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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 22 Feb 1979

Vol. 312 No. 1

Financial Resolutions, 1979. - Financial Resolution No. 8: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
(Minister for Economic Planning and Development.)

Before Question Time I was dealing with the removal of food subsidies. There was a saving of £20 million in taxation as a result of this measure. It was a callous and extraordinary act by the Government. Hardship was imposed on the poorer sections of the community by the savage increases in milk, butter, flour and bread. The subsidies were introduced to offset the huge increases which resulted from the devaluation of the £ in comparison to Britain and what was known as the green £. They were necessary in order to ensure that those who were not of the farming community would not be paying the increases granted by the EEC.

The removal of food subsidies was wrong both from the farmers' point of view and the point of view of the co-ops. It will reduce consumption in commodities such as butter at a time when it is necessary to increase production and sales. The measure was announced as if by stealth after the Christmas festivities. When the subsidies were withdrawn it meant an increase of 8p on butter, 2p per pint of milk, 2p on a loaf and a substantial increase in the price of flour. These are basic food commodities for the poorer sections of the community. The Government also abolished the subsidy on cheese, which poor people had substituted for meat. Meat had become too expensive for them and cheese gave them the same nourishment as meat.

Prior to the last election we warned the people that this was what Fianna Fáil would probably do. Fianna Fáil were silent about it at the time. They had a shopping basket and explained the different increases that had come about during the Coalition Government's term in office. I am not denying that there were increases during that time but they did not come about by deliberate action on the part of the Government. We provided the subsidies in order to alleviate some of these increases. I do not care what way Fianna Fáil plaster it up and say it is better to give increases to social welfare recipients, most people would agree that deliberately increasing the price of basic foods in this manner cannot be justified.

This is not the first time Fianna Fáil have done this. Years ago, when they came back into Government, with one fell swoop they removed whatever subsidies had been put on by a previous Coalition Government. It seems to be their criterion that they will continue to do this. It is the poor who suffer most from these actions. A previous speaker said that it was subsidising food for the rich. That is true. It is also said that it was subsidising food for tourists. Our tourist industry is one of the most valuable industries we have. Our food prices do not compare favourably with those in other countries. Americans have said that they are scandalously high. We need tourists and we should encourage cheaper food prices for them even though they have plenty of money.

I do not accept that all tourists are able to pay for the high cost of accommodation and food. They will not continue to come here if our prices do not compare favourably with those of other countries. The vast majority of our tourists come from Britain and our food prices are higher than theirs. Yet to save £20 million the Government removed subsidies on food while a short time before they handed out to very rich people many millions of pounds.

It has been said and the Government have never contradicted it, that they will continue to phase out food subsidies. We were given no indication that there would be one phase per annum or anything like that. There could be one in a month's time. Given that a Minister announced this morning that there would be another budget in another direction, the new reduction in the food subsidies could come sooner than we think. The second phase will be on us long before we have a chance to discuss another budget in this House.

We heard a lot of boasting about the other increases in income tax allowances particularly for the PAYE sector. The impression was that something was handed out to everybody. Married people's allowance was increased. The Irish Congress of Trade Unions looked for £100 million relief in taxation for PAYE earners last year and the year before and £50 million was provided in that area in last year's budget by the present Minister and in the previous year's budget by the former Minister for Finance. This year there is an allowance of £27 million, which falls very far short of what the ICTU were seeking, which would have done something to bring about stability in wage demands. The budget did nothing in that direction. I understood from statements made by congress leaders after a meeting with the Government that they had an assurance that family allowances would not be taxed. That was one of the options set out in the White Paper. We now know that in this budget family allowances have been taxed, in a roundabout way I agree, and the Minister here could say they have not been taxed.

But he cannot say that and claim it is the truth. It is like the fellow who said "I did not eat my loaf. Give me a loan of yours. You can have mine." It is a prevarication. The child allowance for a married person is reduced by £22, and if that is not taxing family allowances I do not know what it is. The Government have ratted on their undertaking to the ICTU in saying that they would not tax family allowances. To reduce the allowance for married people by £22 for each child is a clear unequivocal way of taxing children's allowances. That is putting income tax on family allowances.

While dealing with the removal of food subsidies it is incumbent on me to say something about prices in general. I do not know what kind of things are included in what we call this rate of inflation. In the last three months there have been increases in every household item apart from the basic food items I have mentioned. A packet of washing powder now costs 56p or 57p. A few years ago you would have been laughed to scorn if you had said that the packet of washing powder was going to cost 11s. That price has not been substantially increased in the last year. I can mention many other items, including jam about which there has been no word.

The present Minister seems to get none of the flak that came so readily to his predecessor in office. The media, and particularly Fianna Fáil, were calling him Minister for Prices, Mr. Prices and so on. Now we have increases right across the board. We may say what we like about the rate of inflation being this, that or the other, but none of it means a thing to the ordinary housewife. What she does know is that every time she goes to her supermarket or small shop, the prices of the general items of household goods which she has to buy have been increased, and increased twice and three times since this Government took office, but there seems to be no backlash from anybody. The present Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy and his Minister of State do not seem to be Mr. Prices or Mr. anything else. In the last report of the Prices Commission 36 items which are bought by every household are shown to have increased substantially in price. During the general election Fianna Fáil made great play of their shopping basket. I ask them respectfully to produce that selfsame shopping basket now with the same items and compare the prices with what they were when they took office. Those prices would make sorry reading indeed from the Fianna Fáil point of view.

As I have the honour to speak for my party on matters of agriculture, I want to say a word or two about the 2 per cent levy on most farm produce. This seems to be a sore point with Fianna Fáil people. A Fianna Fáil Deputy in my constituency put down a resolution at the county committee of agriculture asking the Minister to abolish that levy. I have stood up in this House on every occasion on which I have spoken on a budget and I have said, as I say again today, that the farmer or anybody else in our community should pay his or her proper share of tax. When farmer tax was first introduced I said at a farmers' meeting in my constituency that anybody having a taxable income should pay tax. I was not very popular at that time for it. I say now that there should be no such thing as a notional system for the paying of income tax by farmers. They should, in the same manner as every self-employed person or PAYE person, return accounts and if they do not, their tax should be assessed in the same manner as applies to everybody else. I am told that farmers cannot or do not keep accounts. That is rubbish. Farmers have accounts. Most of them are availing of, or trying to become ready to avail of, the farm modernisation scheme and they must have accounts in order to apply and qualify for this scheme. They have accounts and they should return these accounts, state their profits and claim their allowances as does everybody else. They should return accounts to the Revenue Commissioners and they should be taxed thereon, and if they are not liable for tax nobody expects them to pay it.

This levy goes much deeper than that. It is the most disastrous and stupid tax ever introduced in this House. I come from a county where in the main there are big farms. I have related what I have said to the farmers there about the way they should pay tax. During the week I met the executive of the IFA in that county and without exception they agreed that what I was saying was correct and what I said three years ago was correct—and it was not too easy to get agreement from them at that time. Farmers realise that like other businessmen they are expected to make returns and if liable, to pay tax. This is not something new; I am repeating what I said three or four years ago.

To implement this levy on production is wrong because it does not take into account a person's ability to pay. If a farmer sells £100 worth of produce he must pay £2 on it irrespective of his profit. Grain growing is a major type of farming where I live. It is supposed to be a handy crop, one just sows it and then reaps it. Many of the smaller and medium sized farmers who are unable to acquire sophisticated machinery to harvest grain and beet crops must get it done on contract and when they bring £100 worth of grain to a mill or a meal factory the profit in many instances is as low as £5 or £6. A profit of £5 or £10 on a £100 worth of produce in this area is considered good. However, a man could have a bad crop and have no profit at all yet he will have to pay this 2 per cent. This cannot be justified under any system of taxation. A taxation system must be fair. Under any criteria laid down in this House some small farmers are not eligible to pay income tax yet they must pay this 2 per cent levy no matter what the profit or the total income. That cannot be justified.

This levy will affect employment in the agricultural industry generally and in the meat trade. In my constituency there are certain people who have been referred to here and outside as beef barons. They are substantial farmers who if they realised their assets would be worth a lot of money. For years they have been engaged in beef production and because of them a substantial meat industry employing 1,000 workers has grown up. The managers of three Kildare factories told me during the week that they have no axe to grind in relation to farmers, that they knew they should be paying more tax. However, they thought the two per cent levy was ridiculous. Over the last few years farmers have been working in the beef industry with a minimal margin of profit. I do not defend any ranchers, but these people are buying young cattle at £300 and £400 each. They buy perhaps 300 or 400 head of cattle in December and fatten them during the period December to May and then sell them to the factories. Even though they are described as beef barons and are substantial farmers they do not have the ready cash do buy cattle, they have to borrow it. By doing so, they make a profit of about £30 per beast, or 10 per cent which means that the tax collected will be as high as 33? or 40 per cent. These people have put a lot of money into buildings and they want to stay in this type of farming.

The managers in the factories said that the meat processing plants in Kildare would only work on a seasonal basis if the levy is imposed. According to the press it appears that the Minister is to have another look at this. I would appeal to him to do so because otherwise 1,000 people employed in the beef industry will be unemployed for three or four months of the year. The imposition of this levy would also encourage people to export cattle. The tax will not be collectable at the marts, but at the port of exit. The Revenue Commissioners or whoever is charged with collecting this tax will be unable to police this area adequately. This will encourage people to export the live fat cattle which are so badly needed to keep the meat factories going. These factories can work at greater capacity than at present, but there is a scarcity of beef for the factories at certain times of the year. I am worried about the people working in the factories who will become unemployed for three or four months of the year if this levy is imposed. I am less worried about the farmers who can transfer to other areas of profit making.

How has the land become so expensive if the profit margin is as small as the Deputy says?

I am talking about the people in the beef industry who will not change their way of life until it becomes intolerable. There is hope that during negotiations with this Government or some Government the MCAs will be arranged so that our beef can compete properly on the European and the British markets so that it will not pay our factories to export unboned meat. There are factories employing people in the boning of meat because they believe the present situation cannot continue. To prove that to the Minister I can get the managers of those factories to give him facts and figures.

I asked a simple question.

The price of land is a different question. Anyone with any experience in agriculture will know that it is almost impossible to pay the going price of land at present for a farm. I am not worried about that but about the meat industry which will lose 1,000 jobs for three months of the year in Kildare if this levy is imposed. This is the straw that will break the camel's back.

I want to talk about the effect this will have on pig production. It is recognised in the Department of Agriculture and elsewhere that there must be a large unit of pig production to make any profit and that in the bigger units the profit is usually £1 per pig. In my constituency in the past two years a pig co-op has been set up. A number of breeders who keep pigs, rear and fatten them to a certain point sell them to the co-op to have them finished. In that way they get whatever profit is in them from the co-op and they are able to dispose of all their pigs from the time the sow farrows. It is reckoned that under the present system these co-ops must die. They have been a very effective means in my constituency of ensuring continued availability of pigs in the meat trade. When I was young every cottier had a pig. I am sure the Chair knows that in regard to County Wexford and the Minister of State must remember it. That has gone because there is no profit in it—perhaps there never was. In any case that type of pig is not now available to keep the pig production units going where employment is generated. If this kind of imposition on the gross output—without any recognition of the profit element in the commodity—is to be imposed it will have a very serious effect on agricultural output.

It has been said to me by a very prominent member of Fianna Fáil that this is the most stupid tax ever introduced. That is a big thing to say. It is no secret that half the Fianna Fáil Party are opposed to it. Everybody knows that more than half of Fianna Fáil, who are rurally based, know that this levy will have a detrimental effect on employment principally in the meat factories and on the pig industry, the sheep industry and wherever the small farmer particularly is involved. It is unjust because any tax that does not take account in some way of ability to pay—except on a luxury item——

Like a wealth tax.

I am glad I am getting under the Minister's skin so that he is coming back with retorts. It is not my habit to interrupt here. Wealth tax was something the present Government decided to hand out to fewer than 5,000. It amounted to £10 million. That is what the figure would have been this year. I am glad the Minister mentioned it because despite the fact that the Government handed it back to those people they had to get instead £20 million on the basic foods for the unfortunate poor.

I want to deal with a few more promises and how they were carried out. I have made my point about the 2 per cent tax on agricultural output. It will have the opposite effect to that desired. I believe that whoever thought up this tax had no rural base, that he had not even a knowledge of the meat industry in this city, whoever it was. If he knew the implications for our meat processing plants he would certainly shy away from it. I ask the Minister to let sanity prevail and to take off the tax.

The wealth tax, since the Minister mentioned it, was imposed on property owners of £100,000 which was much more then than it is now. Inflation under the two Governments has affected it. I am not trying to blame this Government for that; it is subject to outside influence even though they did not recognise that in the last election campaign; they used inflation to the maximum. The principal reason for the huge rise in inflation during the Coalition Government's term was the rise in the price of oil.

The Deputy accepts that; I do not.

The Deputy has about five minutes left and should not be interrupted.

I should be allowed the time taken up by interruptions.

No allowance for lost time.

I shall try to finish within the five minutes. I would like to debate wealth tax with the Minister some time and I would not fear the outcome. Most normal people would agree that the provision of £10 million from wealth tax would be better than taking subsidies off bread, butter and milk. Probably Fianna Fáil are not ordinary people; they are probably in the wealth tax bracket.

I could say much more but I want to mention the increase, since this Government took office, in the price of houses. I want to speak of the implication in the White Paper that fewer local authority houses will be built and about circulars from the Department of the Environment to every county council, including that of which I have the honour of being a member, indicating that we should scrutinise every applicant for a house and ensure that he is not somebody who should build a house for himself. Because they were so long on waiting lists for housing I have persuaded people to build their own houses. They have got into a mess. They got a loan of £7,000 at that time. It has since been increased to £9,000 but the basic income rate has not been increased.

The Government are now suggesting that the county manager can lend £9,000 to a person with an income of £65 a week gross. He will not buy a house for £9,000. Everybody knows, including the Minister, that the price of a house is now £14,000, £16,000 or £20,000. Taking the figure of £14,000, he has to get another £5,000 after he gets the loan of the £9,000. Unfortunately I have put people into that position by advising them to buy their own houses. They are paying back two loans, £23 a week on the £9,000, and £20 a week on the £7,000 and £10 or £12 more to some lending society or bank where they got a second mortgage.

These are the people who are to be debarred from getting a local authority house because they are over a certain limit. Fianna Fáil removed rates on private dwellings as promised by both sides before the election. They boast about doing that. Maybe they have a right to boast.

I want to impress on the Minister and on the Minister for the Environment what happened in Kildare at this year's estimates meeting. The manager had estimated that it would require a 20 per cent increase to maintain the services and do what we wanted to do to improve them. Fianna Fáil have a majority on that council. We were told we could have an increase of 10 per cent. The manager was in a dilemma because we had promised an extension of the refuse collection and other improvements. He proposed that the water rate, which had been increased from £1 to £2 the year before, should be increased to £6 this year, and on houses over £10 valuation to £10.

Now in Kildare, if you are connected to a public water supply or most group schemes, you have to pay £6 for your water supply as against £1 before this Government took office. If that is not putting the rates back on houses in Kildare, I do not know what it is. I opposed that decision. The Fianna Fáil majority trooped in behind the manager's suggestion and voted for it in order to save the Government embarrassment at not giving us enough money to provide the services we wanted to provide. That is the kernel of the matter. I could go on and on about many other matters such as education. I have dealt briefly with local government.

The Deputy can go on for one minute.

Fianna Fáil claim proudly that they have done away with rates on private dwellings, but in Kildare they have put back £5 per house this year. In my county householders, farmers and industrialists did not object to paying rates to provide the services we wanted to provide. At the moment every house in Kildare has not got a water supply, but I hope that within a short time every house will. We have no guarantee that this figure of £6 will not be increased to £10 next year. In Kildare the water rate had been unchanged for 50 years.

I have shown that the Minister is not doing the job he said he would do in the famous manifesto.

I should like to make a few comments on the budget and to congratulate the Minister on providing a very comprehensive financial statement in line with the Fianna Fáil manifesto and programme for the rebuilding of our economy. The Minister for Finance is to be congratulated on the improvements in payments to social welfare recipients and the removal of various anomalies in the means test by which people qualify for social welfare benefits.

The matter in the budget which has caused most public comment is the agricultural levy which will be used to pay for education, research and advisory services. I have been assured by the Minister that he is prepared to look at this matter as it affects the small farming community and I am satisfied from his assurances to me that no hardship will be caused by the imposition of this levy. I want to emphasise the position of the very small milk producer, the beef producer, the hill sheep farmer, the pig-fattening enterprises working on low profit margins, and the position of a dairy farmer struck by animal diseases. I know the Minister will give sympathetic consideration to people in these categories so that hardship will not be caused.

I do not accept the criticism of politicians for party advantage. The farmers' leaders are in a different category. Their organisations are funded from a levy system. I find it very difficult to understand how, on the one hand, they finance their own operations through a levy system and, on the other hand, criticise the Government for introducing a levy system to meet the cost of education and advisory services. The confrontation between the urban and rural dwellers, because of the propaganda about extracting more money from the farming community, is not in the best interests of the economy as a whole.

The position in regard to farming income is highlighted in the Farm Management Survey, 1977, in the October issue of the Farm and Food Research Bulletin by An Foras Talúntais. The figures in that survey show the farming community have not all that much money to give to the Exchequer. In the first category shown in that survey 30.9 per cent had a family farm income below £1,000 per farm; 35.9 per cent had a family farm income of between £1,000 and £3,000 per farm and 32.2 per cent had a family farm income of over £3,000. This means that two-thirds of the farming community had an income of less than £3,000 per family farm, including every person in the household as well as perhaps some additional employees. In addition the survey shows that the 1978 figure was 18 per cent higher than the 1977 figure.

It must be accepted that it is since 1972 only, following our membership of the EEC, that farmers have been making a reasonable income. Prior to that, there was a fair amount of hardship and drudgery in rural areas, eking out a living. In addition to that the farming community have had the constraint of the development which has taken place in farming in the past four or five years. At present the total loans outstanding to the farming community have reached the figure of £600 million. If we take the better-off, more aggressive farmers, the top 50,000, that would leave an average of £12,000 per farmer being borrowed, the repayments on which must be met. Those figures illustrate that the farming community have not got all that much money to put into the Exchequer. They illustrate also that the top one-third of the farming community are in a position to pay their fair share of tax. Perhaps I may be permitted to give one quotation from that Farm Management Survey 1977:

The results indicate, however, that improvements in 1977 were confined to a particular sector of the farm population, namely, the upper end of the income distribution. It would appear that those who were doing well in 1976 improved their position considerably in 1977 while those with the lowest incomes in 1976 just about managed to remain stationary in current money terms.

Therefore, there is a section of the farming community who can afford to pay tax and the farming leaders have stated that they are willing to do so. I submit to the farming leaders that farm incomes and profits subjected to tax, based on the accounts system, constitutes a fair system of taxation. I should like to have an unequivocal and straight-forward reply from the farming leaders to this question: is the system of taxing farming profits, based on accounts, a fair system? They have said they are willing to pay their fair share of tax and I submit that that is a fair system of assessing tax. It is not good enough and is not in the interests of the farming community not to face up to this problem, not to be seen by both urban and rural communities to be contributing the same amount of tax on the same amount of profit made.

Of course a farm taxation system must allow farmers to develop their enterprises, to expand output and their farming operations. If the farming leaders accepted the accounts system of taxation, were able to get assurances that there would be reasonable allowances given for expenses such as purchase of machinery, the building of production units necessary in modern farming and indeed on the reclamation of land where that is necessary—if those safeguards in regard to expenses and depreciation allowances were given— incentives could be built into an accounts system of taxation to develop and expand farming enterprises. It is my opinion that farmers with a valuation under £20 should be exempt from the accounts system of taxation if only because the administrative costs would not justify taxing people in that low income bracket. As the farm management survey pointed out, they are not making a great income in any case. On that matter I should like a little more honesty and a little less rhetoric. If people say they are prepared to pay their fair share of tax, they must be seen to be doing so. I submit that the accounts system is a fair one and I should like to have the views of the farming leaders on that matter.

Deputy Bermingham referred earlier to the removal of food subsidies. At present milk costs 11½ pence per pint to the consumer. When account is taken of the cost of producing that milk on the farm, the cost of delivering it to the processing unit, the cost of packaging and delivery, particularly in rural areas distances of perhaps up to 70 miles over bad roads may be involved, with the housewife still being able to get it at a cost of 11½ pence, it does not seem exorbitant. I know there are other beverages in pint bottles costing considerably more. I was in a hotel in this city recently when a gentleman joined me in the lift with one pint of milk on a tray. I asked him how much that pint of milk cost a guest and he replied 45 pence. Of course, he said, that takes into account the delivery and service cost to the bedroom of the gentleman in question. I should like Deputy Bermingham and some of the agencies to examine that anomaly of charging 45 pence for a pint of milk delivered to a hotel bedroom. I do not think a price of 11½ pence per pint is excessive when one bears in mind the situation obtaining around the country, particularly in rural areas where it must be delivered long distances.

The substantial improvements effected in this budget for the less well-off people, those people in the social welfare categories, are far more important in improving their position than the provision of a subsidy which would be availed of by every section of the community irrespective of their incomes. It has to be remembered that when food subsidies were introduced by the previous administration they said they were a temporary measure.

There is one other matter which I would like the Minister to look into at some stage, and that is the position of applicants for contributory pensions. As a public representative I know of quite a number of applicants for contributory pensions who have been disallowed because the majority of their contributions were paid prior to 1953. In some instances people have paid and stamped their cards for 20 or 25 years prior to 1953 and it is a hardship not to take those stamps into account. I would ask the Minister to look at this sector because there is some hardship caused there.

There is another anomaly in regard to social welfare recipients which I would like the Minister for Social Welfare to look into. That is the single women's allowance. In rural Ireland there are a number of single women in receipt of this allowance. They have not had an opportunity of getting married and they remain in the household with a brother who, in fact, gets married. In such a case the single woman is living in the house and doing a fair amount of the work in that household, but in relation to this allowance the social welfare or pension officer takes into account the board and lodgings available to the applicant and she ends up with an allowance of only £1 or £1.50 per week. I would ask the Minister to look into this matter because this situation is causing much hardship to the people concerned.

I am impressed with the comprehensiveness of this Budget Statement. It gives a fairer deal to each sector of the economy and certainly no efforts were spared to have fairness and equity all round. The one point which has caused most controversy and public comment is the matter of the levy on farmers. I would reiterate my view that the accounts system with a threshold of £20 valuation is a fair system. Farm leaders should avail of the opportunity to have this system introduced. It would be for the long-term good of the farming community. This annual and regular confrontation we have at various public meetings, on television programmes and so on regarding the farming community getting away with not contributing their fair share of taxation and the urban people having to foot the bill for everything should be discontinued once and for all. We should have a system across the board where people earning an income in excess of their tax-free allowance would pay their share of tax based on the same system and no finger pointed at any sector of the community accusing them of not pulling their weight.

So far as the farming community are concerned, they are pulling their weight. Outside of Dublin two out of every three jobs are provided by industries resulting either directly or indirectly from farming. The towns around rural Ireland would not be able to exist without farming and any townsman would agree that when times in farming are bad they are bad for all businesses. Another aspect is that there is such a low import content in farming. It is a native resource. It is infinitely more important to the balance of payments because, from start to finish, any agricultural home-produced product and any added value which takes place, is added value from the farm on which it is produced to the time it reaches the consumer's table, unlike some of the heavier industries where we can have 80 per cent of the value of the product imported and only a marginal amount of added value within the country. The regional aspects of having a thriving agriculture cannot be overstated because it is the only industry which gets down to the isolated and peninsular areas of the country and gives good and useful employment in those areas.

Deputy Bermingham referred to children's allowances. I compliment the Minister on improving and increasing children's allowances because any reasonable person would have to agree that households with children, and in particular younger children, cost far in excess of households where only adults reside. The cost of schooling, clothes, footwear and so on for these children is very high and the increases introduced by the Minister are most welcome.

The improvements in the allowances for the veterans of the War of Independence are welcome. Those fine old people—sadly there are fewer of them left here nowadays—deserve recognition of the services they gave to their country. It is only fair and fitting that they be given due allowances and recognition for the service and for the opportunities they provided for this generation. Living in a rural area and making representations on behalf of mainly isolated rural people I found the anomaly regarding people living alone being the only people entitled to this allowance caused a great deal of hardship and was certainly unfair. I would like to welcome that improvement whereby we now have a situation where veterans living with their wives or with an invalid will also be entitled to the telephone rental subsidy. The extensions of those schemes show the concern and the social conscience of the Minister in trying to ease the lot of old people who live alone in isolated areas.

The main impact of the budget is that it is in line with the Fianna Fáil promises of 1977 and with the strategy for rebuilding our economy. After the 1978 budget some observers questioned whether the targets set out were capable of being reached, but subsequently any such misgivings were dissipated and eventually the people concerned had to adjust their figures to bring them into line with the figures set by the Government originally.

One depressing aspect of the comments on this budget was the kind of language used by the Opposition, in particular in their criticism. They referred to "juggling", to "cooking books" and so on. But Fianna Fáil have been the first political party in Western Europe to set out definite targets and they must be complimented on this. Any objective assessment of their performance so far would have to show that to date the targets outlined in the manifesto have been substantially reached. The targets set out in the budget, as opposed to definite figures, should not be used and twisted in an effort to attack the Minister for Finance or to accuse him of dishonest accounting practices.

Part of the Budget Statement deals with the question of job creation. We are told than money has been allocated to ensure the continuance of the job-creation programme and in particular to ensure the provision of opportunities for younger people. To date these schemes have been singularly successful. They are the means of providing people with jobs in their own areas, especially in the productive sector. This situation will be of considerable benefit to the economy as a whole in the future. Surely it is much more desirable that people be engaged in gainful employment in their own country where they are contributing their share to the Exchequer by way of taxation rather than to have a situation in which people must either emigrate or depend on social welfare payments.

The job creation programme offers important incentives for industrialists to employ people and if workers show an interest in their jobs they are usually retained permanently by their employers. This programme benefits school leavers in particular for whom it is very rewarding to be able to find a job after their long stints at primary, secondary and/or third-level education, as the case may be.

I welcome also the allocation of money for the improvement of educational services. It is important that the proper facilities be provided for modern education. A very important aspect of education, too, is physical education. It is important in the overall development of the individual. Therefore, in any school complex there should be facilities for physical education and recreation. These, then, are my observations on this budget.

Debate adjourned.
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