: I propose, a Cheann Comhairle, to make a statement for the information of the ouse about my recent visit to the United States for the purpose of addressing the Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on disarmament.
As the House will be aware, most of the heads of state or of Government of the European Economic Community, including President Giscard d'Estaing of France, Mr. Joergensen of Denmark, Chancellor Schmidt of Germany, Mr. Thorn of Luxembourg and Mr. Callaghan of the United Kingdom spoke or are due to speak at the session. The attendance also include Chancellor Kreisky of Austria, Mr. Trudeau of Canada, Mr. Desai of India, Mr. Fukuda of Japan, Mr. Odvarnordli of Norway and Mr. Ecevit of Turkey.
I addressed the session in the afternoon of 25 May. I am having copies of the address laid before the House, for information. I will, therefore, touch here only on the principal points.
The world today spends about $400,000 million annually for military purposes. This is more than the total spent on education and about 20 times the total aid given by the industrialised countries to the Third World. Yet 1,000 million people lack adequate housing; 2,800 million are without safe water; and 25,000 people die every day from water-borne diseases.
The enormity of the tragedy represented by these statistics is not limited or static. Military expenditure is growing. The world is engaged in an armaments race. Each country fears domination by an alien ideology. The consequence of this is the allocation from national budgets of ever-increasing resources as the fear escalates and technology perfects new instruments of destruction.
No meeting, even if held under the auspices of so prestigious a body as the United Nations, could, of itself, bring an end to this deadly competition. The essential purpose of the special session is to sharpen public awareness of the dangers, help end the waste and perhaps prevent an escalation which could lead to world annihilation.
In my contribution, I said that it was important that whatever proposals emerged should be based on consensus and should, as far as possible, impose a limitation by reference to gross national product, on the proportion of resources devoted to armaments. I stressed the necessity for the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty and a halt to the qualitative development and refinement of new nuclear and other weapons.
Following my address, I discussed with Dr. Waldheim, Secretary General of the United Nations, the general problem of disarmament and the situation in the Middle East, with particular referece to the mandate for the United Nations Force in Lebanon. I also took the opportunity of telling him of developments in Northern Ireland.
I availed of the opportunity afforded by my visit to put before the American people our views on the situation in Northern Ireland. I stressed, particularly, the dangers that lay in the way of any movement towards further integration with the United Kingdom and the necessity for a new political initiative in the area as a counter to terrorism. I mentioned our belief that the way forward lay in the encouragement by the British Government of the coming together of the Irish people, in reconciliation, and under agreed structures. I said that in advance of such initiative we would support the idea of a devolved administration in Northern Ireland, based on power-sharing, participation, or partnership —however described—which both sections of the community in Northern Ireland found acceptable.
These views are based on the necessity, for the sake of all the people of our island, of ending the waste in human and economic terms involved in the present situation. The cost to the United Kingdom Government in 1977 of sustaining Northern Ireland was well over £800 million. The cost to the Irish Exchequer, since the troubles began, is now approaching £200 million. These are simply cash figures and do not reflect the other economic costs, like lost tourism, lost employment and lost opportunities in Ireland, North and South. The real tragedy, which cannot be summarised, is in the human suffering, and in the bitter divisions which violence accentuates.
I stressed that economic growth in this part of the island over the past decade or so has brought us to a point where average gross domestic product per head here is now probably about the same as that in Northern Ireland, if it is not more. I emphasised the community interest, of both parts of Ireland, in the industrial, competition, agricultural, regional and social policies of the European Economic Communities. I stressed, above all, our interest in progress by discussion and in co-operation, with the people of Northern Ireland. We have a common interest, in this island, in the achievement of a just and lasting peace in Northern Ireland—and in the political stability on which all economic and social progress ultimately depends.
The third major purpose of my visit was to discuss with business leaders in the United States the prospects for investment here. I told them of the economic advances of recent years, of the progress we were making which put us at the head of the growth league in the European Economic Communities and among the leaders in the wider forum of the OECD countries, both in 1977 and probably in 1978. I mentioned the success we were having in reducing inflation—from a rate of more than 20 per cent in a recent year to a figure estimated to be of the order of 6 or 7 per cent in the year to the present month. I emphasised the importance of American investment in Ireland, where it represents over 50 per cent of all investment from abroad, and approximately 15 per cent to 20 per cent of industrial employment here.
This investment does not deprive Americans of jobs. It is simply a means of access by American companies to markets which they could not otherwise reach. The investment benefits them, benefits us and benefits the Communities, of which we are a part, in the employment it gives, in the new and sophisticated products it brings to the market, and in the access it gives in turn to other markets and opportunities.
In conclusion, I was anxious to indicate, now that five years of membership of the European Economic Communities have passed, just what that membership has meant to us. Over that period our total exports to the countries of the Community on mainland Europe have increased by approximately 600 per cent. Similarly, our imports from the other eight member countries of the Community have risen by percentages measures in multiples of one hundred.
I do not think that anyone in this House is so naive as to expect that a visit over a period of a few days could be sufficient to bring concrete decisions on new investments. I do not intend to list this firm or that firm as having decided to come here as a result of my visit. I went to the United States to describe the economic background and to emphasise our welcome for new investment. The results will be seen, not in spectacular announcements immediately on my return, but in what happens over the next year or so.
Finally, I took the opportunity afforded by my visit to thank the leaders of the Irish-American community in America for their understanding and support of Irish Government policies, particularly on Northern Ireland. I met with Speaker O'Neill, Senators Kennedy and Moynihan and Governor Carey and had extremely useful and constructive discussions with them in relation to the North and to the question of American investment and certain tax problems. I would like to place on record now, in this House, the appreciation of the Irish Government of the statement by President Carter in August 1977, and of the courage and effort of the distinguished public representatives I met for their help in spreading understanding among the Irish community in the United States of the complex problems with which we have to deal in relation to Northern Ireland, and of the necessity for progress there to be based on reconciliation among the people of this island.
