protection of this social function must be recognised as a basic human right as well as a social duty. This means that measures must be introduced by the Government to create and extend the right to maternity protection in keeping with the principles laid down in the ILO Maternity Protection Convention (Revised) (No. 103) and Recommendation (No. 95) of 1952.

The Irish Congress of Trade Unions consider that legislation is urgently required to provide full maternity protection for all working women. The need for the enactment of legislation is all the more urgent in view of the recommendations of the Labour Court on claims for maternity leave in RTE and Brooks Thomas Limited in September 1976. The legislation should provide a pregnant woman with an adequate period of paid maternity leave before and after confinement. In addition to the period of paid maternity leave, a mother should be entitled to take another period of optional leave which would be unpaid leave. The British Employment Protection Act, 1975, provides for a period of 40 weeks' maternity leave: The Irish Congress of Trade Unions consider that Irish legislation should, at a minimum, provide for a similar period of maternity leave with at least 29 weeks of this leave being post-natal.

The legislation should provide that mothers are protected from dismissal during the entire period of pregnancy and maternity and are entitled to reinstatement in their employment without loss of acquired rights. The right to return to the same job on the same terms and conditions of employment should mean that, as regards seniority, pension rights and other benefits, the period of maternity leave should not constitute a break in continuty of service.

With regard to the cost of maternity protection, a maternity pay fund should be set up which would be financed by an addition to the employer's social welfare contributions. An employer would be able to claim a rebate from the fund to cover the amount of maternity pay required by the legislation. Flexibility of hours to enable visits to ante- and post-natal clinics should be allowed. The legislation should provide for a period of paid birth leave for fathers.

The Irish Congress of Trade Unions believe that unless a comprehensive scheme of maternity protection is introduced, incorporating an adequate period of maternity leave and a guarantee of the right to reinstatement in the original employment, the Anti-Discrimination (Employment) Bill and those sections of the Anti-Discrimination (Unfair Dismissals) Bill covering dismissals on grounds of pregnancy will be of little benefit to women workers.

As a result of the recent review of the European Social Fund, financial assistance is now available towards programmes for the retraining of women over 25. The Minister should ensure that this allocation is availed of to the greatest possible extent. Perhaps he can explain why AnCO have not used this money to date.

I should not like to refer to worker participation, which is a matter of vital importance to the worker and to the country. The Worker Participation (State Enterprises) Act, which was enacted by the previous Government, is a welcome development. I hope the Minister will make available the necessary finance and facilities to monitor these developments and their operation. The Minister must also be prepared to introduce legislation for worker participation in the private sector. I hope that, in the near future, workers will call to elect 50 per cent of the boards of semi-State bodies and of the boards of companies in the private sector. We should be looking at developments in the UK with the publication of the Bullock Report and also in the EEC with the publication of the Green Paper on employee participation and company structure.

The essence of worker participation is to change the balance of power in a situation where the existing system contains rigid demarcation lines based upon management prerogative and the work contract. For this reason, procedures and institutions that merely provide the shadow and not the substance of worker participation must be rejected. Workers should have a say in their day-to-day workings.

The Minister has already announced the establishment of the commission on industrial relations. I note that the amount allocated under subhead E to commissions and special inquiries is £10,000, exactly the same as in 1977. I sincerely hope that the Commission will not be confined to this budget allocation. The Donovan Commission in the UK produced some excellent research papers on industrial relations. It is essential that this commission, if we are to take it seriously, be given the necessary finance and facilities to do their work throughly.

There are some changes that the Minister can make without waiting for the commission. There is one amendment to the Trade Disputes Act, 1906, that should be introduced immediately, that is in the definition of workmen. In the 1906 Act "workmen" is defined as meaning "all persons engaged in trade or in industry". This definition has been interpreted by the Irish courts in a very narrow way so as to exclude employees who work in the public service or in non-commercial employment such as schools, clubs and so on. The effect of this interpretation is that a substantial number of workers do not have the protection of the Trade Disputes Act when they go on strike officially or unofficially. Because of these restrictions Ireland has been found in breach of the European Social Charter and will probably be found to be in breach of international labour conventions. The Minister must rectify this position immediately.

There is also a lot of disquiet among trade unions about the ease with which employers can get injunctions against trade disputes. In the period 1957 to 1967, approximately 40 injunctions were reported in the area of trade disputes. Since 1967, and showing an ever-increasing trend, there have been at least 40 per year. "Injunction" has, unfortunately, become a household word for trade unionists. The problem is ex parte interim injunctions granted to employers——

The Deputy is now getting into the area of the courts and we cannot do that. I did give him permission to deal briefly with legislation. Injunctions are granted by the courts.

——and the trade union is not informed until after the event. In Great Britain the 1974 Trade Union and Labour Relations Act has a very specific statement on ex parte injunctions: they cannot be granted, except in extreme circumstances, and the unions must be informed when the employer is applying for an injunction. Our demand is very simple: introduce similar legislation in Ireland.

I note that the research budget of the Department is only £40,000. Apart from the National Manpower Service surveys, it appears that the Department of Labour do not engage in any other research. Even in the field of manpower policy the information and research are totally inadequate. There is need for research and information on rates of pay and trends of wage rates generally. There should be an analysis of Labour Court decisions which would reveal trends in wage rates, productivity agreements, hours of work, sick pay schemes, occupational pension schemes and so forth. The Department should be researching industrial relations questions. There should be a bibliography of cases decided by the Employment Appeals Tribunal and there should be research into safety and health in Ireland. The list is endless. The Department of Labour should have a proper research unit. The Minister need look no further than the Ministry of Employment in England where they have a work research unit producing excellent and vital publications. This cannot be done on the miserable allocation of £30,000 for research as included in this year's Estimate for the Department of Labour.

I will conclude by saying that, first, we have a litany of promises from the Government on job creation; unhappily, virtually all those promises have yet to be fulfilled. Secondly, we were promised last June a very substantial number of new jobs for young people, but there is not much sign of them so far. Third, it is obvious that the Department of Labour are being downgraded. The Minister's job creation schemes have failed. He has failed our youth. He has no legislation programme. I feel sorry for the staff of the Department of Labour; due to the Minister's inactivity they are in great danger of being redundant.

The Deputy is lucky to have enough to keep him surviving.

I do not accept Deputy Ryan's obituary notice. I compliment the Minister on his brief, which is a record of achievement and a blueprint for progress. If the Minister is given the backing of all sections in the community, the future can be bright. It must be appreciated that no Minister for Labour in any country in the world is facing greater problems than is this Minister in his efforts to create employment. While he can show that, so far, since he took office we are gaining in job opportunities, it is going to be difficult ever again for any country to have full employment as Europe has known it in the past. Man has created the Frankenstein of technology, and technology has been so perfected itself that the machine can now turn out more merchandise and goods than needed by the developed nations.

Therefore, we must look at the work ethic from a new angle. We must make up our minds now, as some nations are already doing, how far technology will contribute to general happiness. It will certainly raise the standard of living and will increase our leisure time. The Minister will now have to look at the problem, not of employment, but of how we are going to fill in our leisure time. If technology continues to increase at the rate we have known in the last decade, we are going to have massive output and not enough people to absorb it. There is a way out of this, especially for the developed nations. If they need not limit technological progress at present they can in their wisdom decide that overproduction, which gives us such things as the Euro butter bank and beef mountain, will enable us to distribute the surplus at least to those developing countries where millions of people starve every day. The idea might be too idealistic for some of the hard core people of Europe, but if the human race are to survive this is the way we must look at things.

As I have said, the Minister is going to have a difficult task to provide new jobs while the machine takes over more and more in producing the goods which we need and appreciate. There is no need to do without a motor car, for instance; but we will have to review our attempts to create employment from that angle. I am sure the Minister and the Government will succeed in bringing about a great reduction in the number of our unemployed, but the European nations must decide where we are heading in the technological race. It may become as important to limit technological advances as it is to limit armaments, such as some nations are seeking to do.

We must admit that in past years our employment problem was greatly lessened by emigration, but there is practically no emigration today. That is a good thing. We will have to strive to ensure that any Irish person who wishes to live a fruitful life at home will get the opportunity to do so. This is what politics is all about, that is the reason why we are in politics. Governments are government for the purpose of bringing about the common good by using natural and national resources. As a small country we have a great opportunity of fashioning a society where there will be justice and where each person can have at least a frugal living. In the long run it may be some small nation that will set the pattern for this type of progress and I hope that we will be that nation.

Unemployment is an emotive subject. The Government will be criticised on their policies as they have been to date, and they will not cavil at that. An Opposition have the right and the duty to criticise the efforts of a Government. Outside the House calls will be heard for radical action by the Government to solve unemployment. I feel inclined to ask people how they define "radical" and how far the trade unions and the employers' organisations would go in radical action. They should let us know what they are prepared to do in order to bring us as near as possible to full employment. After they have considered that perhaps we will see the trade unions and the employers' organisations coming together to examine the state of the national economy and to say: "We are prepared to do certain things together because we believe that this will provide jobs for trade unionists and can bring returns to the employers." That may be rather simplistic, but it is very real.

I am not suggesting that the Government have no part to play in all this. They have the biggest part because they must organise and garner the natural resources so that they can be used in schemes to bring about job creation on a much greater level than we have ever known. However, this will require the goodwill of the trade unions in the first place, and thereafter I am confident that the Government will give the go-ahead for arranging our resources so as to achieve the best for our people.

All of us, and especially those who are parents, are greatly disturbed by the lack of employment for young people. Unless employers, trade unions and all those concerned are prepared to examine the various aspects of this problem, job creation will be a very difficult task. Some of the old habits do not help in this regard. The resources of the country are not limitless but they are sufficient to enable us to undertake a programme that will bring us to the frontiers of the desired economic achievement. There is no point in telling the Government to get on with the job if everybody else concerned is not prepared to pull his weight also. It is imperative that to achieve success in this sphere some of the prejudices on the various sides be dropped. To this end there is need for sacrifice. The lower-paid worker obviously cannot be asked to sacrifice any more. He is making sacrifices all the time, but perhaps those in the upper income limits could be encouraged to make some sacrifice.

In respect of any industrial revival or employment-creation programme we must begin by recognising that many workers are still very much underpaid, that they are not getting a fair share of that national cake which they helped to bake. However, in order to give more, greater wealth must be created and in this regard the efforts of all interests in society are needed. A situation in which the unemployment level can be reduced to 3 per cent is usually regarded as being a situation of full employment but we are yet a long way from that level. However, we must do everything possible to ensure that our people can find employment at home and it is on that basis that we as a society will be judged. However, to be successful in this respect each of us must be prepared to back the action taken by the Government, by the employers' organisations and by the trade unions. The task ahead will not be easy but anything that is worth while is rarely achieved easily. There are some who would say that private enterprise is on trial in this whole area of job creation but I wonder whether that is so. As I see it, our whole society is on trial. People in private enterprise would remind us that the term "private enterprise" is to same extent a misnomer because for many years the State has been making inroads into that sphere of activity. For instance, this House has passed legislation putting curbs on the private sector. We are proud of that legislation. However, we cannot claim to have the sort of private enterprise that was known, say, 20 or 30 years ago. The situation in the rest of Europe is changing in the same way. The public sector, too, is on trial because the onus is on us as a country to provide jobs for our citizens.

There are various areas of activity to which we could look in our efforts to create more jobs. Traditionally the man was the sole breadwinner for the family but now many women go to work. That is their right but to some extent this situation affects the overall employment position compared with, say, what the position was 20 years ago. While we uphold the right of women to go to work and while we insist that they be paid at the same rate of remuneration as men for work of equal value, we might consider finding employment for women at home on a different scale. I am not endeavouring to force women back to the kitchen but we should do everything possible to ensure that no mother would have to work outside the home because of economic necessity. Perhaps we might introduce a wage for mothers who stayed at home to look after their families so as to allow any mother who so wished to work only at home. To pay mothers an allowance that would be in addition to children's allowances would give them greater spending power.

The Deputy would have to relate that suggestion to the responsibilities of the Minister but it would not appear to be relevant to what we are discussing.

I am raising the point in the context of the creation of employment.

It is a very good point.

That may be so but I do not think that the Minister for Labour would have any responsibility in regard to paying allowances to mothers.

I bow to the Chair's ruling but I am merely trying to emphasise that we must explore every avenue in relation to the difficult task of job creation. I hope to see what I have just suggested being put into practice some day.

We look to the construction industry to provide employment. I am glad that this sector is now moving ahead and will provide more and more jobs for craftsmen and craftswomen. We must make sure that this industry is not hindered in any way by lack of finance or industrial unrest. Many thousands of dwellings have been built. In parts of the country we can say that the housing problem has been solved, in so far as it can be solved. As the population continues to grow there will always be a need for housing. After agriculture, our greatest investment should be in the construction industry. Many people can be employed in providing for the essential needs of the community. We have got rid of the worst of the slums. We are in the second phase of the housing drive and are now replacing houses or flats which were built 50 years ago.

Despite all the millions which have already been spent on the housing drive, we now have to spend as much again. This is an on-going situation. We will never be free of the necessity to satisfy housing demands. Because of the demand for housing we have an avenue for the provision of worth-while employment. We must ensure that the construction industry will be the main beneficiary of the largesse of the State, though we know that the State purse is not bottomless. It is ridiculous that thousands of building workers should be unemployed while thousands of people are waiting for dwellings. People now marry younger and want higher standards of housing. Demands will increase enormously in both the private and local authority sectors.

I congratulate the Minister on what he has already achieved in the building trade. Advertisements are now appearing again in the newspapers seeking various types of craftsmen. In relation to two types of craftsmen, it is very difficult to obtain their services. It may be that there are not sufficient apprentices and perhaps the recruitment of apprentices should be opened up. If there is any reduction in the numbers of boys and girls in training, then we will have to face the results of that in three or four years' time. I am glad that the Minister is energetically tackling this problem through AnCO and other organisations.

I am also glad that the Minister has tackled in a realistic way the problem of the employment of the disabled. Many people pay lip service to this, but the Minister has outlined what he has done. We are too poor a country to be able to do without the services of the disabled. Many of them can make a tremendous contribution to the national economy. I applaud those organisations who, mostly by voluntary effort, are training disabled people to play their part in society. We should provide every possible aid so that such people can perfect their skills and lead useful lives working in industry or commerce. We should do this not as an act of generality but because of the contribution which these people can make. The employment of the disabled is not a new concept, but the fact that this matter is being taken seriously is a new aspect. We thank all the organisations involved for the work they have done in helping disabled people.

The Minister referred to the careers information service. He has set out what is done every year. Few people realise that about four million pamphlets a year are distributed to advise young people on the choice of career. Recently I was in a city and the town hall had been taken over for a week by career guidance experts so that young people could meet them and receive advice. This is an excellent idea which could be adopted in every city or town.

Those who have worked in industry have seen the folly of allowing a young person to take up a job because it was the only job available. Very often that outlook was the cause of much harm to the person and to the industry involved. I note that the Minister for Education has taken steps regarding a training course in career guidance. This is very important. If we are to build up the industrial arm of the economy, people must be engaged in work which they like and for which they have an aptitude. Cynics will say that we have not the jobs for them, but this is part of the task of providing employment.

Nations which have almost full employment have spent countless millions on technical, vocational and commercial education. We cannot afford not to do this because we need a well-trained workforce. We have disadvantages from which other countries do not suffer; but, on the other hand, we have advantages such as the aptitude of the Irish worker. It is often said nowadays that people do not want to work, but this is not true of the vast majority. They will even take on jobs which are distasteful to them because work brings its own discipline. A person who goes through life in full employment has much to contribute to the common good.

It is up to us to give every boy and girl an opportunity for full employment and, through career guidance, build up a most efficient and powerful labour force which could hold its own anywhere in Europe. We have to do that especially in these days of free trade. Our people must be as good as the Danes, the French, the Belgians and the Germans. We must face this challenge and ensure that our people can compete with Europeans. I do not see any merit in a system which forces its workers to emigrate. Some continental countries were destroyed during the war and since then were able to rebuild their economies. If we had the necessary determination we could do that too, but we must have certain disciplines. We must develop them and make sure we are doing the best for our people.

The Minister referred at length to industrial relations. This is a very thorny field. I have always thought it should be called "human relations" because a person does not change when he goes to work in a factory or an office. It is the conditions in that factory or office which changes his outlook and which might turn a quiet person into a militant worker carrying a placard saying "Strike on Here". We are very thankful that the number of man-days lost through strikes has been dropping very dramatically. While official strikes occur for very good reasons, what worries me are the unofficial strikes and how to deal with them. Unofficial strikes are a problem not alone for the employers and the community at large but also for the unions, because every unofficial strike is a vote of no confidence in the trade union. It is not enough to condemn unofficial strikers. We must ask ourselves why they take place. The person who comes up with the answer to that major problem will save this country many millions of pounds and jobs.

I worked on a shop floor and saw more than my share of unofficial strikes. It must be admitted that in some cases they are justified. It can happen that management will not listen to a genuine grievance or will prevaricate and drag out negotiations; but when a picket is put on the gate the moment of truth dawns on them. Then there is a rush to reach a patched up solution and get the men back to work. This can and does happen. I am not saying that people who go on unofficial strike always have a good reason for doing so. It is often merely a reflection of the times we live in.

Japan is one of the most heavily industrialised, progressive and prosperous nations of the world. Their new Tokyo Airport cannot be opened because of a type of unofficial strike. They are a disciplined nation. At present there are more unofficial than official strikes in this country and as I said, it is very hard to know how to end them. One way would be if each trade unionist said: "I will not go on strike unless it is an official action agreed by the unions." We will not get that kind of discipline until we have had another look at the whole trade union structure and see how it can be built into a strong structure.

People say the unions are too strong, but I believe they are too weak. I sympathise with the unions who, having negotiated a new industrial pact or productivity agreement, having satisfied their members that it was the best they could get and that it was a just settlement, find that one man appears next morning carrying a placard saying "Strike on here". That is very trying. How often do we see people refusing to pass a picket even though it is unofficial?

The trade unions must find this discipline among themselves. The commission set up by the Minister to examine industrial relations will probably spend a great deal of time considering unofficial strikes, and rightly so. I support the Minister's plea that unions should be in the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. I spoke with the members of a union which is not in congress and they gave various reasons for this. While some of their arguments were convincing, looking at the whole picture they were not sufficient reasons for staying outside. If we are to have orderly advancement we must make sure that the dissidents in the trade union movement and in the employer organisations are well organised and disciplined. Only in that way will we make progress towards achieving full employment. Last year, because of what happened in one major concern we got a very bad name abroad. It was unfortunate that happened and perhaps it could have been avoided. There may have been facts the public did not know about. This situation is not peculiar to this country. In the United Kingdom, which is not a model of industrial harmony, we have seen many strikes, particularly in the motor industry, which lasted a very long time and happened very often. We must not take that industry as something to be copied. We must take the good points from the British scene, but we must not believe that the cause of our trade unions would be advanced by acting in a way similar to that in which some of those in the British motor trade act. I read recently a report of a strike in Scotland that went on for six months.

I accept that we need to do a lot to perfect our industrial relations, but it should not go forth that we are a black spot in this respect. We are better than many countries, although we have a lot to do if we are to reach a high level in this regard. We are a small economy and the British can withstand such strikes better than we can. For that reason we should not copy their bad habits. They have a long industrial tradition behind them. Even though they may not be the empire they once were, their economy is quite strong. We are only a young nation building up our economy but we are doing ourselves harm if we have unhappy, industrial or human relations.

The commission which the Minister has established to probe all questions on industrial relations will meet next month and I hope they will come up with answers which will be acceptable to trade unions and employers. We have to realise that unless we establish a worth-while economic unit we will not make progress. The trade unions and the employers are the spearhead of our drive towards greater employment and prosperity. They are important functions in our society. A Government can only do a certain amount towards achieving industrial harmony: it is not possible for them to legislate harmony into the industrial scene. A Government can introduce helpful legislation but in the final analysis the big effort must come from the trade unions and the employers.

I support the Minister's attitude in relation to intervention by him in industrial disputes. I accept that that used happen in the old days but when one strike finished another one loomed. We must remember that the Labour Court is available and that court has a record in industrial relations of which we can all be proud. We must also remember that we have the service of rights commissioners and other advisory services of the Labour Court. There is no reason why we should have any injustices on the labour scene. Those involved in industrial disputes should avail of the services provided by the State.

The Minister has been criticised for his failure to intervene in industrial disputes. However, if an unofficial strike is a mark of no confidence in a trade union then the intervention of a Minister could be taken as a mark of no confidence in the machinery set up by the State to deal with industrial disputes. All we need on the industrial scene is a bit of common sense, because nobody benefits by a strike. After long drawn out strikes unfortunate strikers, when they count up their gains and losses, finish up losing a lot. In negotiations between unions and employers workers should take any improvements offered and move on from there. In that way people would be getting better conditions without any loss of pay.

Perhaps it would be too much to expect that all employers have their factory premises in peak condition, but if an unsatisfactory situation exists employees can refer to the legislation laying down conditions for factory premises. Employers who do not comply can be prosecuted. If legislation in that regard is out of date it should be amended.

Job creation is being affected by unofficial strikes and lockouts and that is an injustice to those who do not have a job. We must all give more thought to those not fortunate enough to have a job. If we consider their plight we will realise that there is an onus on every one of us to do something to bring about a change in our economy so that more people can be employed. I should like to know how many jobs will result from early retirement proposals because in most cases those who retire are seldom replaced. There may be a cutback in the total expenditure of that factory or office but, thanks to new machinery, output would be increased. We would then have fewer people producing a greater amount of goods— capitalism at its unacceptable worst.

We have the goodwill of the majority of the trade unions and employers and we want to get the goodwill of the minority responsible for unofficial strikes. Unofficial strikes occur for many trivial reasons. If one travels the roads of this city early in the morning one will often see people stranded because of an unofficial bus strike. That is not playing the game because fellow workers are being penalised and in some cases the fact that they are late for work will mean a loss of money for them. We must eliminate unofficial strikes if possible. Circumstances may arise when an unofficial strike has to take place because some people might not listen to grievances. Some years ago a number of men went on strike because they were supplied with shovels that had short handles. That could have been described as a wildcat or silly strike but if one had to work for a long number of hours with a short handled shovel one could develop backaches. That is an example of what can happen. The person who supplied those shovels should have decided, after hearing the complaints of the workers, to replace them. That is just one instance of why an unofficial strike took place. In that case it was the short handles on the shovels; in other cases it is the shortsightedness of the employers.

We must do everything to create the greatest possible number of jobs so as to use our natural resources and abilities with a view to creating full employment. It will not be easy. It is not just a matter for the Minister, although he and his Department have an important role to play in creating the conditions to encourage employment. We must show potential investors that they will get a return for their money. Firms invest money to make a profit and not just for the common good. We must show investors that we can produce on at least the same level as other countries.

The Minister referred to an employment maintenance scheme for industries such as the clothing and footwear industries. In these industries there is very unfair competition from abroad. If one looks for Irish made shoes in the shops it is not easy to get them. The "Buy Irish" slogan is very good in helping to create employment but a "Sell Irish" campaign should be introduced to push Irish made goods with a view to creating more employment. Very often Irish made products are superior to the imported ones. We must encourage people not alone to buy Irish but to sell Irish. Yesterday morning I heard the British Prime Minister make an appeal to his people not to buy foreign goods. If the British Prime Minister can make such an appeal it is understandable that we who have a much weaker economy should make an appeal to the people to buy Irish. Even with this sort of co-operation it will be difficult to be successful in combating the unemployment problem. I look forward to the Government's Green Paper which will be out shortly. It is a further step towards creating full employment. We will be judged mostly on the provision of employment.

The Deputy has five or six minutes left.

The Employment Action Team was set up with the emphasis on the employment of youth. We all look forward to this team achieving their objectives which involve a community fitness programme, an environmental improvement schemes programme, a work experience programme, apprentice recruitment by local authorities and a community-based survey in Ballyfermot, and so on. Dublin Corporation give out community grants. In one case in which I was involved an organisation was given a grant to redecorate their premises and they ran into endless trouble over the employment of trade union apprentices. As far as I know it has not yet been straightened out. That is a case where the local authority are willing to pay a grant but where apprentices are denied training because of disagreement over the terms of employment. I know that the Minister has given a lot of thought to the training of apprentices and I hope that when he is addressing us next year we will have cleared up all the difficulties relating to apprentices, who after all, are the basis for future industrial and commercial enterprises.

I congratulate the Minister on his speech which, if it is implemented in the spirit in which it is put forward, will contribute to a prosperous and happy community by this time next year.

The Minister referred to the employment incentive scheme, for which a sum of £7 million has been provided for the payment of premiums of £20 or £14 to employers. This is a very worth-while scheme. The Minister for Finance questioned the merits of this scheme and I would ask the Minister, when replying, to make it clear that the Minister for Finance cannot take any action against it. I would also ask the Minister to give assurances that his Department will not accept a cutback on this scheme or the abolition of it. If money is scarce, the Minister responsible for the various coloured papers should be asked to look elsewhere for it. This is a worth-while scheme not only in periods of recession but when we are coming out of recession, when it is desirable that employers would be given a chance to manoeuvre, to take on additional staff, to gear them to take off when the recession is over.

By way of question recently I suggested that the incentive scheme might be maintained as a permanent feature to help handicapped people. We are all sympathetic towards the needs of such people, and extending this scheme in a permanent fashion to handicapped people would be spending money well in every sense of the word.

The employment maintenance scheme to help vulnerable industries like the clothing and footwear which have been under threat, is a good idea. Any assistance we can give them to maintain employment is welcome. Workers in these and other weak industries have been asked to forego portion of national pay agreements because payment of the full amount might mean sending them to the wall. Now that the Government have seen fit to bring in a subsidy scheme, I suggest it should be made clear to these industries that they should now honour the full terms of pay agreements. Otherwise I cannot see any great purpose in this scheme. Workers in these industries have been asked to cut back drastically their living standards in order that these industries could survive, but such industries should now be told to honour wage agreements in full.

In his speech the Minister spoke about the Employment Action Team. He said they have been meeting at regular meetings since September and that they issued a report in mid-November. It seems to me that they have been doing very little since. They seem to have drifted into the background. Have too many constraints been placed on them? What are their terms of reference? These are questions we should be asking about them. They are obviously engaged in the industrial field and therefore I should imagine they impinge on the work of the IDA. When they speak about apprenticeships' or training they are impinging on AnCO.

A question one must pose in this context is what exactly is their role? Were they set up with a fanfare of trumpets in order to mislead or in an attempt to pull the wool over the people's eyes.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 5 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, May 23 1978.
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