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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 22 May 1979

Vol. 314 No. 7

Private Members' Business. - Housing Finance: Motion.

(Cavan-Monaghan): I move:

That Dáil Éireann deplores the hopelessly inadequate allocation of finance by the Government to housing authorities in respect of new house starts for the current year.

The Minister for the Environment has been brave enough—I will not put it any stronger that that—to put down an amendment to that motion deleting all words after "Dail Éireann" and inviting the House to welcome the generous provision made in the public capital programme for the current year for the maintenance of a high level of activity on local authority housing construction and notes an anticipated increase in the total number of new house completions this year arising from the Government's national housing programme. The Minister for the Environment is nothing if he is not brave in putting his name to that amendment.

Every family is entitled to a house. Every family needs a house in order that it may live as a family and enjoy reasonable happiness and a reasonable standard of living. Indeed, I will go further than that and I will say that society owes it to families who cannot provide a house for themselves to provide houses for them at public expense. It is particularly essential that young married couples starting off in life get an opportunity of starting off with a proper house so that they will be in a position to live in reasonable happiness, to bring up their families properly without unnecessary obstacles put in their way which would endanger their marriage.

People who have no houses and who see no prospect of getting houses—and there are tens of thousands of them—are much more conscious now of their right to a house that they were some time ago. This right has been brought home to them by the fact that what I will call the well-heeled sector of our society appear to be moving into what it would be no exaggeration to call palatial dwellings all over the country. That is bringing home to unfortunate people who have no house their plight. It is making them more unhappy. I would like to warn the Minister and indeed this Government that in running down the local authority housing programme they are embarking on a very dangerous policy which can bring nothing but unhappiness to this country and can only add to the industrial unrest and strife that we are experiencing at present.

As far as I can ascertain there are about 35,000 families seeking houses from local housing authorities. I cannot be deadly accurate about that figure but from such research as I have been able to do I think that local authorities would asknowledge that there are on their lists 35,000 families seeking houses. If we take an average of four in a family, that means that 140,000 people are improperly and badly housed, living in wretched housing conditions and that these people cannot house themselves and see no hope of being able to house themselves. Because the housing authorities have pushed off their lists people who have an income of £70 a week or more we may take it that the people the local authorities acknowledge as seeking houses from them are very deserving indeed. I believe that if all the people and all the families who are genuinely unable to house themselves and who never will be able to house themselves because of facts which I will deal with later, including the cost of housing, were counted, the figure would not stop at 35,000 families; it would instead probably be double or more than double that figure. That is the appalling situation that we find the local authority housing programme in at the moment. That is why I and other members of the Fine Gael Party have put down this resolution deploring the hopelessly inadequate allocation of funds to housing authorities this year in respect of new house starts.

There are an acknowledged 140,000 people or thereabouts all over this country seeking houses—about 35,000 families. I want to put on the record of this House where I believe those people are living at the moment. They are living in grossly overcrowded dwellings shared by other families; they are living in flats which are quite unsuitable for the number of people living in them; or they are isolated small holders throughout the country living in hovels which were erected in the last century and which are certainly not suitable for human habitation. Recently I came across a young married couple who have been married for seven years and who are now expecting their first baby. They are living in a three-bedroomed house with 11 other people, most of them adults. That is hard to believe but it is a fact that 13 people, most of them grown up adults, are sharing a three-bedroomed house. Two of those people are a young married couple expecting their first baby. They have been married for seven years.

I know of four other young couples who have been married for seven years, and who will not be able to house themselves but will not be supplied with a local authority house because they do not have any children. There is something very heartless about writing young married couples off the housing list simply because they do not have any children. It is possible that this does not happen in every local authority but I am aware that it is the situation in many. There are many reasons why a young couple may not have any children. It is possible that such a couple are not prepared to start a family until they have a house or there may be medical reasons for a couple not having any children, It is inhuman to tell such couples annually that they do not qualify for a house simply because they do not have any children.

The young couples I am thinking of have many difficulties and domestic problems without adding a final blow to them by stating that until such time as they have children they will not qualify for a house. I know of a couple who have been married for up to ten years, have one child and live in a caravan on the family farm. They have explained to me that they cannot have any more family because the amount of accommodation available to them is limited and they do not have a house to move into. We must also consider the big percentage of couples who live in flats. I am aware of three families who live in accommodation over shops, accommodation which was reckoned as unsuitable for one family. Those families must live there because they cannot get a house. It is not hard to imagine the effects of such difficulties on young married couples; they are appalling and damaging. It is more difficult for women and children. Is it any wonder that many young women must make regular trips to local doctors to get tablets for their nerves. If they are not on such tablets they are on the pill or something else because they cannot afford to bring any more children into the world and expect them to grow up in the accommodation they live in.

When the Minister is replying I hope he will deal specifically with the category of people I am referring to, those who cannot afford to house themselves. He must forget about the £1,000 grant and the certificate of reasonable value. I do not want him to give details about such matters or about the number of houses that have been built by those on higher income. For the purposes of this debate I am not concerned about such people. I met a young couple in a lounge bar recently and they told me that after seven years of marriage they still had not got a house. The lady pointed out that if they had a house they would not be spending as much time in lounge bars, the only place they could go for some privacy.

What are the Government doing about this problem? I do not think they appreciate the position because if they did they would have acted more speedily. In 1966 or 1969 Fianna Fáil published a White Paper stating that it was necessary to ease off on local authority house-building because there were other more important matters to be attended to. Fianna Fáil lived up to that statement because they cut down on the number of local authority houses built. Fortunately, the National Coalition attacked this problem and the Minister for Local Government, under difficult circumstances, made a good job of improving that situation. That Minister was criticised by Fianna Fáil for concentrating on building local authority houses but the facts have proved that the action he took was correct. The Green Paper issued by Fianna Fáil this year repeats the prescription of the earlier Fianna Fáil White Paper, that the local authority housing lists would have to be investigated and people who could afford to build their own houses pushed off them. There is no urgency expressed in that publication about the need to increase the number of local authority houses being built. In the programme for national development for 1978-1981 the Government have the same prescription, cut down on local authority housing and get the people to rely on loans, low interest mortgages and grants.

In 1978 only 6,000 local authority dwellings were completed and I believe that figure will show a reduction this year. The number of starts this year will be a lot less than last year.

I should now like to deal with the allocation for local authority housing under the public capital programme for 1979. It is stated there under the heading of local authority housing that the capital provision for 1979 is £86 million and that that, combined with a generally more favourable cash balance position for housing authorities in 1979, will enable building activity to continue at approximately the same level as 1978. That is wrong. That amount of money could not possibly permit local authority building to proceed at the same rate as 1978. Those who wrote it must have known that because it represents an increase of only 6.1 per cent over 1978. We know that inflation has gone sky high. Even the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy on a radio programme on Sunday was hoping for a 10 per cent inflation rate. We know also that the sort of inflation about which the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy and the Government were speaking bears no comparison with that taking place in house building.

I put down some questions to the Minister for Education and discovered that he, in his allocation for school building for 1979, has allowed for an inflation rate of 23.9 per cent. We are aware that in regard to house building costs inflation is higher still. I think the Government acknowledge it to be in excess of 28 per cent and no doubt they are cutting down that figure as much as possible. The fact of the matter is that the allocation this year will build approximately 20 per cent fewer houses than were built last year.

I posed a number of questions to the Minister for the Environment today tabled for written reply in the hope that I would receive replies today. What I received were not replies, but I was put off; I did not get the replies I sought. For example in Question No. 289 I asked the Minister to tell me:

in respect of each housing authority, the number of new local authority house starts from and including 1970 to date.

I was told the information requested by me is being compiled and will be forwarded to me as soon as it is available. I wanted that information for his debate and of course the Minister knew that. My question was tabled in time for written answer today, but that is the answer I received. In another Question, No. 291, also tabled for written reply today I asked the Minister for the Environment:

the financial allocation to each housing authority in respect of the years 1972 to 1979 inclusive and the amount requested by each such authority in the same years.

The Minister referred me to a 1978 reply in that respect and I suppose I should be grateful for that.

As far as I can ascertain is seems that local authorities are being allocated about sufficient money this year to complete their commitments but, in respect of new starts, they will be cut back drastically. My colleague, Deputy Harte, established that clearly in respect of Donegal in an adjournment debate in this House. That is the position in regard to the allocation in the Capital Programme this year—a 6 per cent increase—when we know that there is a housing inflation rate of at least 28 per cent. The Minister did appear to be conceding at Question Time the other day that there was a difficulty this year so far as new house starts were concerned. That does not surprise me in view of the allocation made. The Minister has been telling us for some time that he is relying on low mortgage interest. Low mortgage interest is of no use whatever to people who want to build a house, who have no site and no money. It is confined to loans of £9,000 and not all of the £9,000 is subsidised; I understand that a figure of £5,600 or more is excluded and that there is a subsidy on the remainder. It is confined to people who live already in a local authority house, or who are tenant-purchasers of a local authority house, or who have been on the housing list for 12 months and have two children. I should like the Minister to tell us how many people who did not occupy local authority houses availed of this facility, how many people who were not already tenants of a local authority house availed of it. It is a special case. The people about whom I am concerned are those who are not even able to avail of that facility. I am satisfied that low rate mortgage interest caters for special cases, people who live already in local authority houses, who have saved money, who want to improve their position and move into another house. They are not in the category I am speaking about but it may be useful in the sense that it may get some of those people out of local authority houses and get some of the people about whom I am speaking into them. But it is of no use to people who are unable to house themselves.

The Minister talks about the SDA loans which are useless at present. The maximum loan allowable is £9,000, costing approximately £23 per week to service. We know that anybody who has not got a site, who wants to start from scratch and build a house will have a discrepancy between that figure of £9,000 and the cost of building the house of at least £7,000. When one takes account of the cost of house building at present, of sites, it will be appreciated that the SDA loans operated by local authorities are worthless unless to people such as small farmers who are reasonably well-off, have their own sites and can do a lot of the work themselves. They may be availed of also by people who are handy, who can undertake a lot of the work themselves. But it is worthless to people starting from scratch, buying a site and wanting to build a house on it. The Minister cannot deny that. At present sites all over the country are exceptionally expensive and beyond the reach of most people. I know they are dearer in some cases than in others. Sites in one town are costing approximately £4,000 to £5,000 each and are serviced by water but not sewerage. One rarely hears of a site going at less than £3,000 anywhere in the country. When that is added to the cost of building a house, the mortgage interest or the SDA loan, it is almost valueless.

I am talking about the people whose income will not permit them to house themselves. The Minister may talk about a figure of £80 a week and say that people should be able to house themselves on that. That might be possible if everybody was a good manager, if they manage their lives properly, were not extravagant, did not spend money foolishly, did not take a drink and perhaps did not back a horse. However, we are not all good managers. If the Government were good managers we would not have all the strikes we have and we would not have the economy in the mess it is in. The Government are obviously not perfect; they are fallible. We are dealing with people who are looking for houses. We are dealing with a cross-section of the community, good managers and bad managers.

The Minister will possibly talk about loans available from building societies. A person who wants to house himself will have to borrow at least £16,000 from a building society which will cost that person almost £50 a week. This is completely outside the reach of the people I am talking about.

I asked the Minister for the Environment today to tell me the allocation asked for and given in respect of each local authority for each year since 1970. He referred me to a question which gave me the information in respect of 1978 and told me the remainder of the information was being compiled. I looked at the information given in relation to 1978 and I found that only a fraction of the allocation asked for was given. I will take a few at random. For example, Cavan asked for £340,000 and were given £120,000; Kerry asked for £1,017,000 and were given £470,000; Meath asked for £992,000 and were given £300,000, and Monaghan asked for £300,000 and were given £125,000. It is no wonder we have so few houses being erected.

A situation which could become dangerous is developing. It is a case of the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer, the people who are well housed getting much better housing and the people who have no houses being put on the long finger. In regard to house inflation, a modest house I know of was sold in October 1976 for £14,800. I thought that was expensive then but another house in a worse part of the same road, opposite to a factory, was recently sold for £28,000. I am told that in Leixlip houses which were going for £14,000 in the beginning of 1977 were going for £18,000 eight months ago and are now going for £24,000. That type house price inflation needs to be looked into.

I am not concerned with that in this debate. I put down this motion to get the Minister to deal with the people who are the direct responsibility of himself, of the Government and of this House: those who are unable to house themselves and, unless they win the sweep or the pools, will never be able to house themselves. The policy the Government are embarking on can bring nothing but unrest.

I do not know how the Minister for Finance can ask people to tighten their belts and be responsible when there are 140,000 people without adequate housing and who cannot out of their own resources house themselves. If we knew the true figure we would probably find that there are 200,000 people in that category. The policy of the Minister for the Environment is to cut back on local authority finance. The Minister for Education told me in reply to a question that the inflation for schools was 23 per cent. The Minister for the Environment knows that house inflation was approximately 28 per cent. I ask the Minister and the Government to reconsider their policy in regard to local authority housing, which they began in 1969, restated immediately after they came back to power in their Green Paper and their White Paper and which they are still implementing. This is an unjust policy, the same as the budget of 1978, which has brought us all the trouble we have at the moment.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"welcomes the generous provision made in the Public Capital Programme for the current year for the maintenance of a high level of activity on the local authority housing construction programme and notes an anticipated increase in the total number of new house completions this year arising from the Government's national housing programme."

The public capital programme provision for local authority housing, including low-rise mortgages, in 1979 is £86 million. This means that, excluding £4 million provided specifically for low-rise mortgages in respect of private houses and adding the normal amount of working overdraft, a total of more than £90 million will be available in 1979 for spending on the local authority housing construction programme. This is a generous allocation. Indeed, in current boom conditions in the building industry generally £90 million is probably as much as the local authority housing sector could absorb without causing an unacceptable level of overheating in the industry.

In making this generous provision the Government had the objective of ensuring that the urgent housing needs of families and persons unable to provide their own accommodation will be dealt with on a priority basis. Families with high incomes on waiting lists are encouraged to house themselves. In making specific provision for low-rise mortgages the Government wanted to ensure the maximum possible use of this useful supplement to the normal local authority housing programme. The subsidised loans made to eligible applicants to enable them to buy new or previously occupied houses have largely the same effect—although indirectly in some cases—as normal building by local authorities, but the cost to public funds, both in terms of capital and subsidy contributions, is significantly less than direct building by local authorities. Bearing in mind the huge and constantly increasing cost of subsidies, and in fairness to taxpayers, it is essential to encourage maximum use of private enterprise in housing and to conserve the funds available for the local authority programme for rehousing applicants who genuinely need the heavily subsidised accommodation. There is no question, however, of forcing families without the necessary income levels to buy private houses. Such families will be offered accommodation by housing authorities according to their degree of housing need. With a view to meeting genuine needs the Government have maintained a steady output of houses for families and individuals on approved waiting lists. The total of local authority housing completions and low-rise mortgages in 1978 was 6,791 compared with 6,635 in 1977 and 7,263 in 1976.

The public capital programme provision of £86 million will enable completions, work in progress and employment on the national programme to be maintained in 1979 at a similar level to 1977 and 1978.

Contrary to the impression which Opposition Deputies try to give that there has been a dramatic cut back on the local authority housing programme, performance in 1978 was good. The average monthly total of local authority dwellings in progress in 1978 was 8,600 compared with 8,700 in 1977 and 8,200 in 1976. The number of dwellings in progress at 31 January 1979 was 8,607, substantially higher than at 31 January 1976, when the Coalition Government had let the total number of houses fall steadily down to 8,357, and to 8,077 at the end of February 1976. Average monthly employment on the programme in 1978 was 6,400, compared with 6,295 in 1977 and a mere 5,634 in 1976.

The motion before the House deplores what it refers to as "the hopelessly inadequate allocation of finance by the Government to housing authorities in respect of new house starts in the current year". Do Opposition Deputies know precisely what the allocation for new starts in 1979 is? I certainly do not. I will not know until later in the year, when the pattern of actual spending has become clearer, how much can be allocated for new starts. This depends on how much is spent on work in progress, and it is too early in the year yet to make any firm estimate of savings on moneys allocated for existing commitments.

Certainly, on the basis of trends in expenditure during the past four months, these savings will be substantial—measured, I would expect, in terms of millions rather than hundreds of thousands of pounds. All confirmed savings will be devoted to additional starts later this year. This has been the pattern for the past six or seven years.

I should emphasise that the procedure being operated in the allocation of moneys for local authority housing in 1979 is exactly the same as was used in the time of the Coalition Government except that we are putting greater emphasis on the relative urgency of housing needs in different areas in deciding how moneys are allocated for new work.

It is a regular feature of this procedure every year to redistribute moneys which are surplus to the requirements of individual authorities because of factors such as the weather, withdrawal of contractors or local difficulties in the supply of skilled labour or materials. The pattern of new starts since 1976 has tended to concentrate the largest number into the last quarter of the year. The reason for this is obvious. Housing authorities aim to get extra work in progress late in the year to qualify for financing commitments in the following year. This in turn tends to overload the proportion of existing commitments as against new starts in the early part of the following year.

There is no cause, however, for gloom in the figures for new work so far this year. Out of the total allocations, amounting to £89.89 million, made to authorities so far this year, £22.4 million was allocated for new starts in 1979 compared with an equivalent figure last year of £21.5 million. In addition to this amount housing authorities have been given specific authorisation to start more new work out of savings on commitments. As I have already said, these may be substantial because expenditure on the programme generally so far this year appears to have been at least £3 million to £4 million below what might have been expected.

I am confident, therefore, that we will be able to finance sufficient new starts to enable the programme to continue at a steady high level into 1980. The House will be aware that in recent years it has been the practice to set aside overall allocations for the major Dublin housing authorities in order to ensure orderly progress and an adequate level of starts for the major programmes which have been developed by these authorities. This pre-emption in favour of the Dublin area of a substantial part of the resources for new work in any year is not without its repercussions in the rest of the country where some authorities have made such excellent progress with their programmes that their remaining needs are of a relatively low order of priority.

These authorities must temporarily accept a greater flow of available funds to others worse off than themselves. However, the relative urgency of housing needs is not the only constraint on the division of resources. There must be orderly progression in the programme in every area. Sudden expansion or contraction in the size of the programme under construction can disrupt the local building industry and can have unacceptable effects on employment. I must aim to avoid both local overheating and any sudden reduction causing unemployment in an area.

(Cavan-Monaghan): People living in the houses I was talking about will not get over-heated.

It is inevitable, therefore, that some authorities will not be able to expand their output as rapidly as they would like. It is not possible to accede to all demands for additional finance at any one time. My aim is to achieve a fair and equitable distribution of available resources which will not unduly disturb the pattern of local employment. By and large this is being done, as will be evident by the high level of employment maintained throughout 1978 in spite of the serious increase in tender prices during that year.

I should like, now, to clear up some misapprehensions of Deputies opposite about particular area allocations. First, I will take the Dublin area. As the House will be aware, this area has been getting special treatment arising from the fact that separate overall allocations for Dublin Corporation and Dublin County Council have been made at the beginning of each year. This, in effect, preempts up to half of the available resources. I have done this because of the large numbers still on the approved waiting lists and in spite of the sizeable reduction in the relative urgency of housing needs measured by the percentage of families of four persons or over on these lists.

In particular, Dublin Corporation, with a 1979 allocation of one-third of all available resources—£30 million out of £90 million—have about 29 per cent of waiting list applicants. This is generous treatment. Last year they had £28.5 million and were unable to spend the full amount allocated to them since their debit balance notified to my Department was about £.5 million less than the authorised level. Similarly Dublin County Council, on the figures notified to me, appear to have underspent on their total authorised allocation for 1978 by about £1.35 million.

In the light of the 1978 figures, and bearing in mind the bad weather and conditions in the industry in the first quarter of the present year, I believe that both Dublin Corporation and Dublin County Council will have difficulty in spending on their building programme all the moneys I have allocated to them.

As regards Cork Corporation, they too have got a generous £3.4 million, taking account of their actual spending in 1978, which was £2½ million and bearing in mind also the very high demands at present on the building industry in the Cork area generally. Cork Corporation have been slow in building up their programme and too fast an increase all at once in a very short time could cause difficulties. The allocation of £3.4 million to them so far this year is not as much as they would have liked. Some savings on existing commitments are, however, already evident, and I am confident that these savings and an additional allocation to be decided later in the year will enable them to go ahead with a steady but sensible build-up of their programme.

The situation in Donegal county, which we heard about last week, has been exaggerated out of all proportion. Donegal County Council have done very well indeed in recent years. Outside of the Dublin area Donegal County Council have got the biggest county council allocation in the country so far this year—over £2 million. On the figures furnished to my Department their spending for the first quarter is well below the authorised level. They should therefore have estimated savings of a substantial order to add to the £275,000 allocation made to them for additional new work to be started by 31 July 1979.

The Minister makes it sound as if Deputy Blaney was back in the Custom House.

I would hope that they too will get substantially more later on when sufficient evidence is available to me in the mid-summer review of the pattern of savings on existing commitments in the first part of the year. Any scheme which is genuinely needed or urgently required for rural cottages will be enabled to get under way by the late autumn, and perhaps earlier this year.

The motives of Fine Gael Deputies who signed this motion in an attempt to create an impression of crisis in the programme are understandable a few weeks before the local and the Euro elections. If they have any genuine fears about their local programmes, they can rest easy in the knowledge that any humps in the programme will be ironed out later this year in the course of the normal review and redistribution of resources.

Our local authority housing programme, supplemented by the low-rise mortgage scheme, and casual vacancies in existing council housing estates, should enable up to about 9,500 families to be offered alternative housing accommodation this year. The estimated total number of all families of more than three persons on approved waiting lists is 9,400.

Up to now, I have referred almost entirely to local authority housing in deference to the terms of the Opposition motion. In drafting that motion, they carefully avoided any reference to the overall national housing programme and, in particular, to private housing. In moving the amendment to the motion, I am confident that the Government's overall national housing programme cannot honestly be challenged. Our achievements are self-evident.

I propose to refer briefly to three main elements in our national housing programme, namely, total housing completions, public capital expenditure on housing and mortgage finance. Table 1 of my Department's Quarterly Bulletin of Housing Statistics shows the trend in house completions. In round figures, new house completions dropped by 2,900 between 1975 and 1976, when 24,000 houses were built. Completions increased by 500 in 1977 and by a further 900 last year, when 25,400 houses were built. Despite bad building weather during the first four months of 1979, almost 9,900 houses were completed in that period and present indications are that more than 25,500 houses will be completed this year. The downward trend in housing activity, which was evident up to mid-1977 was reversed as a direct result of the effective action taken by the Government when we resumed office in July 1977.

Table 14 of the last Quarterly Bulletin shows that public capital expenditure on housing dropped from £115 million in 1975 to £105 million in 1976 and to only £100 million in 1977—all this in a period of rapidly increasing housing costs. This downward trend was reversed by an expenditure of £129 million last year and a provision this year of £165 million. These figures illustrate very clearly the extent of the Government's financial support for the national housing programme.

Regarding mortgages, I want to say without fear of contradiction that under this Government mortgage finance for the purchase of private houses has been more readily available and in far greater amounts than at any time in the country's history.

And at a higher price.

In 1978 a record 26,800 loans for the purchase of private houses were approved by the major lending agencies——

(Cavan-Monaghan): That is a lot of use to the people on the housing list.

——compared with 25,200 in 1976 and 24,500 in 1977. The outlook for the present year is also very good. The net inflow of funds to building societies so far this year has been exceptionally high with net deposits in the first four months totalling £82.9 million as against £27.9 million in the corresponding period of 1978. The expected levels of advances by the associated banks and by assurance companies should again be adequate this year. For their part, the Government's provision for house purchase and improvement loans at £44.5 million compares with an expenditure of only £17.7 million in 1977. Further, the Government have indicated that for the first time the trustee savings banks will be empowered to make house purchase loans.

The facts and figures I have mentioned can leave no genuine grounds for questioning the adequacy of the provision made in the public capital programme for the current year for the maintenance of a high level of activity on the local authority housing construction programme. There is every reason also to anticipate a further increase again this year in total housing completions.

Deputy Fitzpatrick was a little naïve when he accused the Government of running down the local authority housing programme. He carefully overlooked the fact that under the National Coalition Government in which he was a Minister local authority housing output fell by no less than 28 per cent between 1975 and 1977, from 8,794 houses in 1975 to 6,333 houses in 1977. This Government have stopped that decline. The number of families rehoused by local authorities in new houses or under the low rise mortgage scheme was 6,635 in 1977 and 6,791 last year. Output this year will be maintained at that level. This is the sensible way of programming housing construction to avoid the peaks and slumps that occurred under the Government in which Deputy Fitzpatrick was a Minister.

Deputy Fitzpatrick quoted a figure of 35,000 families awaiting rehousing by local authorities. He said housing was needed by 140,000 persons or even more and he suggested, without any basis, that the real numbers would be far in excess of that. The gross number of applicants on approved waiting lists given to me by the authorities is 27,392 at 30 September 1978 or about 30 per cent less than the number mentioned by Deputy Fitzpatrick.

(Cavan-Monaghan): How many are being processed?

He also claimed that the increase allowed in allocation this year would not allow the output level of 1978 to be maintained. I have already dealt with that point.

Will the Minister tell the House the date of the return relating to the figure of 27,392 applicants?

It is the return available to me for 30 September 1978. Some Deputies are shouting about the amount available for new starts but I want to emphasise that they are talking about only the initial allocations. It is not a new procedure to have further allocations after the first half of the year. This has been going on for a number of years. It is wrong for anyone to judge the new starts on the figure which is already allocated. I have given instances where local authorities were unable to spend their initial allocations or their total allocations last year and in previous years. There is no doubt that there will be savings in many local authority housing areas and when these moneys are reallocated in accordance with the priority that exists in other areas for new starts there will be no cut-back whatever. It should be remembered that local authorities have a tendency to start new houses towards the end of the year in order to have them included as commitments for the following year's allocation. Naturally the major percentage has to go for existing commitments.

I want to emphasise that there is no cut-back in local authority housing. The low rise mortgage facilities available are expected to provide approximately 500 more houses at local authority level this year. I have no doubt that at the end of the year the total number of houses built will be as good as, and perhaps even better than, our performance in 1978.

I find debates that centre around statistics being thrown across the table, one disproving the other, very difficult to follow and I do not want to get into that kind of debate. However, one clarification with regard to official statistics is necessary and I hope the Minister will take the opportunity to clarify the point either this evening or at some stage in the debate.

The Minister has seen fit to shift the basis of this debate from the public sector to the private sector and to proclaim the marvellous achievement of the highest ever number of privately built houses being achieved last year. I checked these figures and it seems to me there could be an error in them. In the December quarterly bulletin in Table 1 the figure for 1974 is 19,510 but in a subsequent table it drops to a lower number. In 1978 the figure given is 19,371 but the Minister quoted from a table which showed the figure was higher. I have not got the reference now but it would be helpful if we could get that clarified. Earlier the Minister claimed that the actual completion of houses in the private sector last year was higher than at any other period. I am just querying this matter and would be glad to have it clarified.

This debate is really about the whole question of the Government's attitude to the elimination of homelessness in our society. The Minister has carefully avoided any discussion about that central issue because any logical analysis of the figures presented in the debate or in reply to Parliamentary Questions or in the Statistical Bulletin shows that those people who are homeless and have reached the stage of officially describing themselves as homeless now find it more difficult to get housing either on the open market or by direct intervention of the State through public sector housing.

The Minister himself has provided the basic figures in answer to a question from Deputy Dr. Browne dated 27 February this year for written reply in which he stated that the percentage of total new houses represented by local authority houses in 1975 and in each subsequent year were as follows: 1975, 32.7; 1976, 30.3; 1977, 25.8 and in 1978, 23.9. At the end of the written reply there is a sentence stating: "It is estimated that the percentage in 1979 will be of the same order as the percentage in the past two years", in other words, about 24 per cent.

You can justify history depending on how far back you begin quoting statistics. The Minister began all his statistics from 1977. I shall not embarrass him or his party by going back to 1971 or 1966: Deputies know these figures. In any case it will not get the people with whom we are concerned housed. The issue is how we can make the maximum use, within the terms of this Government's mandate and economic policy and within the context of the Department of the Environment, of the housing capital resources made available by the Minister for Finance. Neither Fine Gael nor the Labour Party can change that allocation—much as we would like to. Neither can we argue about the size of the allocation; it is made. But what we can do, and what I should like to do is to say quite directly and clearly to the Minister and the Minister of State tonight that they are not being competent in the way in which the money is used, that it could be used more effectively in overall terms from a variety of points of view but, most important, from the point of view of people who depend on this House if they are ever to be properly housed.

I should like to support what Deputy Fitzpatrick has said about increased pressure in regard to local authority houses. Demand for such housing has increased. The Minister in his attempted refutation of Deputy Fitzpatrick's claim that there are about 35,000 applicants on the housing list said that the actual figure was 27,392. If memory serves me correctly that was in reply to a Parliamentary Question from myself and the significant thing which I got him to put firmly on record was that it was at 30 September. The same Minister and the same Department in a written reply to my colleague, Deputy Horgan, provided a list without a total. Deputy Fitzpatrick totalled it and it came out at the figure accurately quoted by Deputy Fitzpatrick. So, we are talking about 35,000. I hope that, in the interests of honesty and democracy, when the Minister of State speaks he will recognise that the figures Deputy Fitzpatrick quoted were figures supplied to Deputy Horgan and are accurate and that the Minister, perhaps by mistake, did not realise that coming from the Opposition spokesmen in Fine Gael were figures supplied by his own Department. If we are to deal in figures at least let us in this House on a quiet night share honesty about them and not try to claim that they are not the right figures. The Government of the day always have more resources on their side regarding figures than we can have and it does no credit to the process of democracy to begin to shuffle them in the way that was attempted tonight.

I would be happy if that was the only argument I had about the Minister's competence in handling his Department, but it is not. He was hardly on his feet defending the effect of the capital allocation of £86 million plus £4 million to which he referred—in round figures, £90 million—as against the 1978 allocation when he proceeded to say—and this is the Minister for housing, not the Minister for the construction industry—that it would be irresponsible of him as Minister if he made the allocation any greater. I now quote what I heard: the official record may be somewhat different, but I think the sense of it was because it would cause an unacceptable level of overheating in the industry. While he was hardly on his feet, that was his priority—not the 35,000 applicants on the housing lists. First, he disputed that there were so many on the lists, working on figures from last September. His first priority was to prevent overheating in the building industry. From there on, you get the bias of Fianna Fáil in office because their primary responsibility in government is to the building industry.

Later, he spoke about the three primary aims of the party in Government and again, if I am quoting him properly, he said they were overall housing completions, the level of public expenditure in the industry and finally availability of housing mortgage finance. He crowed about mortgage finance being so good. It is good; it should be at 14.5 per cent interest without any Government subsidy for those people who can barely manage. It is my firm belief that the present Minister and his backbenchers are using the public sector of the housing market as a subsidiary to the overall housing sector in such a way that the interests of people on the housing lists are secondary to the interests of the building industry to such an extent that the Minister will go so far as to say that he will not make more money available for fear of overheating the industry.

Fianna Fáil have said on numerous occasions that they are committed to promoting home ownership. That is a laudable aim but it is a blanket aim and in the context of the kind of uneven and unjust society we have it can frequently mean that people who are well housed become better housed. If there is a major ideological difference—I believe there is—between the Labour Party and Fianna Fáil it is that our commitment would be first and foremost to the elimination of homelessness. The actions of the last 20 months since July 6, have made the achievement of that aim more difficult and have made the reality of homelessness more savage. The questions being asked of public representatives of any party and of Fianna Fáil candidates who seek election to Dublin Corporation, Dublin County Council or the Cork Corporation concern housing. Yet housing is being shoved into a secondary position by this right-wing Government.

The bias is there. I have quoted the figures. It is in the statements by the Minister. It is compounded in 1979 by the fact that the abolition of rates combined with the £1,000 grant has given a fantastic subsidy to people who are already housed. If local authority housing and new housing starts are about anything they are about eliminating homelessness. We have lived with it for far too long. So long as we continue to have the irrational economic system that we have, regrettably it will be there. Even within the confines of that irrational economic system it can be modified and minimised. It was minimised at the height of our economic depression. In a depression it is the weakest who are hit first. If we have a depression—I hope we do not but there are sufficient indicators to suggest that many projections do not look healthy—it will be interesting to see if the Minister will stand up and crow so loudly about performances of his Department and contrast them in a boom time with their performance in a depression. It is significant that the Minister chose 1975 as a base line.

The money for local authority housing is not enough. I accept that local authorities have been unable to spend all the money they got. The Minister should have analysed the reasons why instead of saying that because they are not spending enough perhaps they do not really need it. The fact is that they do need it. They have a land bank which is greater in most instances than any of the private builders. They have the demand and the statutory obligations but they are falling short in spending their allocations generally because of a number of factors within the building industry.

The industry is overheated, and the tender prices coming in for other Government Departments are proving this quite dramatically—tender prices 30 per cent over and above what quantity surveyors estimate would be the reasonable value and cost of the contract. There is such a shortage of skilled men, particularly bricklayers and blocklayers, that some contractors have stated they will not tender for building works that have bricks specified in them as a construction material because they cannot guarantee the supply of labour or give an estimate of the cost. Who is responsible for that? Who is responsible for the shortage of skilled people in the building industry now? This was an industry which traditionally had an obligation to take on apprentices. This is an industry which did not always have the "lump" as a component of its economic system. Perhaps more so than any other industry today this one is closest to the capitalist model of total open jungle warfare. There is much human suffering caused as a consequence both to small builders who go bankrupt and have to live at the edge of their nerves and at the discretion of their bank managers and to many building workers, some of whom are my constituents, who, at the age of 55 are crippled with arthritis or some other disease which has come as a result of their working conditions.

The building industry is a jungle. Perhaps it is the last economic jungle in our society. More than any other it demands some degree of public intervention and regulation to remove the peaks and the dips which have plagued it for so many years. Is there any evidence that, other than recognising that there are peaks and dips, this Government, with their fantastic capacity by way of being the largest client within that industry, are doing anything to eliminate the peaks? There is not. This brings me to my charge of incompetence with regard to the Department and the Minister who is politically responsible.

If one looks at the figures which have been made available for public capital for the housing side in 1978 one will find that by and large all the public capital programme for local authority housing was taken up. My figures show plus £.47 million going additionally to local authority housing. In the capital allocation for the private sector, largely for loans and grants, the total being £57.7 million, there is a shortfall in the outturn of £11.9 million that was not spent in that sector. If the Minister looks at the overall capital sums available to him he can afford to make more money available to the public authority housing programme without doing any damage to overall Government economic strategy, without having to go back to the Department of Finance for extra funds but by realistically looking at the sector for house purchase and reconstruction loans and asking why was £11 million not taken up. The answers are there. These loans are processed throughout the country. The Minister has at his disposal people in the Custom House who have been working in this field for many years and have accumulated more wisdom, as distinct from knowledge, in these matters than is available to any politician who happens to be there.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 8.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 23 May 1979.
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