Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 25 Jun 1980

Vol. 322 No. 10

Estimates, 1980. - Vote 3: Department of the Taoiseach.

I move:

That a sum not exceeding £3,638,000 be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of December, 1980, for the salaries and expenses of the Department of the Taoiseach, and for payment of certain grants-in-aid.

As we approach the summer recess it is opportune to look back over our work here in the Oireachtas during the first six months of the year, to assess what we have achieved, and to look forward to what needs to be done for the rest of the year and beyond.

In parliamentary terms we have done well. A considerable amount of legislation has been enacted. We have scrutinised the financial estimates much more thoroughly, and in greater detail, than has been the practice for some years now and we have also succeeded in providing more time for special debates and for discussing relevant current matters.

Perhaps the most important debate in the last session was that on Northern Ireland at the end of last month. Because it took place so recently, I shall not now go over the same ground as I covered in opening that debate. I do wish, however, to reiterate my view that the situation in Northern Ireland is the major issue in our country today. Our aim is the unity of all the people of Ireland in peace and harmony and the achievement of that aim is our first political priority.

The publication of a new document by the British Government on Northern Ireland is expected shortly. While it would be injudicious to comment in advance on any particular proposal it may contain, I believe it is important that I should state, again, our view that a proposal which is not acceptable to all the community in Northern Ireland and which does not recognise the reality of the physical, political, social and economic relationship between Northern Ireland and the rest of the country will not succeed and it is only in the context of new and closer political co-operation between the Irish and British Governments that a permanent and lasting solution will be found.

In reporting to the Dáil on the Venice Summit, I referred briefly to the present state of the European Community and to the main problems facing the Community and the implications which these problems of the Community and the Community approach to them will have for Ireland. In the course of that debate, reference was made to the extra contribution this country will make to the budget of the Community as a result of the settlement of the British budgetary difficulties.

The first aspect of this situation to be taken into account is the fact that we are net recipients from the Community and net recipients this year to the extent of £360 million. That money flows to this country from the budget because that is the way in which Community policies are designed under the treaties. We are benefiting or losing from these policies in precisely the same way as other member states are benefiting or losing.

While this is true, it must be remembered that this long, difficult and intense debate was about the extent to which member states were either net contributors or net recipients. Attention was specifically focused on these very specific sums of money, plus or minus, which were involved for the different member states. Our place in the plus table was a clearly evident one.

It was also equally evident that we stood to gain to a substantial extent immediately this year through the additional funds which would flow to us from the set of proposals which were blocked by the failure to resolve the British budgetary problem.

The amount of these additional funds is estimated at about £75 million in the current year. In strictly budgetary and financial terms, therefore, in contrasting the additional inflow of about £75 million against the additional contribution of £8 million, there was no doubt as to where our best interests lay. But there was, of course, a great deal more involved than that. It was clearly in the best interest of every member state, and none more so than ourselves, to get away from the dissension which was impeding the work of the Community and its development.

The settlement furthermore cleared the way for the whole agricultural package which in addition to the increase in prices for products contained a number of other very significant benefits for us. These included the inauguration of a new policy for sheep, progress in regard to fisheries policy, agricultural development proposals for the west of Ireland and, of very considerable importance for us, the abandonment of the supplementary milk levy and the proposal to suspend the system of beef intervention for part of the year. Against this background of progress and benefits in so many areas, the additional contribution called for from us could not, on any basis of logic or reason, have justified us standing in the way of the solution to the British budgetary problem arrived at so painfully and after so much dissension.

The Community, in common with the rest of the industrialised western world, is going through a period of high inflation, rising unemployment, low growth and growing balance of payments deficits. The main cause of the current economic problems of the Community is the fact that oil, on which the Community is so heavily dependent for its energy, has increased two-and-a-half times in price in the past 18 months.

A Community approach to this international problem is progressively emerging. Its essentials are, to reduce dependence on imported oil by developing alternative sources and by greater economy in the use of oil. At Venice, also, the need for a dialogue with the oil-producing nations was stressed and it was agreed that such a dialogue should be undertaken.

The Community has committed itself internally to changes in its structures which could well be of very great importance to us. This commitment arises out of the recent solution to the British budgetary contribution problem, and from the imminent approach of Community expenditures to the upper limit of its own resources. These are serious issues with far-reaching implications. It is clear that we are in for a protracted period of debate and negotiation on the future policies and mechanisms of the Community. In the aftermath of the settlement of the British budgetary problem, an outlook has been developing in Community circles which has important implications for the future development of the Community.

As I indicated when reporting to the Dáil on the Venice Summit, an entirely new emphasis is now being given to the status of the budget, to the possible detriment of the ideals and principles of the Treaties and we shall have to draw attention to the longer-term repercussions of this approach. I would like to reiterate that while the budget is an important instrument of Community policy, it is only one of a complex of policies and mechanisms which go to make up the Community as a whole. This new mood is nowhere more clearly illustrated than in the attacks which are now being made on the common agricultural policy. It is our policy to steadfastly and consistently resist these attacks because we believe that the common agricultural policy represents one of the major, political, economic and social achievements of the Community and that without it the Community would be a greatly diminished Community and a much less coherent political entity.

We intend to point out also that the major industrial partners have done well out of the Community and that the Community has not been a one-sided affair. We recognise that reforms are needed in the common agricultural policy and that the problem of surpluses in some areas must be dealt with but we shall press to have the real origins of these surpluses clearly identified so that the remedies proposed are directed towards the root of the problem which will be found, in many cases, to be imports of substantial quantities of the products concerned from third countries.

The Commission, taking into account the general international economic situation, is of the opinion and this opinion, indeed, is shared by most of the member Governments of the Community that, for the present, priority must be awarded to reducing the rate of inflation and the balance of payments and budgetary deficits and that, for this reason, a regime of physical and monetary restraint should be continued. This view was again reiterated at the Western Economic Summit which has just concluded in Venice where classical orthodoxy seems to have prevailed completely. We cannot therefore expect any initiatives at Community level to deal with unemployment or to endeavour to generate economic activity at Community level. So far as our economic problems are concerned, it is clear that while our membership of the Community provides us with a very strong economic base and an essential support system, we cannot expect that Community economic policies in the short term will contribute to a solution. We shall have to rely on our own efforts to deal with them. Our own actions and behaviour and the measures we take will determine our success in overcoming our difficulties. Like the other members of the Community we must continue consistently with our efforts to restore order to our public finances but in our case we must, at the same time, ensure that by good economic management the measures we take to get our finances under control do not deflate the economy to any harmful extent.

We will not deflate because deflation is not appropriate in our circumstances. Our economy is still a developing economy and the sort of deflationary policies which might be embarked upon by countries where economic development is at a much higher level than ours would not, at this stage, be suitable for us. In our efforts to deal with our budget deficit, our balance of payments deficit, excessive borrowing and high inflation, we must be careful not to depress economic activity to a level from which it would be very difficult for it to recover within a reasonable period of time.

The budget introduced this year was entirely appropriate to the economic situation. It had to secure a balance between a number of conflicting demands and is succeeding in doing this. It is on course and the strategy on which it was based must be maintained. Government expenditure and borrowing must continue to be kept within sustainable levels. The task facing the Government, therefore, at present must be, within these constraints, to maintain economic activity at the highest level and to ensure that the financial policies which we are forced to adopt will not inhibit unduly our efforts to secure the highest possible levels of employment. That is clearly a difficult and complex management objective but we are determined to undertake it.

The primary objective of Government economic and social policy is the attainment of full employment based on an expanding economy and sound public finances, with a special emphasis on the consistent improvement in the standard of living of the poorer and weaker sections of the Community. We intend to pursue that objective notwithstanding the many economic difficulties which we are encountering at present.

I would now like to look in some greater detail at the different aspects of our economic situation. Because of its significance to our gross national product, external trade is an area of major importance. Export performance, the level of imports, the terms of trade and the balance of trade are of crucial importance to our rate of growth.

The present international economic scene is, to say the least of it, discouraging with many countries adopting a restrictive approach to economic policy and with very low or negative growth forecast for some of the key areas to which we will be exporting. In the European Community as a whole, for instance, growth is expected to be a mere 1½ per cent and in the OECD area as a whole, it is expected to be only 1¼ per cent. This reduction in growth is common to all countries and, in particular, the United States and the United Kingdom are expected to have negative rates of growth.

The European Community as a whole, had a current account deficit for the first quarter of 1980 of 10 billion dollars, compared with a small surplus in the first quarter of 1979. Some of the strongest European economies are having balance of payments deficits for the first time for many years. It is against this type of international financial situation that we must decide our own course of action.

The balance of payments is for us the basic economic indicator in this area. It has always been recognised that as a developing economy, moderate balance of payments deficits are acceptable in our case.

Since we broke the link with sterling and joined the EMS, the balance of payments has assumed greater importance both as a measuring rod of economic performance and as an element in monetary policy. But our basic position is still the same in regard to the acceptability of moderate deficits. We cannot permit any undue preoccupation with the balance of payments to interfere with our primary economic objectives.

While we must continue to watch the balance of payments and to assess the different measures we consider taking for their likely effects on it, there are nonetheless a number of encouraging signs. Because of the sound management of our public finances, domestic and international confidence has ensured that the Irish pound is remarkably stable in the European Monteary System. Recently also despite the fact that the terms of trade have moved heavily against us, particularly in regard to oil prices, there is evidence that the balance of payments deficit is being stabilised.

Our objectives in this area are clearly defined. We must promote industrial and agricultural exports by every means available to us and develop our earnings from tourism to the greatest extent we can in the face of current difficulties in this area. We must seek out those areas in our existing export markets where there is still growth and search for new markets which recent experience shows can be found and developed. Córas Tráchtála are engaged in an active review of these possibilities. They have a number of special measures under consideration and they do not by any means take a pessimistic view of our prospects. Bord Bainne and CBF are undertaking similar activities.

An active campaign of import substitution is required and the public sector are fully committed to such a programme. Because oil imports represent such a serious imposition on our balance of payments situation we have a very real interest in efforts being made to recycle petro-dollars. We have expressed the view that the Community should endeavour to ensure that member states are enabled to finance their oil imports on the most favourable possible terms and will press for action on these lines.

Unemployment in the European Community has risen to six million and there is the prospect of a further increase this year and next. This is due both to low economic growth and to the fact that there will be some four million new entrants a year in the labour market in the early eighties. At present it must be recognised that the Community, as such, has no proposal to undertake any action in regard to unemployment despite being pressed to do so by the trade union movement throughout Europe. Our figures in this country reflect the overall European scene.

The Government see unemployment as the major social problem. In particular we are concerned about the high number of school leavers seeking their first employment this year. Our approach to the problem is both comprehensive and detailed. The public capital programme has been directed primarily towards the maintenance and creation of employment. Capital for infrastructure, telecommunications, energy and the industrial promotion agencies has been significantly increased in real terms.

The State-sponsored bodies concerned with economic and commercial development have been requested to explore every possibility open to them for economic development and job creation. In particular they have been asked to maintain their recruitment of apprentices and trainees at the highest possible level. It is to industrial development of course that we must look, principally, for the jobs we need. This is now a two-fold task. We must not alone, as we have been doing so successfully, create new jobs, but we must also seek to minimise the haemorrhage of job losses, which are reaching unacceptable levels.

The prospects for industry this year, bearing in mind the international growth climate, are good. Output growth in manufacturing at 5 per cent is expected to be the highest in the European Community. At least 25,000 new manufacturing jobs will be created this year and job approvals under the IDA are expected to be about 30,000. In fact, job approvals negotiated in the first five months of this year at 13,800 represent the best ever January-May performance by the IDA.

The Government development priorities, set out in the 1980 Public Capital Programme, have been particularly directed to the achievement of industrial growth. The funds for infrastructure, telecommunications and the ESB will significantly assist industrial development also. There has been no slackening, therefore, in spite of our economic difficulties and constraints, in the drive to expand our manufacturing capacity. This new manufacturing capacity consists in the main of technologically-advanced, high-productivity industry with great growth potential in employment and exports. The Government will continue to make funds available to the greatest extent possible for infrastructural and industrial development. Small home-based industries will be assisted by the provision of technological advice and assistance.

The new National Enterprise Agency will identify new opportunities for industrial and service employment. It will, in particular, seek a domestic response to the new employment possibilities identified.

The National Economic and Social Council, which as Deputies know is representative of the main economic and social interests in our society, has been asked to review overall industrial policy and to make early recommendations to Government on it.

The possibility of increasing employment in the agricultural industry is also being actively pursued.

Job creation is unfortunately however only one side of the equation. It is job losses which are pulling down our overall employment situation. The considerable success of our job creation programme is being heavily eroded by job losses in industries unable to compete in present market conditions. Two major factors contributing to this situation are unrealistic pay settlements and intransigent attitudes to restrictive practices and productivity.

The cost of credit for working capital is adding greatly to the difficulties of a number of firms and is frequently the cause of job losses.

The Ministers for Finance and for Industry, Commerce and Tourism have had this problem of working capital for industry under active examination for some time and will shortly be bringing forward a scheme to assist in this area. Furthermore, the Government look forward to a reduction in interest rates generally as soon as conditions make this possible.

High inflation rates are now an international problem. Most countries have put control on inflation by rigid monetary and fiscal policies as their major economic objective. The increase in inflation rates over 1979 is about 50 per cent in most Community countries. On average the rate for the Community is expected to be 12.3 per cent in 1980 as compared with 9 per cent in 1979 and 7.1 per cent in 1978.

Basically the acceleration in inflation rates is due to the high increase in oil prices in 1979 and 1980. As already indicated, crude oil prices in the Community are now nearly two and a half times what they were at the beginning of 1979. Since Ireland is the most open economy in the Community, with imports running at over 65 per cent of GNP, we import external price increases to a greater extent than any of our trading partners.

The present high rate of inflation has two major consequences for policy: first that we should not add to it by domestic income increases we cannot afford; and, second, that the weaker sections of society be protected from its effects.

This latter objective was a major Government priority in the 1980 Budget. It involved increases ranging from 20 to 25 per cent to social welfare beneficiaries, and income tax concessions for the lower paid.

Our inflation rate, which was just over 20 per cent at mid-May, should now have reached its peak unless there are further sharp increases in oil prices or unless there are excessive increases in incomes.

There is some prospect that the staggering increases in oil prices of the last 18 months may not be repeated. The Government are also determined to make every effort to secure moderation in incomes. I believe that responsible people now realise that we must live within our means and that we cannot continue to award ourselves income increases which, because they are not justified by increased output, must be met by borrowing. I want to repeat that the strongest economies in Europe have already settled for very moderate income increases this year and we have no alternative but to follow suit.

Overcoming our present economic difficulties will require the full support and the co-operation of the social partners and, equally important, will require a widespread understanding by the general public of the realities of our situation. A major contribution to success can be made by the achievement of a new national understanding which will be directly related to the needs of the economic situation. Discussions on such an understanding are now under way and the Minister for Labour, on behalf of the Government, will make every effort to bring them to a successful conclusion. The difficulties are very great with the conflicting pressures on the participating parties. I want to underline that we attach great importance to these negotiations because a successful outcome would contribute enormously to our efforts to overcome the intense economic difficulties with which we are confronted.

A new national understanding related to the economic situation would give us something much more than an economic base from which to move forward. It would give us a major psychological shot in the arm and would give workers, in particular, a sense of security and stability in which a peaceful industrial relations climate can evolve. Nothing could demonstrate more clearly a national awareness of the economic dangers which confront us and our determination to overcome them than the securing of an agreement on an appropriate understanding.

I would like to use this occasion to urge the social partners to make every effort to reach an early agreement and to keep constantly in mind the current international scene which has emerged and in which our economy will have to operate in the times immediately ahead of us. In economic terms, we are not an island. We are, more than most, a country which is subject to international and European conditions and we must act accordingly.

The single most important economic decision facing the community today is the level of incomes we agree to accept over the next 12 months or so. This decision is central to our whole economic and financial future. We cannot carry income increases which are out of line with those which have been accepted in Europe generally.

An unrealistic settlement would increase inflation further and lead directly to a substantial increase in job losses. We are already suffering heavy job losses at present and these, unfortunately, will accelerate if our pay settlements do not give us the breathing space we need. The Government, in order to underline the seriousness of securing a moderation in incomes and in the context of the national understanding discussions, have postponed the implementation of the second phase of the Devlin award in so far as Ministers and Ministers of State are concerned and we will discuss with other categories in the public service a similar postponement in their case also.

The level of income increases emerging from the national understanding will also have crucial implications for the budgetary situation. The overall budget deficit must be reduced, and the budget made a significant start in this direction. Any major addition to the bill for public service pay would set us back very considerably.

Our ability to expand the economy and to increase employment is also heavily dependent on good industrial relations. Strikes not only reduce national output and earnings but they also inhibit foreign investment. The vast majority of our employers and employees are fully conscious of this and they do succeed, through patient negotiation conducted with skill and goodwill, in settling whatever differences may arise. They anticipate problems and eliminate possible differences by good personnel policies and procedures. My appeal earlier this year for improved industrial relations has had a positive response. In the first quarter of this year we had fewer stoppages than in any recent year. The situation has disimproved in the second quarter, but it is still markedly better than the same quarter of last year.

It is still bitterly disappointing to find groups in key employment who are prepared, very often by unofficial action, to cause serious disruption in pursuit of increases or benefits which cannot on economic or social grounds justify the damage they cause. The answer to these situations can only be found through the creation of a general community climate and opinion which will favour conciliation rather than confrontation and which condemns irresponsible and unjustifiable actions in this area.

The crucial question of industrial relations must also form part of the negotiations of a new national understanding. In the national interest ways and means of improving industrial relations must be found. I know it is not easy to find general procedures which can always be successfully applied in particular cases, but we must make it a matter of national pride and self-esteem that we are mature enough so to organise ourselves that costly and destructive stoppages of work can be avoided. Workers and management in other countries can succeed in doing so and we must constantly ask ourselves where the cause of failure lies in our case.

The Government are, in the context of the discussions on the national understanding, ready to accept any procedures or actions which the social partners can demonstrate to be useful in improving industrial relations and will give careful consideration to the recommendations expected shortly from the Commission on Industrial Relations. If we are to continue with the great programme of industrialisation needed to meet our objective of full employment, there is no alternative to securing a continuing climate of industrial relations comparable with the best obtaining anywhere in the world.

Our economic strategy, both domestically and internationally, also has as a top priority the development of the agricultural sector, which is of course, still our greatest industry. While there has been great progress in recent years, there is scope still for greater progress, as our full potential is far from being realised.

Due to a combination of factors, last year was not a good year in general for our farmers and some of them incurred fairly serious losses. The situation with regard to farmer taxation has been uncertain, while the prices farmers receive for their produce have not kept pace with increases in the cost of credit and farm inputs.

Arising out of these developments and to strengthen farmer confidence in their industry and in the long-term interest of our agriculture, I now wish, on behalf of the Government, to give a number of specific assurances to our farmers.

Firstly, they can be assured that we will not accept any departure from the principles of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Community which has been of such enormous benefit to our farmers in providing guaranteed markets at remunerative prices for their produce. Secondly, when the resource tax ceases to apply at the end of this year, there will from then on be only one system of taxation on farm profits. Thirdly, agricultural policy will be administered in the closest possible consultation and co-operation with farming organisations.

A number of very useful and constructive meetings have been held between the Government and the farmers' representatives to identify problems and suggest solutions. These meetings will continue. The Minister for Agriculture will, during the course of this debate, outline our policy for agriculture in greater detail.

Despite the difficulties there is much to encourage us in the present economic situation and outlook. We are maintaining economic growth at a higher level than many stronger economies. We are maintaining a high level of new job creation in viable employment. Our investment programmes, essential for future growth, are at a high level. We have succeeded in having a good agricultural package adopted by the Community for this year. Exports went up by nearly 23 per cent in the first 5 months of this year. We have greatly improved the state of our public finances and the external reserves position is being safeguarded. The exchange value of our currency within the EMS has remained stable.

Greater productivity, improved cost-competitiveness, innovation, enterprise and hard work are the key to success in the present harsh international economic climate. Our economy is so small that even a small development can have an enormous effect on our economic and social progress. We must seek out every opportunity for growth, no matter how small.

As I mentioned earlier, I have been meeting the main State-sponsored bodies concerned in economic and commercial activities and I have been discussing with them how best their enormous potential to contribute to growth and enterprise can be more fully realised. I am confident that a great deal can be achieved in this area.

There is a tough period ahead but we are determined to overcome the difficulties facing us. That is our assurance to the nation. The real challenge is whether we will get over these difficulties sooner rather than later; whether we will recover quickly or take a longer time to get back to higher standards and better times.

In either event I give a guarantee that this Government will see to it that the poorer and weaker sections of the community will be protected from the adverse effects of the situation confronting us.

Anyone who might feel dispirited by the state of the world around us or by our internal problems should understand that in fact we have a number of advantages on our side that makes us better placed than most of our partners in Europe to make substantial progress.

Our prospects in the field of oil exploration are reasonably good. Industry and agriculture have enormous potential for growth. Our most important asset of all, however, is our young population. Anyone who goes to a community or sporting event, as I often do and sees the great preponderance there on such occasions of bright, eager young people, full of energy and enthusiasm and a zest for life, cannot but have complete confidence in them and in our country's future and be convinced that whatever the temporary difficulties may be, time is on our side.

In steering the country through these difficult times, the Government have the most important role, but the trade unions have their part to play and the employers have theirs. What will really decide the issue, however, is the attitude adopted by individual members of the community and the seriousness and realism with which each person approaches his or her own situation and what decisions they take.

The reality to which we all must adjust is that the entire western industrialised world has undergone a major piece of economic surgery.

What the increase in oil prices of the last 18 months really means is that, over and above the normal economic exchanges a major share of the output of goods and services of the western countries, including ourselves, has been transferred to the oil-producing states. That is the true position and it cannot be circumvented. There is no point either in blaming the Government, employees, trade unions or employers for the consequences of that straightforward transfer. We must accept the economic implication which is that until such time as we make up for that transfer by increasing our output of goods and services we have to adjust our situation to cope with it.

If, however, sufficient individuals, seeing clearly what is at stake, decide to genuinely conserve energy and use only what they have to; take a positive stand against strike action until everything else has been tried; resist pressure to demand more in income than they know the traffic will bear; act fairly and considerately if they are employers and responsibly and reasonably if they are workers then we cannot be beaten and we will emerge out of these difficulties safe and sound.

Severe though the impact of present economic difficulties is, restricted though we are because of the financial constraints now imposed upon us, the path of progress is still open to us and opportunities for further expansion and development in many areas are there to be taken.

We must, as a nation, see our present difficulties and constraints simply as obstacles along the way to be removed by our own efforts. Motivated by a spirit of national endeavour, we can, not only make further progress in the years immediately ahead, but we will be ready, when conditions improve, to undertake a major national advance on every front.

I do not propose to follow the Taoiseach into his numerous excursions to the world outside, a mechanism by means of which he apparently sought to escape some of the more unpleasant realities at home. He devoted the first quarter of his speech to external issues and returned four times to these in an attempt to distract attention or provide excuses for the Government's failures of performance. We have had recently several debates on foreign policy, particularly in relation to the Community arising from what could only be described as inquests on recent European Council meetings. There is no need to go over that ground again.

I propose to concentrate my remarks on domestic issues within this State especially as we have had recently a debate on Northern Ireland, as our positions have been made clear and as there is nothing further that can usefully be said until we can judge the British initiative of which I am afraid at this stage few of us have much hope.

The magnitude of the economic crisis now facing us in default of Government action has to be stressed. I shall have to develop this theme at some length especially in view of the Taoiseach's failure to face these realities except in one single respect in his reference to redundancies. This I must do in the hope that belatedly, by identifying these issues, we may force the Government to tackle the problems they have created for us all.

I should say at the outset that our present difficulties, being largely selfinflicted, can be overcome. With a Government in power who have themselves created the problems and failed under new leadership even to start the process of solving them, it is inevitable that there should be in the country a mood of depression. It has to be added that realism requires us to recognise that the external situation is not encouraging but experience has shown that we can transcend our environment. Skilled economic management can, as in 1977, give us soundly-based economic growth at three times the rate of our neighbours, combined with falling inflation, reduced borrowing, falling unemployment and rapidly rising investment. What was achieved after the first oil crisis by good economic management can be achieved again.

Part of the problem now is the almost universal lack of confidence under this Fianna Fáil Government. We have seen the shattering of confidence in the farming sector where there has been a disastrous drop in incomes. I will return later to this point because the magnitude of the problem is not sufficiently appreciated outside farming circles and certainly not by the Government. This has been accompanied by an erratic and, for farmers, a nerve-shattering series of attempts to inflict on them taxes to be paid regardless of whether they have any incomes left. First, there was the levy and now the resource tax. These attacks on the viability of the farm sector, where real incomes have fallen by one-third in two years, have been reinforced by the impact of the credit restrictions and high interest rates which the Government's policies have created.

The first thing to be done is to restore the confidence of farmers. This can be done by a Fine Gael Government which farmers will recognise as sensitive to their very real problems, while—as we showed in Government—insisting that they pay the same share of income earned as the rest of the community. Impositions like the resource tax must be done away with and one gathers from the Taoiseach's speech that the Government have belatedly realised and accepted this in one of their numerous U-turns which have undermined confidence not only among the farming community but elsewhere. Steps should be taken by the Government by guaranteeing exchange risks to make credit available to this productive sector at rates which the potential of Irish land at this stage of its development could carry. If this were done, there is still the possibility of reversing the threatened downturn in agriculture which, if it continues, could affect the ability of Irish agriculture to develop its potential for years to come. There is hope because the potential for growth is there in agriculture if it were released by Government action instead of being repressed.

The same is true in industry. The underlying strength of our competitive position in world markets remains and our share of world trade is increasing. But industry too needs to be helped through the present liquidity crisis created by Government policy and needs access to borrowing at more sustainable rates if it is to compete with firms in other countries who have access to capital on this basis. The Government have failed so far to act here. Government agencies in industry, unlike agriculture, are situated remote from firms, based entirely in Dublin and without the network of locally-based people who would know the needs and capacity of individual firms, which cannot be assessed from a distance by people without personal knowledge of such enterprises.

I repeat that present difficulties in industry, as in agriculture, can be alleviated and even removed. The problem for most firms is not that they cannot compete or lack the potential for expansion; it is that they are being torpedoed by credit restrictions and high interest rates which are putting them out of action. Aided by the high value of sterling, our firms have a competitive advantage in their major market, which for domestic firms is the main market and in some cases the only market, if they can be helped through the present crisis, instead of being forced into liquidation by Government policies. The Taoiseach has referred to a scheme to assist in these areas and says this matter has been under active consideration for some time and perhaps something will happen in this regard in the months ahead. It is not good enough that firm after firm is forced into liquidation and jobs are lost irretrievably over months during which the Government have, apparently been considering the matter but failing to act.

Tourism, too, has a potential for the future if it can survive the present crisis and should be helped so as to ensure that our tourist infrastructure does not disappear, leaving us without the means to cater for visitors in future years. Our spokesman on tourism, Deputy Hegarty has recently outlined steps which can be taken towards this end.

In all we do to restore our economy to health in each of these sectors we must give priority to the problems of young people in education—where the Government have with great insensitivity concentrated cuts in spending which would have been better tackled elsewhere—in housing and in employment. The younger generation must be given hope and must have an assurance that those who are the "haves" in society, having property or having jobs, are willing to sacrifice some of their material prosperity to release the resources needed to give the young a chance. Employment for young people cannot be provided on a sufficient scale in the short term—and perhaps not even in the long term—within the existing parameters. Problems that stand in the way of youth employment, such as the working of excessive regular overtime, must be tackled as proposed by a working party on this subject whose recommendation the Government have promised to implement but about which we have heard nothing, as usual, since it was published several months ago. We must also seek to release more jobs for the young by facilitating the retirement of older people who want to retire, many of whom could and would wish to take on useful work in voluntary organisations where they could apply their skills, if their pension arrangements could be adjusted to make this possible. We must apply some imagination to this problem of youth unemployment which this year looks like reaching alarming proportions.

All these problems can be tackled by skilful and imaginative economic management, especially if they are seen to be tackled within the framework of a realistic plan for recovery and development. The discrediting of the phoney planning of earlier years of this Fianna Fáil administration should not prevent this Government from tackling the planning problem on a sound basis and restoring the confidence of people in the capacity of our economy to survive and prosper. A plan which sets out the Government's priorities and how they propose to use additional resources as they become available — even under this Government at some stage some recovery must take place in our economy — would help to provide a certain discipline within the public sector to secure an orderly development of our economic potential and an orderly tackling of the problems of social development.

Before we get to that, we face the clear problem evident in the Taoiseach's speech of the failure of the Government to grasp the nature and extent of the crisis they have created and their failure to admit to this crisis. Only by facing the grim facts can we plan realistically to put things right. The facts are grim. The growth of national output has come to a halt. Three years ago when we left office output was expanding at a rate of 5 per cent, almost three times the EEC level. Today there is total stagnation. Indeed, the latest data suggests that output this year may fall. In their report published on 5 June the Central Bank estimated an increase of 0.5 per cent in output, but even as that report was being printed bad news was coming in so fast that the Central Bank estimate of the drop in investment this year was increased four-fold between the time when the report went to print and the time of the press conference. Such a reduction in investment of the order of 5 per cent as against 1.25 per cent seems certain to turn the estimate of a marginal growth in total output into a decline in output.

One then comes up against the "cloud cuckoo land" type of fantasy the Taoiseach is endeavouring to maintain. He told us that we are maintaining economic growth at a higher level than in many stronger economies. I have not had an opportunity since I started speaking to check the facts, but maybe what he meant to say is that our decline is slower than in some stronger economies. He is trying to pretend that we are maintaining economic growth at a time when such growth as was expected earlier this year, even by the most pessimistic of us who felt there would be some growth in the economy this year, is disappearing before our eyes half way through the year. It is now clear that the next authoritative forecast will show some marginal decline in total output. In those circumstances for the Taoiseach to talk about maintaining economic growth is a desperate and foolish attempt to fool people and we will not solve our problems by such attempts.

If, as is the case, the volume of our output is stagnant or declining, we will be significantly worse off because at present we are facing a much sharper rise in import prices than in export prices, and imports account for the equivalent of 60 per cent of our total expenditure. Even if we manage to produce the same amount this year as last year, that production will buy us in terms of goods and services, 2½ per cent less than last year. Since it looks as if output is declining slightly, it is clear that for the first time in two decades we will face a situation in which what we produce will buy us significantly less in goods and services than in the previous year. There is no precedent for this over the past two decades. I challenge the Taoiseach or his Ministers to contradict that statement by reference to the official statistics of national output expenditure. No other Government have ever succeeded in this 20-year period in creating a situation in which we will be worse off because of failure to maintain the kind of economic growth we would need to sustain the purchasing power of our national output at a time when the terms of trade are running against us.

The prospect for the future is worse because of the decline in investment. The Taoiseach in his speech used words which were designed to mislead. The Taoiseach told us that the investment programmes are at a high level. As the Central Bank pointed out at their press conference, investment is now likely to decline by 5 per cent this year. The collapse in the construction industry, occurring so rapidly that it required this most extraordinary modification of the forecast while the report was being printed, is on such a scale that it is now clear that we face a fall in investment that will threaten our capacity to expand our economy in the year or two ahead. In our last two years in office investment was rising by 10½ to 12 per cent a year. Under this Government there was a decline of 5 per cent in a single year.

The gravity of this can be seen from what the Government said a mere five months ago when describing the growth in investment which took place in 1979. They said that this demonstrated the success of the Government's policy in reviving the confidence of investors and meant that the economy was investing in the extra capacity needed to sustain a rapid rate in progress in future years. The Government were wrong, because what we have this year is economic decline and not growth. So far as there was any validity in the suggestion that a growth in investment would sustain a rapid rate of progress in future years, I can only say that what is happening now, by the Government's criteria, shows the failure of the Government's policies to revive the confidence of investors and it means that the economy is failing to invest in the extra capacity needed to sustain progress.

In two short years this Government have raised the annual inflation rate from 6 per cent in the 12 months ended May 1978 to 13½ per cent in the year ended May 1979 and to 20¼ per cent in the 12 months ended May 1980. Some of this is due to external factors. The Taoiseach attempted to pretend that it is all due to external factors. The only thing the Taoiseach mentioned in relation to inflation was oil, and he made no reference to the Fianna Fáil budgets two of which increased indirect taxation putting up the cost of living and one of which cut subsidies. There was no reference to the fact that half of the acceleration in the cost of living increase from 6 per cent to over 20 per cent is directly attributable to these budgets as seen in the consumer price index immediately afterwards and identified by the authorities in terms of the impact on the consumer price index. Not only is half the acceleration due to direct budgetary decisions but about a quarter is due to the effect of this acceleration in prices upon pay claims, pushing them up within a year from the annual rate of basic pay increase negotiated in 1977 at not much more than 7 per cent to a rate of 13 per cent.

This could have been avoided. When in office we showed how inflation could be reduced after the first oil crisis by using food subsidies to cut the cost of living and to secure the agreement of unions to moderate pay increases. That agreement was based on the confidence of the unions that we were tackling inflation and that we would succeed. We would not have easily persuaded people by exhortation alone that they should moderate pay demands in the face of high inflation. They had to have the prospect of a decline in inflation and they had to see the determination of the Government to achieve that and action by the Government that would achieve it. In those circumstances it is possible to get the co-operation of unions. The Government must be willing to take the necessary action to secure that co-operation. Nothing this Government have done will inspire such confidence in unions or workers who have seen the inflation rate more than trebled in two years as a result of Government policy.

Union co-operation is also endangered by the impact of the Government policies on unemployment. Since the end of last year the process of reduction in unemployment, almost uninterrupted since mid-1976, has been practically reversed. There were average increases of 1,500 per month in unemployment in the first quarter followed by 2,700 in April and 4,200 in May. Even if this recent acceleration in April and May turned out to be temporary, of which there is no sign, as news of closures of firms keep pouring in, and even if the unemployment increase moderated in the second half of this year back down to the trend in the first quarter, that would still leave 105,000 people out of work by the end of the year on a seasonally adjusted basis or, in terms of the actual number out of work, almost 110,000 people. If it happens that we get back to the lower rate of unemployment increase in the first quarter of the year it would mean that everything achieved in terms of the reduction in unemployment two and a half years, a process begun by the National Coalition, will by a continuation of this Government have been wiped out in 12 short months. There is also the phenomenon of the short-term worker now on a scale twice as large as a year ago and there is the new phenomenon of the three-day fortnight as well as the three-day week. This is an aspect of our employment situation to which inadequate attention has been drawn.

The only sign of realism in the Taoiseach's approach was in relation to this matter. Having pretended that the economy was expanding and that investment was rising, with inflation increases due entirely to external factors, the Taoiseach showed some sign of realism when referring to the haemorrhage of job losses, which is reaching unacceptable levels. The Taoiseach did not provide any credible proposals as to what the Government would do about this. The Taoiseach's reasons were not entirely convincing and only one of his reasons deserves credibility—that was his reference to the increased cost of credit. The Taoiseach identified a problem there, again without offering any proposals to resolve it other than the hope that interest rates would come down. We have to face the fact that at no time since this state started on the path of economic recovery as a result of the Whitaker plan 20 years ago has the situation been so serious or has the need to boost our economy been so great. Even at the height of the first oil crisis our national output never failed to increase as is happening now, and never in 20 years has the purchasing power of our national output fallen significantly by 2½ to 3 per cent as it is doing this year.

Why are the Government not providing the necessary boost to the economy? Why is there no policy of stimulating demand and output? The answer is that the Government cannot take that action because they have so mismanaged the economy that they have not the capacity to do so. There are no reserves and no capacity left to influence events. The Government threw away their capacity. They recklessly overheated a rapidly expanding economy in 1977 by borrowing an extra £300 million which achieved no acceleration in growth. The increase of output in 1978 was at the same level as in 1977, which was around 5 per cent. This extra borrowing boosted imports, especially imports of consumer goods ready for use. The volume of increase in these imports rose by one-third more in 1978 than in 1977, boosting the share of these imports to an unprecedented figure of almost 18 per cent. The Taoiseach in his speech reverted again to his cloud cuckoo land approach to most of the problems and talked of the active campaign of import substitution. This Government have undertaken no active campaign of import substitution. They have created the conditions where rapid growth in imports of consumer goods is on a scale that has endangered, threatened and in many cases destroyed Irish firms which had hitherto survived in the home market despite free trade. This was the predictable effect of the 1977 manifesto, the main benefits of which accrued and were bound to accrue, given the openness of our economy, to industries in other countries selling to this market.

Having used up all available resources, including the maximum borrowing tolerance, at a time when a boost to the economy was not needed in 1977, when growth was already at a rate of 5 per cent, almost three times that of our neighbours, the Government now find themselves still borrowing the equivalent of 12 per cent of national output, when one discounts the temporary revenue windfalls arising from the Post Office strike last year and money brought forward into this year from last year, and they are under strong pressure to cut this borrowing. With the resultant external payments deficit of £750 million threatening the longer-term stability of our currency, the Government are being forced to cut back spending. Severe as those cuts have been, they have, on the one hand, been insufficient to reduce the external payments deficit and, on the other hand, have not been on a scale adequate to leave enough credit for the private sector, industry, services and farms, or—and this may now be even more important—adequate to reduce pressure on interest rates. We must be clear about this. Irish interest rates are no longer determined in London. They are autonomous. Within our stringent exchange control cordon, with an independent Irish pound, they are decided simply by the supply of credit and the demand for it here in Ireland. The Government, by absorbing so much credit have forced up interest rates to record levels and in the process are bankrupting most of the private sector.

We saw this process in a particularly acute form in the budget itself. The budget had the immediate effect of that large-scale selling of Government securities which within 24 hours had pushed up market interest rates by 1 per cent. It is only part of a process: we saw it in action highlighted by the fact that it happened to that extent in a single day as a direct result of the budget but the process has gone on over a period of time as a result of the cumulative effect of the Government's policy.

The Taoiseach in a curious way tries to take the credit for this. He talks about the stability of the Irish pound which he ascribes to the sound management of the economy. He knows as well as I do—if not, he should not be sitting where he is — that the reason why the Irish pound is at present maintaining its value well is because of a very heavy short—term inflow arising from the extraordinary level of our interest rates which are so much higher than interest rates anywhere else that money is coming into this country with a view to getting a benefit from them over a period of months on the calculation—which I think is correct—that the value of the Irish pound will maintain itself in the short-term and that therefore there is no immediate risk in such a short-term investment. But that is not sound management, to force up interest rates in order to get an inflow of hot money to this country, maintaining the value of our pound artificially, hot money which can flow out again as rapidly as it flows in and which, if and when we reach the point where the continuance of the Government's failure to tackle our basic economic problems threatens the value of our currency, will flow out again. There one has a situation made more difficult and dangerous by Government policy. We do not want hot money coming in the short-term, the outflow of which at a critical point in the future when the reality of our situation and the Government's failure to tackle it and solve the problems could lead to uncertainty about the value of the pound and when the outflow of that money could turn that uncertainty into something much more serious.

Our policy in Government was the reverse of Fianna Fáil's. Regardless of the political pressures of an impending general election we refused to over-heat the economy. We refused to use up in 1977, when growth was rapid and inflation declining, the financial resources which we knew would be needed in 1978 to hold down inflation at the 7½-8 per cent level to which we believed our policies were reducing it. That was validated by events. Later, probably in 1979, we guessed we would need these resources to stimulate the continued expansion of the economy when the boom which we had engineered in 1977 might begin to flag. Our discussions in Government about the 1977 budget centered on this issue: by how much could and should we stimulate the economy, bearing in mind that in 1978 the decline in the rate of inflation would come to a halt and that external pressures would be starting to push up our rate of inflation again and that we would need a lot of money in order, at that stage, to hold down the rate of inflation, by subsidies and by avoiding tax increases that would otherwise be necessary, in such a way as to give every incentive to the trade unions to accept a modest level of pay increases that would itself contribute to a long-term and continuing low rate of inflation? It was after serious debates on this issue, in the context of the knowledge that we would face an election within the next year and that the decisions we were taking could be fatal to our capacity to retain in the short term the confidence of our people and it was on that basis we took the decision not to spend the money then and to hold it back. If you like, it was a political gamble. We gambled with our political future for the benefit of the country. Fianna Fáil gambled with the country for the sake of their political future. That is the difference between us, fundamental as it is, that will decide the people's attitude to these two parties in the next election.

The contrast between the skill and economic management by which we secured a favourable outcome in 1977-78 and held back resources to maintain the situation in 1978-9 is in glaring and total contrast to the irresponsibility of Fianna Fáil in their manifesto politics which destroyed our prosperity and growth, trebled our inflation and has now led to an accelerating increase in unemployment.

Having got into the situation where they have created the crisis and at the same time thrown away the means of resolving it, the Government have now very little leeway. They can of course make things worse — and probably will — by pre-empting the vast bulk of available credit for their own extravagance leaving the private sector with inadequate credit at prohibitive interest rates.

Given the mess into which they have got the economy no tactics are open to them that will not do some damage. They have simply deprived themselves of the means of cutting inflation and stimulating growth. They are needlessly making things worse by the misdirected emphasis of their present policies. A prominent businessman recently remarked to me, "The illusion of the Taoiseach's economic competence has been shattered in an unbelievably short period of months.". If there were some in the business community at least who six months ago thought he could undo the damage done by the Government of which he had been a member between 1977 and 1979 — a spending member one might say—they are very few in number now. The blunder of a budget which tackled no problem and solved no difficulty but gratuitously increased inflation above the 20 per cent level and forced up interest rates by cutting availability of credit to the private sector is now patently obvious to all, even to those who had been among the Taoiseach's greatest admirers.

What has galled people in this situation is the contrived prominence given to the Taoiseach's fiddling while our economy burns. The naïveté of the belief that public relations exercises and daily photographs in the papers can excise the reality of our economic crisis from peoples minds is shattering. Nobody in politics in Ireland has ever before shown such unveiled contempt for our people's intelligence or such an arrogant conviction that all of them can be fooled all the time. The exercise casts more doubts on the Taoiseach's intelligence than on that of the people who, to be fair to them, have neither elected him nor are likely to elect him to office.

The dash to the airport to welcome home Ministers who had brought back the smallest price increase Irish farmers have seen since we entered the EEC combined with a present to our much wealthier neighbour of £8 million or £9 million a year of the taxpayers' money could have appeared as a clever coup only to someone living totally divorced from the reality of people's lives and opinions. Does the Taoiseach seriously think that farmers do not know that in the two years 1978-80 their incomes have fallen in real terms by almost one-third and are now down to a level well below that of 1972, the year before we entered the EEC?

Does he really think that the loss in two years of all that had been won for Irish farmers between 1971 and 1978 would be unnoticed by those affected or that a 4 to 5 per cent farm price increase, in a year when the cost of living for farmers as well as for everybody else had risen by 20 per cent, would be acclaimed as a victory by anyone in the farm sector? Of course, we all recognise that in the prevailing conditions it would not have been easy to avoid this depressing outcome. But surely the stupidity of crowing about this thoroughly unsatisfactory result, however difficult it may have been to avoid, must have struck him. Apparently not. One can only speculate that such an egregious blunder was accounted for by panic at the publication of the Magill magazine with its sordid revelations. That, at any rate, is the interpretation that most people, public and the media, seem to have put on this episode.

What is the Taoiseach's strategy faced with the present crisis? The country is entitled to be told what he proposes to do in the face of economic decline, the collapse of investment, a 20 per cent inflation rate, unemployment rising by 4,200 and businesses collapsing throughout the state. To have failed to give any substantial indication of his intentions in this debate, to have left the people in ignorance of whether he even grasps the gravity of the crisis over which he is presiding, is unacceptable to this House and to those whom we in this House represent.

There is a way out of our difficulties but it cannot be found so long as the Government continue to pretend, as the Taoiseach has done in his speech, with the single exception of his reference to redundancies, that there is no crisis, that there are no financial problems, that inflation will, as he suggests, just go away. The truth is that from well before this Government came to power, from when they first devised their plan to secure the support of the electorate by promises of lavish expenditure to be financed by massive borrowing, they have failed to face reality. Even when they first conceived their plan in the first half of 1976, Fianna Fáil's programme was wrong-headed and dangerous. All that can be said in favour of it at that time is that in the first half of 1976 it at last diagnosed correctly the problems we then faced — an economy, with spare capacity following the first oil crisis, which needed to be spurred into expansion. When the election came a year later this had all changed. Our carefully judged policies had achieved rapid growth as well as falling inflation, declining borrowing and unemployment. Yet, blindly, Fianna Fáil in their manifesto and, after the election in their policies, proceeded to implement a plan, devised over a year earlier, which at any time would have been reckless and dangerous, but which by late 1977 was essentially mis-directed — directed towards a problem which was already being solved.

Neither then nor since have Fianna Fáil ever been able to get out of the rut into which their policy stance had fallen four years ago. They kept on with their policies of spending borrowed money when this had become precisely the wrong thing to do. When this precipitated a crisis they refused to face it, pretending there was no problem. Now they have no longer the means to pursue this policy they lack the flexibility, the courage or the sense of realism to cut their losses and to try to re-cover the ground lost. The opportunity for such a revision of policies that might have been provided and that many thought would have been provided by the change of leadership was muffed and missed. Under the new Taoiseach we have drifted further into crisis, with prices artificially pushed higher than before by tax increases and by unemployment rising — at least his predecessor kept it falling — with national output in decline, although he inherited from Deputy Lynch an economy which at least still has some spark of life and forward movement about it.

The courage and skill that were needed to start the necessarily long drawn out process of getting our economy on course again were absent where they were needed. A budget that could, however painfully, have cut public expenditure sufficiently to reduce Government borrowing and allow the private sector room to breathe — allow it the oxygen of credit on reasonable terms which it needs in order not to suffocate — turned out to be opportunistic and shortsighted, unrelated to our economic needs, pushing us more deeply into crisis. This opportunity lost will not easily be recovered. For any action taken now, this autumn or next January, will have to be that much more stringent and more damaging in the short run than if it had been taken in time when the Taoiseach had the chance. We gave him that chance by agreeing, despite public cricicism, without demur, to a long Christmas adjournment so that he could prepare the measures necessary.

Now that the Taoiseach has the breathing space of another adjournment — longer even than that which he enjoyed at the outset of his period in office — until mid-October, I have little hope that any better use will be made of it or that, even now belatedly, he will apply his mind seriously to our economic problems. All the signs are that he will go on drifting, content to offer an illusion of government, expanding almost indefinitely his team of illusionists and conjurors, while the country falls into deeper difficulties.

An example of the frivolity of his approach, of his cynicism and contempt for our people, has been the performance here of the majority of his fresh nominees for office. There have been several honourable exceptions, but for the most part those whom he has rewarded for services—we know what the services were—with State powers, offices and private secretaries, have shown a previously unattained level of incompetence. No previous Taoiseach has ever allowed public office to fall so low or has made so many Irish men and women from all parties so ashamed of many of their governors. Never was £500,000 of the taxpayer's money worse spent nor has any previous administration evoked such repeated protests from public servants about the intrusion of party political influence into areas that have hitherto been protected from its less desirable manifestations.

We have heard from public officials of political influence being used to keep law enforcement away from areas where it might embarrass party supporters, of prosecutions being quashed by political intervention, of the customs preventive service as well as the Garda being interfered with, even where their members have been assaulted, and of this coming from Government level and not just from party supporters. Moreover, when we in this House have sought to raise these allegations of grave abuses, every effort has been made to intimidate us into not doing our duty by hints that files exist in relation to members of the Opposition, allegations which when probed turned out to relate to matters very different from the grave ones that threatened to undermine the public service, or allegations which, as in an instance involving myself, turned out to be nothing but bluff.

In six short months this administration have already gone a long way towards debasing the standards of public life in Ireland. Nor has this been confined to the area within the direct control of the Government. This last six months has also seen a sustained effort to undermine the role of RTE as a public servant holding a mirror up to politics, warts and all. Fear now stalks the corridors of Montrose, although intimidation has apparently not reached the point where the Taoiseach feels he can safely allow himself to be tamely interviewed by our national television and radio service. He has been willing to face a brief interview for Radio na Gaeltachta and to honour the BBC with the favour of his services on the—correct as it turned out to be— calculation that while its interviewer would perhaps raise the awkward issue of the Taoiseach's activities ten years ago, he would not press him on the details of that affair.

A Prime Minister who is afraid to face an interview on his own State public radio and television service until he has first cowed that institution into submission, does his country and himself little credit. None of us should be in public life or remain there unless we are prepared to answer for our acts in public office. We may not like having to do so. There is none among us who will not feel uncomfortable at times in the face of probing questions, but if we cannot face the heat we should not be in the kitchen. Most recently we have had to face a situation in which very serious allegations had been made against the Taoiseach, allegedly on the basis of papers left by a public servant who saved this State from a criminal conspiracy ten years ago. Among these allegations are several that were not the subject of charges ten years ago but which raise fresh issues.

The Chair is asking the Deputy not to pursue that matter. The Chair is ruling that that matter is not relevant.

(Interruptions.)

Yet the Taoiseach has lacked the courage to face these allegations.

The Chair has ruled that that matter is not relevant.

(Interruptions.)

The Chair is asking the Deputy FitzGerald not to continue that matter.

The Taoiseach has an obligation to this House and to the Irish people, on whom he has been foisted as Taoiseach without their having a chance to express any opinion yet on this matter, to clear his honour and that of the office he now holds by challenging those responsible for publishing those allegations if he wishes us to believe them false.

The Chair is asking Deputy FitzGerald not to continue that matter.

We will not be silenced. Failure to do this can lead to only one conclusion.

(Interruptions.)

If the Taoiseach does not wish that conclusion to be drawn and if he can rebuff those allegations, he has no alternative but to sue for libel.

Under the privileges of this House that type of allegation should not be made. The Chair is asking Deputy FitzGerald not to proceed on those lines.

It is relevant.

It is not relevant to this debate. It is a matter which has been debated in the House before. This matter was debated in the House ten years ago.

(Interruptions.)

The Chair must be obeyed in this matter. Deputy FitzGerald should obey the Chair.

We were told last week we could debate any matter in this debate.

I told the Deputy last week that he could debate anything that was relevant to this debate. What he is debating now is not relevant to this debate.

Nothing could be more relevant.

Under the protection provided by the House the Deputy should not make allegations against Members of the House.

(Interruptions.)

You are protecting the Taoiseach.

That type of allegation is unbecoming to the House.

We are entitled to discuss matters of public importance.

The Chair will decide what matters are relevant to this debate.

The Chair is doing it fairly.

If the Taoiseach hides behind the palpably false assertion that these particular matters were dealt with ten years ago, he need not expect to command credibility among the Irish people.

The Chair will decide what matters are relevant to this debate and the Chair is doing it fairly. We have had this debate on numerous occasions in this House and it is now a historic matter that was decided within the House and outside the House. The Chair is ruling that it is not relevant to this debate. It is not relevant under the protection of the House, the essential protection that is provided for Members against allegations.

On a point of order, surely the whole purpose of parliamentary privilege, if a Deputy wishes to exercise that privilege, is to allow him to comment on matters of that nature.

The Chair has a solemn duty, in accordance with the protection that is rightly given to Members of this House, to protect all Members of the House against innuendo, insinuation, implication and allegations and that is all the Chair is doing.

(Interruptions.)

All I suggested was that if the Taoiseach wishes to deny the allegations, he should sue for libel but that if he does not deny them, certain conclusions will be drawn.

The events of the past six months have raised questions about our system of government and about public communications, questions that will have to be faced by the next administration. It is clear now that safeguards against political abuse of our governmental system are inadequate. They will have to be reinforced and they will be reinforced. While considerable thought will have to be given to how there can be built in safeguards that will prevent a recurrence of abuses as and when the Government may change again at a later stage, certain needs are clear already.

First, the Garda must be shielded against political interference——

Deputies

Hear, hear.

——by the introduction of a police authority. In this context I might add that the argument by the Minister for Justice against this proposal, that is, that it exists only in Britain and that there it derives essentially from the existence of a multiplicity of police forces, is quite unconvincing. While sharing with Deputy Kelly his concern about the extent to which in so many areas, where the practice of other countries may offer us better headlines, we continue to ape British practice, this does not mean that where the British have a good idea — and that is the case occasionally — we should reject it.

The functions of this police authority and their method of appointment are matters for consideration but the main aim must be to safeguard the force and to safeguard law and order against political interference, just as we, in the National Coalition, safeguarded the new office of Director of Public Prosecutions by making it an offence to attempt to influence him not to prosecute. In government, I shall not rest until we have created a situation in which every garda and every preventative officer will be confident that not only is he safe from political interference in upholding the law but that if he is subjected to such pressure from any source — Government or Opposition — and reports the fact, he can be assured that this will redound to his credit and will secure for him a favourable notation on his file that will help his career rather than to have the present situation of fearing that if he resist or report attempts to interfere with him in upholding the law, his prospects in his career may be prejudiced. We shall banish fear from the minds of these men and women and replace it with a conviction that courage in carrying out their duty will be rewarded and not punished.

Similarly, I shall make it my duty to devise a method of securing RTE against arbitrary party political interference designed to weaken or water down their public affairs programmes, commentaries and interviews, regardless of what criticism they may level at the Government of the day. I recognise the difficulties of achieving this and I accept that there must be checks against the use of this medium to advocate violence and against an abuse of power by the staff of such an influential organisation but these checks must be separated from the political system in some effective way. The board must be appointed by some mechanism which prevents them from being the tool of party policy which can be the case by reason of the present system of appointment.

It is sad that these should be the kinds of issues we have to face in this House when so many other matters require attention. But these are the issues which this administration have raised by their actions since coming under the leadership of the Taoiseach. Wherever I go I find that people are preoccupied with these issues, that they are concerned about what seems to them a blatant attempt to take over the machinery of the State for private political purposes. These fears are to be found among many honourable supporters of Fianna Fáil as well as of other parties. Perhaps they are more acute in such quarters where the character of the present Government is understood most clearly but these fears are found, too, among many without party allegiance. They are fears that find relatively very little reflection in the media since people in the media are bound tightly by laws of libel. However, this is and will remain a free Parliament, a place in which we have the duty of reflecting the preoccupations of the people with what they regard as dangerous trends in government. I have tried to do so with restraint while, I hope, reflecting accurately those very widely expressed fears and concerns.

There are many other matters that must be mentioned in a debate of this kind. I could not fail to comment on the abysmal lack of interest of this Government in law reform and in securing the rights of weaker groups in the community, of children and of women, against whom our laws still discriminate. The Government have not only failed to introduce reforms in these areas but they have blocked reforming legislation that anybody else has attempted to bring forward. Examples of this have been their attitude to the Bill designed to abolish the concept of criminal conversation which was introduced in this House by Fine Gael and the Bill to reform the law on rape which was introduced in the Seanad by Senator Hussey.

One might have thought that a government who had tied their hands so far as reforms involving additional public expenditure is concerned would at least try to compensate for this by introducing reforms which do not impose obligations on the Exchequer but this has not happened. For three years this House has been dealing with budgetary measures and with routine Bills which do not effect any significant changes in our law. The Government seem so unsure of themselves that they appear to fear that serious measures which would evoke serious debate might leave them at a disadvantage vis-á-vis the Opposition and that, consequently, the safest course is for them not to do anything. They may find when they next face the electorate that they have been mistaken. The electorate will want a better account of the stewardship of the Government both in economic terms and in terms of reform than the Government now seem likely to be able to give.

There are many groups in the community who are utterly frustrated by the lack of progress in the area of reforms that are overdue and by the Government's evident lack of interest, and even their contempt for such activity. These groups are looking to this party to give a lead in this area and they shall not be disappointed. In government we shall cut some of the red tape and stir up the inertia that has been allowed to settle on this subject. If necessary, we shall consider the kind of solution mentioned by the Incorporated Law Society, that is, the commissioning of distinguished lawyers who are experts in particular fields to consult with interested parties and to draft legislation which the Government could then evaluate and which with modifications if necessary, would be judged to be appropriate. This legislation could then be presented to the Dáil without delay to be dealt with, as that article proposes, by special committees of the House, that most useful device of which we make so little use.

I wish to refer to another area which the Government have neglected and for which during the past three years they have shown something approaching contempt. I refer to the protection of our environment. The record is deplorable in relation to the preservation of our archaeological and architectural heritage and in relation to the protection of our water supplies. A new Fine Gael Government would give to these areas a priority which up to now they have not enjoyed. We shall make it our business that no more of our heritage disappears before the ravages of developers, whether private or public.

We shall work to create conditions under which, as is now the case with such parts of Dublin as Merrion Square and Fitzwilliam Square, as much as possible of our architectural heritage is preserved by private people out of their own resources, without there being any burden imposed on the State. If necessary, we shall modify the tax code to cover difficult cases where families are burdened with the maintenance of great houses which the nation requires should be retained and handed on to future generations and where inaction by the State could lead to irretrievable losses and there have been irretrievable losses down through the years. Legislation would be introduced also to protect archaeological sites adequately and the delicate task of providing for archaeological excavation of urban sites uncovered in the process of development in a manner that would not inhibit desirable and in some cases necessary urban renewal would be tackled on the basis of experience gained elsewhere and of advice that we would seek from other countries that have overcome this problem successfully.

But conservation must extend to many areas. We cannot allow our rivers and lakes and the seas around us to be polluted to the point where aquatic life is extinguished, amenities destroyed and health endangered.

The problem of the divided responsibility in this area between local authorities, the Department of Agriculture dealing with pollution by agriculture, the Department of Industry, Commerce and Tourism dealing with industrial pollution, and other agencies such as An Foras Forbartha, An Foras Talúntais and the Institute for Industrial Research and Standards, must be tackled. We cannot continue with laws unenforced because, for example, approved sites do not exist for the dumping of toxic waste of which, according to the Director of An Foras Forbartha, no less than 20,000 tons is produced annually. We cannot risk our people's lives by permitting a situation to be continued in which recently children found a drum of highly toxic Methanol lying in the open, or a whole river was polluted by a lorry driver dumping toxic waste into a ditch near a tributary. Neither can we permit farmers and creameries to destroy amenities which their own children and neighbours as well as the rest of our people should be entitled to enjoy. Enforcement of standards in this area must be undertaken immediately even where this may be unpopular with affected individuals.

They are areas which we should be tackling and which we can tackle even during an economic crisis. They would be tackled if we had a Government with the capacity to apply their minds to these issues, not a Government solely concerned with aspects of public relations. The Government should have the intelligence to see that it would be good public relations to do some of these things, that it might have some effect, even belatedly, on the reputation of the Government.

We in Fine Gael are ready to provide a Government that will tackle the economic situation with a realism and confidence generated by our success during the period 1975 to 1977 and who will embark on a programme of reform of the kind needed to make this society worthy of and acceptable to the new generation. We shall govern in the interests of the whole people but with particular concern, particular priority, for the needs of the new generation who deserve better of their seniors in politics than they have been getting in recent times.

Before starting on the major consideration for the House and the country, the economy, I should like to deal with a question raised by Deputy FitzGerald when you, Sir, saw fit to rule him out of order. I should like to make my own position clear in regard to that matter. First of all, I should like to put on the record of the House my belief that the whole purpose of parliamentary privilege is to allow Members to raise matters in the House which they could not raise outside without being subject to the laws of libel. That is a very great privilege indeed which carries with it a correspondingly great responsibility. This is a very fundamental issue when we are talking about the whole principle and concept of justice as we know it.

There are some aspects of events of ten years ago which can be pursued legitimately, in my opinion, but I should like to make one thing clear. As far as I am concerned the charge of conspiracy to import arms into Ireland was dealt with by the courts; the present Taoiseach, Deputy Charles J. Haughey, was charged with that offence and was acquitted, and although we in this House have the right strictly speaking it is not a right we would be proper in exercising if we were to try to have a re-trial of Deputy Charles J. Haughey on that issue. The Taoiseach, Charles J. Haughey, in my opinion, has precisely the same right, no less and no more, than any other citizen and it is fundamental to the whole concept of justice here that if a person is charged and acquitted of that charge, Magill, RTE or any of our morning or evening newspapers have not the right to hold a re-trial of those proceedings, and though strictly speaking Members of the House could indulge in what could be described as a re-trial of a charge on which a man has been acquitted, I believe that in attempting to do that they would be undermining one of the democratic institutions that we all genuinely and sincerely on this side seek to protect.

There are other aspects of those events, the question of the missing £100,000, the possibility of perjury having been permitted, and there are side aspects that I regard as being legitimate to pursue——

The Chair has already ruled that we will not debate this matter in the House and I am asking Deputy Cluskey not to continue.

When I was going along lines with which the Chair obviously agreed the Chair allowed me to continue, but when he began to disagree with me the Chair got very heated.

The Chair is not getting heated.

When I consider it legitimate to pursue issues I will exercise my democratic right to pursue them.

The Chair has ruled that these matters are not relevant to the debate before the House.

Rule away. I had finished. I will speak on the main issue before us, the economy. This debate takes place three years almost to the day on which Fianna Fáil attained office and it is the 15th Adjournment Debate to which I have contributed as a Member of the House, and to set the background against which I will speak I will quote from the Official Dáil Report for 5 July 1977, Volume 300. The then Taoiseach, nominating his Government, said:

The Government's priorities have been fully set out in our manifesto which we published the day after the dissolution of the 20th Dáil. We got a strong endorsement from the people to implement our policies. The fact that we had an unprecedented majority will certainly not make us complacent. We intend to undertake our task with urgency and determination.

The Irish electorate, as always, have proved themselves to be most discerning and discriminating. They have rejected the Coalition Government. The same Irish electorate will be equally discriminating at the next general election if this Government do not create the real economic progress and the improved quality of life our people are entitled to expect.

That was the then Leader of the Government when they had been elected on the basis of the Fianna Fáil manifesto. Though there have been attempts inside and outside the House to dissociate the present Taoiseach from the content of and commitment to that manifesto, there is on public record not only his commitment but his enthusiasm for that manifesto.

We had a situation not long ago during the course of a discussion on the manifesto where in the absence of the Taoiseach, who will not subject himself to being interviewed or questioned on any subject, a recording was played of one of the interviews he gave during the 1977 election in which he was more than enthusiastic and confident on the correctness of the policies set out in that manifesto. The Taoiseach and some Ministers and Members of his parliamentary party have, during Question Time, debates and discussions, at all times tried to hark back to the 1977 crisis and compare the present situation with that situation. They have tried to imply that the oil crisis which caused economic upheaval throughout the western world is exactly the same as what we are experiencing now and that these difficulties are mainly the result of outside external influences over which we have no control.

Of course that is not the position, because the difficulties we have now are far more serious and deep-seated than those which were successfully faced in 1977. There was only one sector of the economy in difficulty in 1975. Combined with that the proper economic policies were pursued in the face of those difficulties which successfully brought us out of them by the time we left office in 1977. The policies that have been pursued by this Government, and which they continue to pursue, are putting us deeper into the economic difficulties we would face in normal circumstances.

While everyone may be fed up hearing the extent of the wide-ranging difficulties we face and the fact that they are across the board, it is important that they should be put on the record of the House at this time. If one takes inflation it is running somewhat over 20 per cent. While some predictions have been made that unemployment will be 100,000 by next winter — I have heard other political commentators saying 105,000 — it gives me no joy to confidently predict that by next winter unemployment will be running between 115,000 and 120,000. The main contributing factor to that rise in unemployment can be attributed to the policies pursued by the Government over the last two-and-a-half to three years. Our growth, which was averaging about 6 per cent over the years, is now, by the most optimistic predictions, at a level of half to 1 per cent this year. The balance of payments deficit is £730 million. Our gross investment is down by 6 per cent and our borrowing requirements are £900 million, of which exactly half is taken up by Exchequer borrowing. Private consumption is minus 2 per cent. Those realities are not given by Fine Gael, or Labour or by someone with a political axe to grind; they are the true economic realities today, the true economic predictions facing us not only in the current year but also into next year at least. They are given by the Central Bank, ESRI, OECD and I could quote a number of the other reputable international and national organisations for them.

I said that in 1977 industry was in difficulty. It is not only industry that is in difficulty now after three years of Fianna Fáil mismanagement. Industry is in severe difficulty. Agriculture is facing severe difficulty and has gone through a bad year, which was acknowledged by the Taoiseach. Our tourist industry has been almost decimated, and the main contributing factor has not been external but the budgetary policies pursued by the government. If one goes to any part of Ireland which depends largely on tourism for its livelihood one will be told not of tens or hundreds but of thousands of bed-nights being lost due to the Government's budgetary proposals and economic management. We have practically priced ourselves out of the tourist industry.

The Taoiseach when speaking this morning spent most of his time, and understandably so, trying to rally his backbenchers, who obviously either did not face up to or realise the extent of the economic problems facing us. It was as if he were addressing an Ard Fheis or a chapel gate meeting, not only in his delivery of the speech but in his whole attitude. Sitting here I noted that when the Taoiseach was speaking — his presentation, as usual, impeccable, the voice rising at the proper times particularly when he spoke about youth, sporting events and all the little children running around the place, although they will probably be running somewhere around England, America or Australia if he pursues the type of policy he has been pursuing — he was mainly concerned with what seems to have been the whole purpose of the exercise this morning, to put some backbone into the Fianna Fáil Members of this House in facing the wrath of their constituents over the long hot summer. In certain passages where he reached high pitch on the tremendous prospects ahead of us the Taoiseach turned around and addressed himself directly to his own backbenchers, because the flak which they must be getting in every constituency and feeding back to the Taoiseach must have made him decide — and correctly so — that if he did not put some backbone into them they might turn the wrath they are getting from their constituents on him.

When the Taoiseach was elected a considerable number of people from all parties, including his own, told me that I had been highly critical of the Taoiseach on his appointment in my reference to several aspects of his performance in public life which led me to believe that he was unsuitable for that office. They told me that while they agreed with me they thought he could possibly deliver as far as our economy was concerned and that on that basis they were prepared to give him a chance. That bubble has been burst in a short space of time because it is clear that the Taoiseach is incapable of tackling the economic difficulties which face us at this time. The Taoiseach used the word "recession" this morning and referred to the price of oil and to the effect that is having on our economy. We are all aware that the price of oil is affecting our economy and all economies throughout the western world, but to try to put the full blame, or the major portion of it, for the decline in our economic prospects on the price of oil is to attempt to mislead the people of the country.

As far as inflation is concerned the increase in the price of oil accounts for approximately 2 or 3 per cent. The Taoiseach in this House told us that the effect as far as inflation is concerned by reason of the budget proposals would be 4.8 per cent, considerably more than that of the price of oil. We have had cut-backs exercised by the Taoiseach and his Government in almost every conceivable area. We have had cut-backs affecting education, housing, social welfare, health, roads and many other aspects of our national life.

I should now like to mention a short reference, understandably so, in the Taoiseach's speech to Northern Ireland. The Taoiseach stated:

Perhaps the most important debate in the last session was that on Northern Ireland at the end of last month. Because it took place so recently, I shall not now go over the same ground as I covered in opening that debate. I do wish, however, to reiterate my view that the situation in Northern Ireland is the major issue in our country today. Our aim is the unity of all the people of Ireland in peace and harmony and the establishment of that aim is our first political priority.

The Taoiseach, at his first press conference — it is memorable because there have not been too many of them since — after being elected leader of Fianna Fáil and as Taoiseach designate, claimed that that was the first political priority of his party and his Government.

Deputy FitzGerald accused me of doing nothing but press relations and now the Deputy is accusing me of not giving any press conferences.

There is a difference.

I can assure the Taoiseach that there is no Member of this House who knows more than he what the difference is.

That is precisely the point.

Running around Malahide clapping the children and asking the people how they are and so on——

What does the Deputy do?

I would do the Deputy and I am in the process of doing that.

If the Deputy got a chance.

Deputy Cluskey should continue through the Chair and without interruption of any type.

I apologise for my interruption.

Please do not. The Taoiseach has given me at least ten minutes. I may have to restructure my speech but I will deal with the matter referred to by the Taoiseach now. The Taoiseach's idea of press relations is based on his experience over the last ten years and up to the time he attained the office of Taoiseach. To say the least of it, he was masterly in his manipulation of the media. Never has so much been written about a man who said so little as in the case of the Taoiseach. In fact, one wonders whether he is the head of an Irish Government or our leading male model, judging by the amount of photography that goes into his every operation.

He is a model Taoiseach.

Is this the new type of personal attack from the leader of the Labour Party?

Deputy Keegan should remember that I am still in the Chair. Deputy Cluskey should be allowed to continue.

I am being provoked.

The Deputy is not being provoked.

He is about to be eliminated and a lot of his colleagues with him.

I will not be eliminated.

The elimination does not arise at this stage.

That comes at a later count.

The Taoiseach, rightly so, looked for clarification on the difference between public relations and use of the media.

No, between Deputy FitzGerald and the Deputy.

On what issue?

What about Deputy Colley and the Taoiseach? He did not pledge his loyalty yet. He said he would give the same loyalty to the Taoiseach as the Taoiseach gave to the former Taoiseach.

Deputy Cluskey has a limited time and he should be allowed to continue without interruption. We are not discussing male models or anything else at this stage. This is an adjournment debate.

Who pledged their loyalty to the former Taoiseach?

Is the Deputy referring to Deputy Lynch?

No, I am referring to the former Taoiseach of the National Coalition Government.

Deputy Lynch was the former Taoiseach. Has the Deputy forgotten that already?

I have not forgotten that.

(Interruptions.)

We will leave it at that. Deputy Cluskey on the matter before the House. Deputy Keegan should not interrupt.

While it has been the subject of some levity here over the last five or ten minutes, the issue the Taoiseach raised is extremely serious. Can anyone tell me, is there any precedent for a man holding the office of Taoiseach here for over six months who has not on one occasion subjected himself to an interview where he could be questioned on any issue of national importance without setting out the ground rules clearly beforehand? Has any major interview been given on Northern Ireland which the Taoiseach claims to be his first priority?

Yes. I gave an interview to RTE in London.

That is fair enough. I will deal with that one since the Taoiseach has raised it.

I gave an interview on the economy to RTE in Venice. The Deputy should get his facts right.

I will get my facts right.

The Deputy has not done that so far.

Deputy Cluskey should be allowed to make his own speech.

The Deputies over there are getting very nervous.

We are just bored.

We cannot conduct this debate by way of question and answer.

The Taoiseach is not going to be bored, he is going to be screwed by the electorate. The Taoiseach states that he gave a major press conference in London on Northern Ireland.

It was an interview to RTE on Northern Ireland in London.

I saw that. That was of fairly short duration.

The Deputy could not have seen it because it was a radio interview.

There was also another interview with the ground rules strictly laid down.

That was to the British media.

Irrespective of whether it was radio, television or a press conference, two-thirds of the time was spent in kicking for touch. Irrespective of what pertinent question was asked, the Taoiseach said "I cannot go into that" or "that was part of the confidential discussion", the tê-a-tête that he had with the British Prime Minister. Would the Taoiseach not agree that not only would it be appropriate but that he is evading his responsibilities to this country by not subjecting himself to an interview on his position on Northern Ireland which, to say the least, is considerably confused? Would he not agree that he is evading his responsibilities by not giving an interview on the economy and what prospects we have of overcoming the difficulties which he and his Government have put us in?

Is that not what we are doing here today?

We cannot have question and answer.

That is exactly the point; we cannot have question and answer.

(Interruptions.)

Am I going to be allowed injury time?

Deputy Cluskey has a limited time and there should be no interruptions.

Hear, hear. The Taoiseach should take note of that.

Deputy FitzGerald should take note of it also.

Deputy Moore should take notice of it too.

I do not like to be left out of this.

There is a 28-page speech here by the Taoiseach. Is the Taoiseach seriously suggesting that there is any concrete proposal in any one of the 28 pages to deal with any of the difficulties in the economic sphere that this country finds itself in? Is there any one concrete suggestion contained in the whole speech? This has been the pattern since you attained the office you now hold. You pick an occasion like this where you have a set speech, carefully considered, gone over by you and your civil servants for days previously, delivered in the House and subject to no query, no answer, no accountability. You are in fact, and up to now effectively, abdicating your responsibility as Taoiseach of this country and not living up to the responsibility which you are, to say the least, so anxious to assume.

Would the Deputy please speak through the Chair in the third person? I am not the Taoiseach but that is the way it will appear on the record. What is more, I do not want to be.

There are times during Question Time when I wish the Chair was.

It is hard to know what that means but we will leave it at that.

I will get back to the Taoiseach's speech and try to analyse it a little more clearly. On Northern Ireland, for the first time since the foundation of the State we have a Taoiseach who has suggested, to put it at its mildest, that a solution to the Northern Ireland problem and the unity of this country could be pursued on the basis of a two-nation approach. In the "Panorama" interview which the Taoiseach gave he said that there could be two sets of laws in the social legislative sphere, one for this part of Ireland and another for Northern Ireland. He was talking in relation to such questions as divorce and contraception. What the Taoiseach was saying in effect was that if one was a Catholic in Northern Ireland of course one could have divorce and contraceptives if one wanted them; it would be a matter for one's own conscience. But if one was a member of the minority in this part over which the Taoiseach has jurisdiction and, although no religious barrier regarding either divorce or the use of contraceptives exists, one could not have them. How can the Taoiseach possibly reconcile that with his party's long-term aspiration for the unity of the Irish people? The Taoiseach has been asked that in this House before by way of Parliamentary Question and he has refused to answer or to clarify that statement made by him on the television programme, "Panorama". One of the things that I think would make it necessary for the Taoiseach to clarify that statement is the fact that he gave it to the BBC and that in this part of the country only approximately one-third of our people can receive BBC.

Does the Taoiseach, through the Chair, not consider it——

I thought that was clarified to the Deputy here on a parliamentary question.

No, very definitely not. Not only did the Taoiseach not clarify it, but his main endeavour was not to clarify it. His main endeavour was to evade it, as he has evaded most other matters of importance since he attained the office which he now holds.

The Taoiseach, in his speech, refers to industrial development and the work of the IDA. Would he clarify what to me appears to be a contradiction. I quote from the Taoiseach's speech:

The prospects for industrial development this year, bearing in mind the international growth climate, are good. Output growth, manufacturing at 5 per cent is expected to be the highest in the European community. At least 25,000 new manufacturing jobs will be created this year and job improvements under the IDA are expected to be about 30,000, In fact, job improvements negotiated for the first five months of this year——

of this year, mind you

——are 13,800 representing the best ever January-May performance by the IDA.

That, clearly, is meant to convey that the work of the IDA is booming and that the prospects of attracting industry here and of job creation here are extremely good indeed. Could the Taoiseach reconcile that statement with the following facts? I have here two questions submitted by Deputy Barry Desmond to the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism which were answered yesterday by way of written reply. One question was to ask the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism the amount of land purchased by the Industrial Development Authority for industrial purposes in each of the years 1976 to 1979 inclusive and in 1980 to date. The answer, given yesterday, was:

I am informed by the Industrial Development Authority that the land purchased by them in each of the years 1976 to 1979 and in the first five months of 1980 was as follows: 1976—541 acres; 1977—1,427 acres; 1978—702 acres; 1979— 1,147 acres; January to May 1980— 65 acres.

That is one answer, rather difficult to reconcile with the Taoiseach's prospect for the performance of the IDA.

The other question was to ask the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism the amount of money expended by the Industrial Development Authority in the purchase of lands for industrial purposes in the County Dublin area in each of the years 1976 to 1979 inclusive and in the first five months of 1980.

I am informed by the Industrial Development Authority that the amounts of money expended by them on the purchase of land in Dublin city and county in each of the years 1976 to 1979 and in the first five months of 1980, together with details of the amounts of land purchased, were as follows: 1976, £315,010 — 16.54 acres; 1977, £4,618,187 — 302.6 acres; 1978, £6,017,500 — 310.26 acres; 1979, £6,613,144 — 313.11 acres. The first five months of 1980 — nil, and under the other heading, nil.

How can the Taoiseach reconcile this incredible industrial development job creation by the IDA in the light of those facts, given by one of his own senior Ministers in this House yesterday? The difficulties of this country will not be solved by trying to mislead the people as to what the facts really are and just how broke this Government is. It is broke mainly — not entirely, but mainly — because of its own irresponsible approach towards the national interest. All the difficulties that other countries are facing are compounded in ours for the following reasons: For purely party political purposes, the party of which the Taoiseach was a senior Member and is now Leader put forward to the Irish electorate, in 1977, a manifesto which was politically advantageous to his party and was disastrous for the economy and the future of the Irish People. That could possibly be acceptable from a group of young, idealistic, inexperienced men but the men who framed that manifesto, who went out and sold that manifesto to the people of this country in 1977 were men who like the Taoiseach had had years of experience in Government offices. The Taoiseach had been Minister for Finance, Minister for Justice, and had held several Ministerial posts. The Minister's other colleagues immediately before the transition in 1973 had held senior ministerial posts. They knew the implications of the policies they were putting forward. They knew the economic consequences to this country of pursuing those policies, but because they were so desperate to get back into power, the real interest of the country and its people were a secondary consideration indeed.

The Taoiseach achieved his purpose. The Irish people did believe him at the time. Now however there is a clear realisation of what the Taoiseach has done and, how irresponsible his approach has been and he has no effective answer.

He has no effective answer because the belief and the expectation generated around this House and in some sections of the country in November-December of last year, when he was bidding for and then attained the office of Taoiseach, were very high indeed. All the people who engage in certain activities were riding very high. The get-rich-quick brigade saw quite clearly that with the change in leadership of Fianna Fáil the gravy train would roll again as far as they were concerned, and to some extent it did roll again and is still rolling for them. But the Taoiseach's political philosophy, his approach to economic and social affairs are, to say the very least, detrimental to the vast majority of our people.

The Taoiseach has at all times pursued a policy under which he has transferred resources — sometimes to a large and other times to a smaller extent — from the less well off people in Irish society to the better off. Indeed the whole machinery of State in this country is geared to ensuring that those people with the get-rich-quick mentality — the land speculators, the shady kind of business operator — are the type of people who are being and will continue to be facilitated by this Government until the next time the people of this country have an opportunity of putting Fianna Fáil where they belong — most of them out of public life altogether and the remainder at least over to this side of the House.

There are three aspects to our economy. The Taoiseach talked about Fianna Fail's commitment to the agricultural sector and went on to give certain guarantees to that sector by way of Government proposals. I should like to site the position of the agricultural sector under Fianna Fáil Government. I do not propose to quote a Member of the Labour Party or anyone engaged in public life, not even a member of any political party as far as I know but somebody who is acknowledged as being an authority in the agricultural field, Professor Séamus Sheehy of University College, Dublin, who, speaking at a seminar on Saturday last, made the following comment, as reported in The Irish Times of Monday last, June 23:

The extent of fall in incomes was not yet fully realised. Having regard to inflation running at 20 per cent this year and probably at 15 per cent next year, farmers were taking a cut in their real incomes of up to one per cent a month. That was more than they suffered in any period since the Second World War.

That is from a Professor of UCD who is widely acknowledged as being an authority in the agricultural sector. When the farmers and farming orgainsations read the Taoiseach's commitment to the farming community in his speech this morning it will be seen for what it is, a further widening of the Taoiseach's options should he decide that he had better go to the country sooner rather than later. The only thing at present exercising the Taoiseach's mind and which will continue to exercise his mind will be the real first priority as far as he is concerned, which is whether he should go now or should hold on in the certain knowledge that as bad as is the present economic situation all the clear indications are that it will get worse. Under the Constitution the Taoiseach has two years in which he can retain office with the majority he has, providing of course that the real divisions, and I mean real divisions, within his party can be contained and that there is not an internal — now the Taoiseach should not point the finger. Let us hear from him.

The Deputy should look after his own house.

Watch your back.

The Deputy has only five minutes remaining and we should not start this all over again.

Our house is in splendid order.

What about Wicklow last week?

Forget about last week and concentrate on tomorrow.

What is on tomorrow?

Did the Taoiseach want me to elaborate on something or to clarify something for him?

The Deputy should not ask questions across the floor of the House.

Because if he would like some comparisons drawn between the respective states of our parties I would be only too glad to accommodate him—

Two, four, six, seven.

This hardly arises on this debate.

——because it is very relevant to the future of this country. The Taoiseach knows what is happening in this country at present——

One, two, three.

(Interruptions.)

Deputies, please. Deputy Cluskey has only three minutes left and he should be allowed use that time without interruption.

The magnificant seven.

They did very well last week.

Deputy Moore would be better off talking to the brother.

I did not hear that one. Deputy Cluskey, please.

Despite inflation running at 20 per cent, with unemployment being confidently predicted at between 100,000 and 115,000 in the current year, our growth at best half of 1 per cent, a balance of payments deficit of £730 million, with gross investment down by 6 per cent, borrowing requirement £900 million and private consumption down by 2 per cent, despite that litany the main preoccupation of this Government at present and of the Taoiseach in particular is to endeavour to contain the situation within their own party. Normally I would not give a curse what difficulties the Taoiseach or the Fianna Fáil Party had to cope with. But it becomes a matter of considerable importance when that division within Fianna Fáil occupies the time almost exclusively of the Taoiseach and all of his senior Ministers. And, mark my words, because they are true, there are people within the present Cabinet, there are people sitting immediately behind the Taoiseach on those benches whose dearest wish is to get him over to this side of the House where then——

That is for sure.

——they will deal with him.

Surely in this debate we are not discussing the composition of parties.

But it can be debated.

We cannot. I know Deputy L'Estrange would debate everything under the sun.

I agree with you, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, that the state of the Government party is beyond debate.

It is not for debate anyway, and neither is the Labour Party.

Those difficulties would not be relevant if they did not have the effect of making this Government almost impotent in taking effective action to rectify not all but any of the items I have described. There is only one prospect of getting out of these difficulties and making any advance on the economic and Northern Ireland fronts and I would ask the Taoiseach to take the earliest opportunity to go to the country. He should take the gamble, the calculated risk, and not wait for the certainty. He should go now and give the people a sporting chance.

The Deputy does not really mean that.

Just try us.

Deputy Quinn does not want it either.

I will even take the Minister of State around Ringsend and introduce him to people.

I welcome an opportunity to participate in this debate. Having listened to the chief spokesmen of the Fine Gael Party and the Labour Party I am more convinced than ever before that they are preoccupied with one problem, that is, to devise ways and means of getting rid of one man, Ireland's Taoiseach. They are completely obsessed with that problem and may be using it as a smokescreen to convey to the public that they have some alternative. I do not know whether they have an alternative but I am convinced that they have not policies. If they had such policies they would not have spent over two hours lambasting our Taoiseach. He has the right of audience and the right to defend himself and I have no doubt that he will do so whenever the opportunity comes his way. The only tribute paid to our Taoiseach by any Member of the Fine Gael or the Labour Party was on a recent radio programme when Deputy Desmond said that the Taoiseach was a very clever man. Apparently the present leader of the Fine Gael Party does not think that he possesses any brains, has any political skills or ability whatever. I am not surprised that the leader of the Labour Party is indulging in foolish and useless tactics. The people will be the final arbiters and the Taoiseach would be foolish to take the advice of Deputy Cluskey and go to the country. He has a mandate to carry on the work of government, despite the fact that we are in the midst of a deep economic recession.

We are not alone in our recession difficulties. Every country in the world has difficulties at present and the Fianna Fáil Party cannot be blamed in any way for this recession. No member of our party wishes this recession on the Irish people and our Taoiseach was not in any way responsible for it. The onus is on all political parties to act responsibly and to ensure that every effort is made to right our economic difficulties so that our country may continue on the path of real progress. There have been previous recessions and the Coalition Government experienced difficulties. However, they were faced by a responsible Opposition. Today this Government are faced by an irresponsible Opposition and we must not lose sight of this fact. The situation was slightly easier for the Coalition Government because they knew that Fianna Fáil were more concerned for the welfare of the people than for their own advancement.

The Deputy should wait to hear more from this side of the House.

Deputy O'Toole will have his opportunity to speak.

Deputies may speak for only 30 minutes and should use their time to the best advantage. Deputy Keegan should continue without interruption.

If we are to succeed in our efforts to have maximum expansion this year and in future years the Government must have the fullest support and co-operation of all responsible people and organisations. Our situation is no different to that of any other European country or any democracy in the world. America is going through a recession in the same way as European countries and we must realise that we cannot escape. We must face up to the enormous problems which occur from day to day. I am satisfied that the Taoiseach and the Government will do everything possible, both individually and collectively, to enable us to ride out the storms of recessions which are evident at present.

This problem has been caused not by internal factors but by factors beyond our control, particularly the high cost of oil imports. Throughout the years we have become more and more dependent on oil as the economy has expanded. An oil crisis 30 years ago would not have caused the same problems because we were not then so dependent on the use of oil. Today all our mechanically propelled vehicles and our industries are dependent on oil and the great majority of our homes are heated by oil. Our demand for this product grew as our economy expanded and the same has happened in every advanced country.

The situation today cannot be compared with the situation during any other economic recession and it is different from that which prevailed during the recession in the latter years of the Coalition Government. They got the support of responsible political parties and it was easier for them to ride the economic storms of the time. Unfortunately Fine Gael and Labour have only one thing in common, they are obsessed with hatred of the Taoiseach. I am satisfied that we have an excellent Taoiseach, a man who possesses all the abilities and skills to lead us through the difficult years ahead. The Taoiseach is the most capable person to lead us through the recession. If Fine Gael and Labour wish to demonstrate their allegiance to Ireland or to demonstrate that they are national political organisations it is time for them to become responsible and to act in a responsible manner but they are not capable of being responsible.

However, the people will decide that in their own good time. The Opposition are using the situation to cover their lack of policies. The Labour Party seem to have lost sight of any effective policy. They are obsessed with their personal hatred of the Taoiseach and with legislation calling for divorce. That is the only contribution of the Labour Party to political life in the last six months. They have nothing else. They have no worthwhile alternatives. They know well that talk of divorce is very much alien to the vast majority of people. We still have a Catholic and Christian society and may God keep us that way for many a year to come and may He protect us from the wrath and evils of the Labour Party.

This will be the Deputy's great cry at the next general election.

During his speech the Taoiseach dealt with the problems of the CAP. I agree wholeheartedly with the Taoiseach in his efforts to maintain the strength of the CAP. We seem to have forgotten the enormous contribution that the CAP has made to the Irish nation. It guaranteed our farmers free and easy access to the vast continental markets and not only that but it guarantees higher prices and these higher prices made a major contribution to our economic development in recent years. We must express a certain amount of anxiety when we see the socialists throughout Europe endeavouring to tamper with the CAP. The CAP has helped to strengthen our economy and I fully support the Government in their concern for the future of it. Any additional moneys earned by the agricultural sector filter right through the economy and benefit the whole community.

If we had not joined the EEC the thousands of jobs we talk of today could not have been created because the incomes derived from our exports would have been greatly diminished. I was delighted when the Taoiseach raised that important issue here this morning. We all realise that the agricultural and associated industries are going through a difficult period but they are not alone. Every other agricultural community in the EEC is faced with a similar problem. It is not the first time this has happened. It happened in 1974 and in 1975. During those chaotic days the farming community could not dispose of their calves. Some of them were sold for two pints of Guinness and others were sold for as low as 50p. The situation is not so bad today, thanks to the fact that we have a Government committed to serving the needs of all sections, a Government determined to serve the needs of the agricultural community. It would be of great concern if agricultural incomes were to diminish this year. I do not believe they will but what worries me is that farm costs seem to increase dramatically all the time. That is the greatest problem facing the agricultural sector. Whenever farm price increases are granted farm costs absorb the increases, again reducing farm incomes.

We had very successful years in agriculture during 1977, 1978 and a portion of 1979 although 1979 was not as good a year as desired. I am convinced that agriculture is back on the road to increased production and that farm incomes will be more stable in the coming years because of guaranteed markets. That is very important. We all realise that no industry can expand if it does not enjoy guaranteed markets. That is one thing that our access to the EEC has guaranteed for the majority of Irish people. I fully support the Taoiseach and the Government in their determination to preserve the CAP.

The Government have been criticised for our entry into the EMS. We have had many advantages from our entry into the EMS and few people seem to realise that we have one of the most stable currencies in the Nine. People tend to base their arguments on the strength of sterling and they do not realise that our currency is very stable in the EMS and that if our punt reached parity with sterling our exports would be in serious difficulty and thousands of jobs would be placed in jeopardy.

Top
Share