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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 10 Feb 1981

Vol. 326 No. 7

Financial Resolutions, 1981. - Financial Resolution No. 9: General (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That it is expedient to amend the law relating to customs and inland revenue (including excise) and to make further provision in connection with finance.
—(The Taoiseach.)

On Thursday afternoon last I was endeavouring to inform the Minister for Finance, and the Cabinet, of how the budget was received in rural Ireland, particularly in South Tipperary. I informed the House that it was met with disbelief and bewilderment. There was disbelief that a Government could be so insensitive to the real needs of the people or could be so totally out of touch with the realities of the situation. Those in the agricultural sector, or industrialists, and our young people who are seeking employment are bewildered. Our housewives are shell-shocked by the everincreasing prices. The PAYE taxpayers are also in a state of bewilderment. It is clear that the budget makes no serious attempt to deal with the various problems in the community. There is not any new thought, anything innovative or inspirational in it. There is nothing in it that will indicate to our industrialists or our youth that the problems that affect our economy are being seriously looked at. I have already dealt with the crisis in the agricultural sector. Over the weekend our worst fears in relation to that industry were confirmed. The budget did not do anything for the farmers of the Golden Vale whom I represent.

There is doom and gloom still in the agricultural sector and any constructive idea that did emanate from the budget came from the FitzGerald-Bruton plan which I outlined last Thursday and which was implemented only piecemeal. Of the resources that are needed and should be poured into agriculture, the Government in their wisdom have allocated only a miserly £35 million. That will not stem the lack of confidence, the crisis and the gloom and doom in the agricultural world at the moment. I ask the Minister when they bring forward the Finance Bill, to implement fully the FitzGerald-Bruton plan which we in Fine Gael outlined. We introduced it as a crisis measure to meet the emergency in agriculture and we are saddened to note that the Government did not accept it wholly but only piecemeal.

Leading up to this budget there was an air of expectancy on the part of the Irish electorate. They thought that the Taoiseach and his Cabinet might have something to offer to remedy the very obvious ills in the economy. After a through examination of this budget the slow realisation has come to the Irish electorate that this Government have nothing whatsoever to offer and that they stand out in their total dereliction of duty and total inadequacy to meet the needs of the economy and of the Irish people. The most honourable thing that the Taoiseach could do would be to go to the country and seek a new mandate so that he could apply himself seriously to maintaining the economy and putting it on a direct course.

Nothing in this budget will give any hope to industry, with industries toppling like ninepins. With closures announced every day, bankruptcies, industries going into receivership, further redundancies and three-day weeks, the only thing that the Government could offer the industrialists — and I am speaking about the smaller industrialists of Ireland — was to gather one-and-a-half year's corporation tax this coming year. It is unbelievable that the Government should be so insensitive to the needs and the plight of many small industries in Ireland. One would have imagined that they would have given some assistance, that they would try to inspire industrialists with confidence once more in the hope that new employment would be created. With the further imposition of the increase on petrol and diesel, other increases due shortly and also the further increases of the mini-budget that will be announced shortly on postal and telephone charges, the industrialists have nothing to hope for. Young people who were hoping that they might get employment in these industries find that their hope is forlorn. This situation is right across the board and not confined to any particular industry. The textile and shoe industries, for example were always in jeopardy and barely able to keep going, but now all branches of industry are affected.

I will enumerate a few cases to indicate the depth of the crisis in the industrial world. In Tuam the sugar factory is in serious difficulty. In my county of Tipperary we have the Mogul lead and zinc mines with 500 jobs in jeopardy unless some attempt is made by the Government to subsidise the cost of energy. In New Ross the ship-building industry has gone into receivership. Pierce's of Wexford who supply farm machinery, textiles in Cashel and the various meat plants in Clonmel, Midleton and Grand Canal Street are in difficulties. We have news of many closures of industries in the Gaeltacht. The NET fertiliser industry has also been in trouble. The Irish Distillers Group have issued a news release in which they state: "It is with great regret, therefore, that we feel we have now been impeded in our expansion programme and it is a matter of great concern, not only to our employees and shareholders, but also to our many suppliers of goods and services". One would have imagined that the Irish Distillers Group would be able to face the economic challenge, but as a direct result of the further penal imposition of duty on spirits — the third within 24 months and this has increased the duty by 108 per cent — this fine industry are in dire trouble with at least 350 on short-time and a danger that the remaining work force will be made redundant.

We have had also a submission from the ground limestone industry which will give an indication of the lack of confidence of the farming community. They tell us in the introduction to the memorandum which they have submitted to every Member of the Oireachtas that: "Within the last two years there has been a dramatic decline in the level of lime applications. In 1978 two million tons of lime were applied to Irish soil. This year it is estimated that less than one million tons will be applied, a decline of 50 per cent over two years. This dramatic cutback has already led to the loss of 500 jobs by those directly involved in the production and distribution of ground limestone". This will give some indication of the crisis and the lack of confidence among the farming community, when they will not even apply lime to their lands, and also how dependent employees and workers are on the agricultural industry, when with the reduction in the application of lime 500 jobs are lost.

It is against the background of this that we should interpret the budget. I regret to say that in this budget announced by the Minister for Finance, no help, no hope is being given to either the agricultural sector or the industrial sector.

When we come to prices, I said initially that the Irish housewife is shell-shocked by the daily imposition of mini-budgets, the daily rises in the prices of the most basic items on the grocery list. I refer specifically to the answer to a parliamentary question given to Deputy L'Estrange last October when he asked the percentage price change between mid-May 1977 and mid-August 1980. That last date is six months ago and many of these items have already been increased since then but apparently these are the latest figures available. Deputy L'Estrange was told that bread increased by 71 per cent, flour by 46.1 per cent, fresh milk 63.2 per cent, cheese 40.3 per cent, tea 42.6 per cent, sugar 58.5 per cent. The price of electricity six months ago had increased in the three years under the Fianna Fáil Government by a mammoth 62.7 per cent. The price of furniture increased by 46.6 per cent. Bus fares have increased by 69.3 per cent and train fares by 65.8 per cent. Even the price of a hair cut has increased by 75.8 per cent. The price of putting heels on shoes has rocketed by 70.6 per cent. These are increases up to mid-August, 1980. If we had a more up to date list these figures would show further increases. All of this is against the background of the Fianna Fáil manifesto, when deliberately they led the people astray and said the impact of the programme which they put before the electorate could be summarised as follows: in 1977 prices would be reduced by 1 per cent, by 2 per cent in 1978 and by 2 per cent in 1979. There would be no increase in prices in 1980. Last year we had increases of 18½ per cent.

We are told in this now discredited but historic document that Fianna Fáil would regard price control as an important matter and would, therefore, revert to a position where a member of the Government would be responsible for it and for dealing with the underlying causes of inflation. We were told also that the accounting procedures of the ESB would be examined and brought up to date with a view to reducing the price of electricity. In three years, to mid-May 1980, the price of electricity shot up by 62.7 per cent. Is it any wonder that the electorate, particularly the housewife, are totally disillusioned with the Government, and with politicians in general, when a credible party can put such a document before the people, ask them to support it and then within three short months have a complete turnabout and fail utterly and completely to implement the promises they made?

One would have anticipated that there would have been some ray of hope for the unemployed. This morning we read in the newspapers where the unemployment figure has reached an all time record, the highest in the history of the State — 125,000. In one year under the leadership of the present Taoiseach, the unemployment figure has soared by 33,000. That is the Taoiseach's contribution to solving unemployment.

There is pessimism and gloom among our youth. They cannot see any hope of being gainfully employed in their own country. We were told in the manifesto — I apologise for referring to it so often — that employment would be reduced by 5,000 in 1977, by 20,000 in 1978, 25,000 in 1979 and 30,000 in 1980. From these figures we can readily see that it has failed utterly and miserably to provide any extra employment for our youth. This is a great matter of concern to people involved with youth. They feel that unless our youth are gainfully employed they may, unfortunately, turn to unlawful means of obtaining money. Unless something concrete is done to give them hope and confidence they will turn to antisocial activities. Any government or political party would be well advised to divert all their attention and the resources of the nation to find employment for our youth. There is no serious attempt to encourage employment in the agricultural sector or in the private industry. These two sectors have been further penalised. I cannot understand how any Minister for Finance can be so out of touch with the reality of the situation.

The much maligned PAYE sector, who are carrying the weight of the taxation burden, hoped they would get some equity in taxation. They must wait for indexation relief. This year, the Minister hopes to get an extra £130 million from the PAYE sector. This is a trick-of-theloop accounting. There are rumblings that the PAYE sector will again take to the streets although the recent taking to the streets by farmers has been scoffed at by members of the Government. One would imagine that the farming community was out for a stroll when 40,000 or 50,000 turned up in Limerick and in Kilkenny. The Government failed to react to that.

In the Estimate for public Services for the coming year the grant-in-aid for general expenses to Muintir na Tíre has been increased miserably. Last year they were given £28,500, this year they are allocated £30,000. Coming from Tipperary, the headquarters of Muintir na Tíre, I can inform the House how disappointed members of Muintir na Tíre are. They look on this paltry increase as an insult. They now realise that the Government are not aware of the great contribution that Muintir na Tíre make to the community. They cannot understand how the Government are so insensitive to their needs and to the needs of the community. A strong community spirit is badly needed in every parish where people, rather than relying on the Government and central funds, tackle problems locally themselves. This small increase will do nothing to further that spirit.

I am spokesman for art and cultural affairs. This year the allocation to the National Museum has been reduced by £195,000. One would have thought the amount would have been increased but the Government have completely turned their backs on the prospect of further expansion and development of the museum. I refer the Minister to the latest report of the board of visitors for 1979 and to the abstract they published with that report. It says that:

Greatly increased demands on the Museum staff now result in a crisis situation in the institution, and this requires immediate attention. Increased staff and service facilities are needed.

Storage facilities for the Collections must be centralised without further delay, at a venue where it will be possible to curate and to study them effectively.

Preservation of important specimens — e.g. Zoological types — has sometimes been in jeopardy owing to the inability of the Museum to obtain quickly the essential storage equipment. This must be rectified.

A long-standing mistreatment of the Geological and Folklife Collections reflects tragic lack of responsibility at all official levels and must be corrected.

It is reiterated that without a well-advised official policy regarding the Museum as a major national institution, and a programme to develop it, further deterioration in its condition must be expected.

At a future date I shall delve more fully into this report but I felt I should show my abhorrence at the decrease of £195,000 in the amount given to the National Museum in view of this very honest and sincere report of the board of visitors.

I refer very briefly to the rather generous benefits given under the social welfare code in the budget but it has been brought to my attention time and again that where British or Northern Ireland pensioners here receive increases to compensate for the cost of living, such increases often end with a deduction being made in their benefits from the Department of Social Welfare. This is totally unfair. These increases given from England or Northern Ireland are for the purpose of keeping them level with the cost of living and to penalise them by reducing their benefits from the Department of Social Welfare here is quite unfair.

We had hoped that some allowance or concession would be given to artists but I looked in vain for it in the Minister's statement. Last year we had a very fine report from Irish Marketing Surveys Limited on living and working conditions for artists. One would have hoped that the Minister for Finance could in some way have given artists access to social security. Unfortunately, there is no mention of it. I hope to return to this at a later date but I felt it was worth mentioning at this stage.

I think that most critics of the budget now agree that the first impressions of it were wrong. After the first day, and particularly after the second and third days after the budget people wrongly interpreted it but now over the weekends that have elapsed since the budget it has become very clear to most sections of the community that in-built in the budget were a number of major priorities. The Government's first priority in framing the budget was to promote economic growth. The second priority that has emerged very strongly is the effort in the budget to increase employment. A further priority which perhaps was not as obvious as the other two was the commitment of the Government and the Minister for Finance to look after the interests of the weaker sections of the community. It is perhaps fair to say that these points did not emerge clearly at the beginning of the budget debate. Again, perhaps not as obvious because it has not been spoken about in detail, there was the Government's commitment to the farming community. It is on those points that I wish to comment before I deal with certain aspects of the Department for which I am responsible.

The Government set out what they intend to do in their 1981 investment plan under which £1,700 million will be spent on capital investment projects here this year. This will bring about an improvement in the country's basic services such as energy supply, roads, telecommunications, water supplies and harbours. I think I should in fairness comment on what the Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach, Deputy Moore, said. I should like to reiterate his statement that this was a golden opportunity for banking organisations and for the trade union movement to make an investment in the country. I am delighted that the Government have given them that opportunity in this plan. I am optimistic that the amount expected from the private sector under that plan will be of significance and will provide the first opportunity of changing times and finances so that the burdens of the development of the country will not rest solely on the taxpayers. This seems a sound and logical way to tackle our problems. A sum that is not enormous is being asked of the private sector. I think the money is available if we make the investment sufficiently attractive for them and there is no reason why it should not be attractive.

Apart from the substantial increase in employment which will result from it the plan itself will provide directly about 10,000 extra jobs most of which will be in the building and construction industry. From what I have said it will be seen that the Government are committed to ensuring an expanded programme of infrastructural services in order further to stimulate economic development. This is very important because that is Government business. The important role of the budget is to create the infrastructure for the continuing programme, for example, of the IDA, for people already in industry who want to expand, for the community at large, for the building of houses, for transport and farm work and for telecommunication services which play a most important part nowadays.

Housing has been spoken about today and on many other occasions in the House. Provision for housing capital expenditure in 1981 at £242 million represents an increase of 33 per cent on the original provision of £183 million for 1980. The 1981 provision shows an increase of 34 per cent in real terms compared with 1977. Expenditure between 1975 and 1977 dropped by 57 per cent in real terms. New house completions in 1980 reached an all-time record. Completions increased from 24,000 in 1976 to 24,500 in 1977, to 25,400 in 1978, to 26,500 in 1979. Private new house completions in 1980 are estimated at over 21,700 and are also a record. As regards my own county, Galway, in the case of housing loans and grants and SDA low-rise mortgages we have increased from 1977 from a figure of £800,000 made available to the county council and £53,000 made available to Galway Corporation to this year's figures of £2,815,000 to Galway County Council and £180,000 to Galway Corporation. Every Deputy here could break down the allocation for his own county, but it is important to recognise that there is almost £1 million of an increase in that figure alone. Last year's figure of £50,000 to Galway Corporation has been increased to £180,000, which in itself is an astronomical figure.

The building industry is, of course, a key industry, being the second largest employer in the country. The health of this industry is, therefore, vital to the well-being of the whole economy. Under our investment plan, building activity will increase on a wide front. Employment in the industry will be increased, as well as in related industries and services. This Government will not allow the building industry to sink into the doldrums, as the Coalition Government did when they were in office, allowing public capital investment, output and employment in the industry to fall.

At this point I would like to say that the one sector to realise the philosophy behind this budget was the building construction sector, which gave it a wholesome welcome following on the recognition of its real purpose. That was the turning point, after the first impressions of the budget, in getting people to realise just what the budget was achieving.

Other provisions aiding the building industry include £98.5 million for the house purchase and low rise mortgage scheme — an increase of 44 per cent on last year — and a proposal to introduce a new special allowance of 100 per cent which would be set against rental income in respect of expenditure incurred in the construction of moderate-cost rented residential accommodation. Here again, this is a proper philosophy. The Government is giving a welcome opportunity to private enterprise to move into the important area of giving relief to our growing population who urgently need housing. The times have changed very drastically from not alone ten years ago, but five years ago.

The increased allocation for roads has almost shocked the Opposition, who do not believe the increases that the Government have allocated. The question to the Minister produced a figure which they have not yet got over. During the weeks previous to the budget most Opposition speakers spent most of their time at council meetings and other fora alleging that this Government did not have — and this was alleged in my county council — the price of a single bag of cement — the old phrase, "You have not got a shovel and you have not got a man to carry a shovel". While they were old catchphrases they were true in this instance, and the allocation of this grant-in-aid to the roads section was certainly most welcome. My own county in 1981 received £3,140,000 and Galway Corporation received £753,000, to be exact, a total of £3,900,000, practically £4 million, compared with last year's figure of £2.3 million. This alleviates any problems concerning roadworkers and those employed under this service can rest easy in the knowledge that an abundance of money is being given to them, an abundance of money to develop an infrastructure not alone in my county but throughout the country. This service is of the highest importance and the needs of the community can be met. One can say, with optimism, that not in one or two years, but certainly in three, with this type of expenditure, our road networks programme should be exemplary.

Sanitary services I need not go into. Again here, the Government have not been lacking and have given freely. This service has been highlighted in recent years and, particularly, in recent months. By giving adequate water and sewerage facilities, we attract industry and in this connection this increase is most welcome. Water supplies are also important to our agricultural businesses which will benefit from the increased expenditure.

I come now to my earlier point regarding social welfare allowances. I do not have to deal with this subject in depth but the Government are committed to weaker sections of the community — the old age pensioners and numerous people who rely on payments from the health boards and the DPMA scheme. The increase allocated to the disabled by the Minister for Finance was most creditable and shows to our people and to all that the commitment of this Government to the weaker sections of the community has not been forgotten. We need only look at the records of this year, last year and the other years since we took up office, by comparison with the performance of the Coalition Government.

A previous speaker mentioned the income tax bands. Here again, the Government were very realistic in giving almost £90 million in one full financial year. That is no mean figure, particularly when we take into account the financial constraints on the economy due to the enormous pressures brought about from outside, especially the recession in world trade, high price increases and numerous other causes. While this increase was praiseworthy, one cannot forget that, in addition, the Government negotiated and paid last autumn a 14 per cent wage increase to our workers and taxpayers. The commentators on the budget outside this House and, to be fair, to a lesser extent within this House, never acknowledged this at all. The workers have a national wage agreement under their belt and were free movers. This point was not mentioned when they gave their deliberations on television, radio or in the national press.

This weekend, I noticed a categorical statement made by Deputy Keating of the Fine Gael party in Mayo, I think — and indeed, I have heard it mentioned in the secret tunnels and the different places around my constituency and in this city — that there was too much Government expenditure this year. It is appropriate that we should ask the Leader and the members of the front bench of the Fine Gael Party to sit down this week and explain, not particularly to me but to the rest of the community, that statement of their front bench spokesman. What exactly did they mean by this statement? Did they mean, for example, that we should cut the teachers' pay, or the Garda pay or the social welfare allowances? Did it mean that we should cut the allocation to the building industry and the telephones programme, that we should cut the allocation to the county councils, as regards roads, water, sewerage, that we should cut the allocation of money to the IDA? How do they believe that the, in their own words, excessive expenditure by the Government should be cut back? They should tell the Irish people precisely what they mean by that statement. Perhaps they mean what Deputy Kelly said here last week. It is a special matter and I will deal with it later.

Perhaps Fine Gael are telling us we should go back to the old days of embargoes on recruitment to the Public Service, on wage increases so that wages would stay in line with inflation, on conciliation and arbitration procedures. I should like them to explain to the nation precisely what they mean by what they are saying. For instance, I should like Deputy Keating to explain the precise meaning of what he is alleged to have been saying through the media in recent days. I am amazed that Deputy Garret FitzGerald has not rushed into the House to explain the difference between what he said and what one of his spokesmen said, and what they meant to say to the decent people of Mayo at the weekend. I am sure the people of Mayo were as confused as I was at the reports of the two speeches. I beg of him to come in and explain that point.

Now I will turn to farming, about which there has been much controversy. I acknowledge, as every Member of the House does, the severe difficulties farmers have been going through. However, it is not good enough for Deputies to offer only sympathy to them, because sympathy will not help them to rear their children or to settle their bills or to finance their development programmes. There was acknowledgement of that in the budget and it will cost the Exchequer £35 million in 1981. The suspension of the disease levies will mean an increase of ½p per gallon on milk and £3 per head on cattle going to slaughter. These changes will put £10 million directly into farmers' pockets. There will be full tax relief in respect of increase in stock value, and the two payments dates arrangement for income tax will be continued for a further year.

These reliefs will reach out directly to most of the farming community and this is most welcome because of the direct aid it gives to farmers. In view of the difficult income position of farmers, the Government have decided to introduce reliefs on agricultural rates liable this year. This will involve full relief from rates in the case of farmers with land valuations of less than £50, and 50 per cent relief for farmers with valuations of between £50 and £70. This will reduce farmers' rates bills by about £19.6 million.

For a moment I will look at the position this creates for County Galway farmers specifically. We are now giving total rates remission to 16,751 farmers in County Galway and 50 per cent relief to a further 384 farmers, leaving a balance of 316 farmers in that county who will have to pay full rates. I have not seen any of the Galway Deputies rising here to compliment the Minister for this tremendous benefit, again directly affecting the pockets of farmers in the county. I suggest that individual Deputies should look at these figures in the context of the counties they represent so that the reality of the benefits will be appreciated.

Of course one would have liked to have done more for the farmers, but one is optimistic of the outcome of the negotiations which the Minister for Agriculture is at present engaged in. These are all direct aids to farmers unlike the Coalition days when any aids to farmers were indirect, coming through middlemen who scooped most of the cream before the benefits reached the farmers. I admit there was a recession partly outside the control of the then Government, but what is the difference between that recession and the one we are now enduring?

There were other benefits given to farmers throughout last year's difficult period, like the £1 per kilo for lamb and the £1.7 per kilo for mutton. The Minister for Agriculture at all times has said that the income of farmers would be maintained and not dropped if at all possible. We enter a new year with high hopes that when the Brussels deal has been finalised it will be of direct benefit to the farming community, especially the small farmers, those in need of further help particularly.

The land reform programme announced by the Minister for Agriculture is most welcome, bringing land structures right up to modern times from the point of view of sale and distribution of our greatest national asset. It is our hope that the White Paper will bear fruit before the end of this year.

I should like to add a few comments on fisheries, a subject that will interest Deputy White particularly. The Minister for Fisheries and Forestry is available to speak to the fishermen about their problems but the archaic laws of many years ago are not adequate for present conditions. A valuable scientific input has been made by the universities and others interested in marine aquaculture and the law needs to be updated in order to enable the development of, for instance, oyster beds and other shellfish-based industries. The Minister is aware of this need and I am sure he will take steps to deal with it.

A significant move made by the Government last year was the arrangement by them of reduced interest loans for agriculture to the amount of £100 million. This fact seems to have been forgotten by many people. This Government have faced up to their responsibilities and we are lucky to have a man of the calibre, intelligence and understanding of the present Minister for Agriculture, Deputy MacSharry.

In so far as my own Department are concerned, I can say that since our appointment both the Minister and myself have devoted ourselves to improving the services provided by the Department. I have never denied that there is room for improvement in the service, nor have I ever tried to mislead the public as to what is required to improve the service. We have set ourselves the objective of bringing the standard of our telephone service up to EEC levels and in order to do this we have embarked on an ambitious five-year programme, the first year of which has just recently been completed.

Firstly, the Government are determined to implement the five-year programme, which as we all know will cost millions of pounds over the five years. The Government are committed to this programme and will make the necessary capital available. Evidence of the Government's commitment can be seen in the fact that last year we spent £123.4 million on developing the service and this year £220 million have been allocated for this purpose. Of this £220 million, £100 million will be raised from private sources. This will further ensure the availability of capital for our programme.

The European Investment Bank has provided loan finance for investment in telecommunications development on seven occasions since 1973. Loan finance approved totals almost £175 million, including £75 million for the seventh telecommunications loan project. Agreements were signed yesterday for the transfer of the latest instalment — some £25 million — of the seventh loan to the Exchequer. The loans received from the European Investment Bank emphasise the Government's priority commitment to extending and modernising Ireland's productive infrastructural base, as set out clearly in the recently published investment plan for 1981.

The work to be financed by the European Investment Bank loan includes the connection of 86,000 new telephone subscribers and 2,200 new telex subscribers, provision of new electronic and electro-mechanical exchange equipment, expansion of the trunk system by provision of micro-wave radio and cable links and the provision of new buildings at about 50 locations. These works form part of the Government's programme to expand and improve the telecommunications system throughout the country.

In recent times there has been criticism in this House and in the media generally of the fact that we installed over 62,000 telephones last year, without ensuring a corresponding improvement in the telephone network which has to cater for all of these additional subscribers. Wild allegations and statements have been made by Opposition Deputies and Senators. Early last year they said it was lunacy to think that we could install 62,000 new telephones but when at the end of the year they realised that this goal was being achieved they changed their tactic and said that while new telephones were being installed the service was deteriorating. Of course that was not the case. In their original criticism they thought that we had not made provision for 2,500 circuits, a complete new building programme and the transfer from manual exchanges to automatic working.

It must be remembered that at the beginning of last year the morale of staff within the Department was at a very low ebb, yet not once throughout the year did any member of the Opposition utter any word of praise of the work done by them in such difficult circumstances. I felt this more than anyone because I was dealing with staff throughout the year and I saw their morale rise day by day. In January last year 300 new telephones were installed in Dublin city but by December the figure was in excess of 5,000. That point was missed by the Opposition and by the commentators. The staff of the Department have the willingness and the ability to meet the targets set for them and they look forward to the challenge during the coming year. In the first half of last year they needed guidance and a clear indication of where we are going and it behoves the Opposition to congratulate them on their achievements. Instead wild allegations were made as if nothing were being done and I knew that such allegations would ricochet off the staff at the end of the day. However, they stood firm and met their targets and I offer them my sincere congratulations.

Just to give an idea of what the programme was: for a start over 100 buildings have been completed, construction is in progress on 142 others, and it is expected work will begin on 184 more in the course of this year. Some £27.5 million was spent last year on sites and buildings and the amount this year is expected to be of the order of £60 million. The provision of buildings is of course a first essential towards improving the service.

Twenty manual telephone exchanges were converted to automatic working last year and 61 new exchanges were opened or existing ones extended at many centres. This year we plan to convert 60 exchanges to automatic working. That is about one exchange per week.

A major new trunk exchange was brought into use at Adelaide Road in Dublin and will be brought fully into use over the next six months or so. In addition to its capacity to switch trunk call traffic, this exchange will enable substantial quantities of additional trunk circuits to be brought into use in and out of Dublin, and will ease the congestion experienced on numbers of the new routes out of and into Dublin. Further relief of congestion will occur when a second exchange being installed at present is brought into service later this year and when a third exchange, which is on order, is installed next year. This year will see many new trunk exchanges being installed at several key centres throughout the country. These, when in use, will have a major impact on the trunk service.

The national network has been further improved by the provision of some 2,500 additional trunk circuits on a number of routes, between some of the bigger exchanges in Dublin and on routes such as Cork-Midleton, Carlow-Kilkenny, Sligo-Manorhamilton and Achill-Castle-bar. This year about 5,000 new trunk circuits will be brought into use. Major routes to benefit include the Cross Channel one, Dublin-Sligo and Dublin-Ark-low, which are being brought into service at the present moment. These will be followed during the year by substantial additional numbers of circuits on a number of major routes as well as on a host of somewhat smaller but nevertheless quite important routes.

As a result of the provision of the new exchanges and trunk circuits that I have referred to, a welcome improvement in the quality of the trunk service is becoming evident now and should become much more pronounced in the second half of the year. The public are becoming aware of this and it puts a stay on the allegations of the Opposition.

It should be clear from what I have said that we are providing for expansion of the network side by side with the installation of additional telephones. The 62,000 additional subscribers brought into the network last year were catered for at centres where there was spare capacity available in the system.

Other ways of improving service to our customers are in hands, such as the pressurising of large subscriber cables to prevent damage by flooding, and the re-organisation of our fault handling systems. A computerised directory inquiry service will commence in Dublin soon and will be extended to many parts of the country during the year.

Within the next few months, too, a new telex exchange at present being installed in Dublin will be opened. This, with sub-exchanges being opened in a number of centres throughout the country, will provide the necessary exchange capacity to meet telex applications for several years ahead. The business community will clearly benefit from this. The Department will be helped in achieving more telex connections by the use of new carrier systems to be delivered later this year. One of the problems in providing telex services has been that the necessary cable had not been available. The new carrier systems will allow for the installation of telex machines by superimposing a telex line on an existing telephone line without interfering with telephone service. When delivered in the second half of this year these systems will enable telex service to be provided to applicants who cannot get service at present because of lack of cabling. This is a very welcome innovation.

As Deputies know, trunk calls from public telephone kiosks in automatic areas have to be obtained at present via an operator. This is not altogether satisfactory from the callers' viewpoint as well as being costly in the time of the operators handling these calls. It is proposed to introduce later this month new telephone systems in public kiosks from which it will be possible to dial trunk calls. One thousand of the new coinbox telephones will be installed intially in the more heavily used kiosks but will be extended over the next two years to all public telephone installations. These will be available too for renting to users where they opt for this type. The use of these new payphones, as they are described, will help to raise efficiency and reduce costs in course of time.

We have been conscious, too, of the difficulties that, with rising costs, some of the less well-off telephone subscribers have in paying their quarterly telephone accounts. To ease their problems it is proposed to introduce shortly a telephone account stamp system which will enable them to save-as-they-go towards the cost of meeting their telephone accounts. I would hope that this would be helpful to numbers of subscribers and ease a social problem. I would appeal to all subscribers who find difficulty in paying their quarterly bills, to old age pensioners and to housewives to include this new stamp on their weekly shopping list and use this new facility which will shortly be available at all post offices. I look forward to seeing this facility being used to its full potential.

The effectiveness of any large nationwide organisation like the telecommunications service is clearly influenced by the structure of the organisation and, in particular, on how close decision-making is to the user of the service. A review of the organisation of the telecommunications service has been undertaken and the conclusion has been reached that it would be beneficial to make substantial changes in the existing structure involving transfer of work and responsibility from headquarters in Dublin to a number of provincial centres and a re-organisation of the local staffing structure designed to give a better co-ordinated service to customers in meeting their needs. Discussions have begun with the staff interests on the changes proposed. It will take time to implement some of what is proposed as it will, for example, involve substantial extension of computer operation to deal with telephone account inquiries, but it should be possible to make worthwhile progress in at least some aspects even in advance of the establishment of the State-sponsored body that will take over the operation of the service.

I have mentioned here only the more important aspects of our achievements to date and our plans for the future. A lot of work remains to be done — we are only now entering the second year of a five year programme — but I can assure this House and the general public that no aspect of the service and no area of the country is being neglected.

The telecommunications service is big business. I welcome this aspect of it. In the budget we were asked, as a Department with a broad base and the ability to do the job, to pay our way. It is only right that those who have the service should be asked to pay their way and not be dependent, as they were in the past, on the taxpayers who had not this facility but who paid for it. It was significant to me in the budget that the Minister for Finance asked those who can pay to pay their way. I am sure the public at large realise that the Department are giving a service. A large amount of money is being ploughed into the department to give as efficient a service as possible. I believe the Department could pay their way. One could imagine in some years' time the Department being a big profit earner. It should be the number one company in the country as an earner for the State and for those who have invested money in the Department. I believe this will happen provided the necessary finance is provided to carry out this five year programme. Perhaps the programme will be completed in less than five years.

In addition to the heavy capital investment involved the telecommunications service employs about 17,000 staff directly as well as supporting some thousands more in the building industry and in firms supplying equipment, goods and services to the Department. The investment to be made in the service this year alone will enable some 2,000 more to be given employment in the Department. While it is hard to quantify reliably the extra employment that will be generated in industry by the programme it is believed it will be of the order of 2,000 in the construction industry and a further 400 in industries supplying goods and services to the Department this year. That is our outlook for 1981. This is a substantial further benefit to the economy, additional to that which will result from improving the quality and the availability of the telephone service.

The Department have been concerned to increase employment opportunity at home to the maximum extent practicable and to create an environment in which manufacturers of electronics and other high technology-based products are encouraged to set up. For example, the two agreements for the supply of digital telephone exchanges provide for their manufacture in this country giving rise not only to employment directly in these industries but also encouraging the manufacture here of other high technology equipment. The Department buy substantial quantities of stores for use in the telephone development programme almost half of which are imported. In an effort to stimulate the home manufacture of at least some of these stores the Department displayed this range of stores in Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Donegal, Longford and other centres throughout the country. We are very hopeful that this will lead to at least some of that money being kept at home and thus provide good employment.

I believe our idea is the correct one. I want to take this opportunity to encourage those who wish to know what they can do or what contribution they can make towards that programme to contact the Department. We will let them know specifically what they can do. We will show them in our stores the quality and type of article which we need and have to import. The programme has been very successful to date with significant contracts being given at home but there is still a long way to go. I want to encourage industrialists to have another look at what we have on offer. Every £ we can keep at home and give to them is money well spent.

The postal service has sometimes been seen as a stagnant service but this is not the case. Traffic has grown progressively over the years. The volume of mails has doubled over the past 40 years. The number of agency transactions at post office centre counters has doubled in the last 20 years. Further growth of business must be expected, particularly as a major postal development is now planned. This programme will comprise the introduction of new services and a greater marketing effort of the existing services. The nationwide post office network offers a ready made base for the transaction of business throughout the country. Financial services operating in conjunction with the post office savings bank, are particularly suitable for handling in this way. The giro services are operated profitably by post offices in many other countries throughout the world. Economic development over the past 20 years has greatly increased the number and variety of payments of goods and services by the average household. Many of those payments, particularly by persons who have not got bank accounts, are still made in cash. However, more and more transactions are being paid for by credit transfers of one form or another.

The development of telecommunications is strengthening this trend. All of the existing financial institutions are conscious of this trend and are seeking to benefit from it. The post office is no exception. Giro is one system which can take advantage of this trend. It is an efficient means of getting bills paid, sending money and receiving pay. It also provides an alternative service to the commercial banks and helps to reduce the amount of cash in circulation. The examination of the feasibility of giro shows it can be profitably provided here. The post office could readily meet the challenge of introducing it.

Then we have the other aspect, high speed delivery. Mail services are to be developed by catering for the special needs of large scale users such as mail order firms and direct mail advertisements and by the development of specialised services related to the needs of different users. Expansion in these areas will lead to a greater rate of return from the mail's infrastructure and from the staff resources employed. Among the specialised areas there may be scope for expansion in the area of high speed conveyance and delivery services. This is the area in which the great challenge to the traditional mail service arises. The developing telecommunications sector and the increasing value of time in all businesses and economic transactions creates a pressure within a relatively small part of the mail market for a quicker service. We are looking at ways of meeting this need. We expect to be able to make an announcement of our findings in the very near future.

There is an urgent need to undertake postal building works in a number of centres throughout the country. The need arises primarily from the inadequacy of existing postal buildings in these centres. They lack the space and facilities necessary for an efficient postal operation. The buildings also are not capable of meeting the increased demand on them resulting from a postal development programme. Arrangements are being made to provide new or extended buildings in the most urgent of these cases.

This budget faces up to our problems and points the way forward out of our present difficulties. It gives assistance where assistance is needed, but not as much as we would have liked. It is an indication that the Government are committed to giving assistance where it is needed. The message has come through to the public at large that there were four major priorities in the budget. Day by day we see the turnabout in the original comments made on the budget. It provides the right formula for the needs and the circumstances of our young and growing population.

I should like to make a few comments on the budget and I will be as brief as possible. The first area on which I should like to comment — and the Minister of State commented on it at some lenght — is the agricultural industry and the farming community. I have with me some reports which bear out something I have been talking about for a very long time. I have before me the report of the Irish Livestock and Meat Board which says that the exports of live cattle in 1980 were 45 per cent higher than they were in 1979.

Many people might consider that a good thing, but it must be considered in the context of the Fianna Fáil manifesto which stated clearly and unambiguously that we would process all our food. Our live exports have gone up by 45 per cent and our meat factories are closing down because of a shortage of cattle. Therefore something has gone radically wrong with that bold statement in the Fianna Fáil manifesto. Something serious has happened in the meantime. It is common knowledge that meat factories are closing down for many reasons. The principal reason is a shortage of cattle. It is not a shortage of markets. It is not that they are unable to compete. They just cannot get cattle.

There are other reasons why our herd diminished by 450,000 head last year. The estimates in all the reports are that this decline will continue. In those circumstances I cannot agree with anyone who suggests that our agricultural industry is being looked after and dealt with properly. If we want to create employment from our agricultural industry this is most important. The agricultural industry is very important not only to people directly employed in it, but also to people in the spin-off industries. Before the redundancies started, over 1,000 people in my constituency were employed in the meat processing industry. We know that the meat factory in Grand Canal Street has closed because of a shortage of cattle. The meat factories in my constituency, in Tipperary, in Monaghan and all over the country are closing because of a shortage of live cattle.

When Deputy Gibbons was Minister for Agriculture I pointed out to him that unless something was done to stop the export of calves we would be in difficulty. Anybody who knows the agricultural industry knows that this has being going on for the past three years. I do not often quote figures but in this report I have the figure for the increase in the export of calves. At that time there was an explanation as to why they were being exported. There was a subsidy in Italy on these calves. The least I expected for the farming community in this budget was a substantial subsidy on calves to protect our industry and the workers in it, and to enable the mature beef beast to survive. We know they are not available now and we know why. Nothing has been done in that regard. Any Deputy who allows such a situation to arise does not deserve to be Minister for Agriculture. I am not talking about farmers only. I am talking about people employed in what should be our best processing industry. Yet, in their manifesto Fianna Fáil said we would process all our own food. It is evident that no attempt is being made to do this.

I want to refer to the amount of capital being provided according to the Capital Programme published a few days before the budget. The provision for agriculture is substantially less than it was in the previous year. Attempts have been made to explain this away by saying fewer people will be looking for farm modernisation grants this year. I accept that. Because people were persuaded by advisers to make big outlays and to avail of grants they borrowed money at 10 or 11 per cent and now find they have to pay 17 or 18 per cent. Because of the static position of their industry they cannot make their repayments.

These were modern and progressive farmers who were prepared to borrow and spend money. Now they find themselves looking for maintenance from health boards and so on. They spent the money and they are now unable to make their repayments. We hear much talk about plans for interest subsidies but, so far as I know, no definite plan has been put forward. Because these people were progressive, because they borrowed to take advantage of the potential output of their industry, they are now being crucified.

Farmers have lost confidence and are reluctant to proceed with schemes so there will be less demand for the farm modernisation scheme. They are unable to meet the increased rates of interest. We are told we can expect a great deal from Europe. I hope that is the case, because if not our primary industry, which employs 40 per cent of the people, is in serious trouble. We will be in serious difficulty if the terms of the packet — there is more in a packet than price increases — which comes from Europe does not give substantial relief in this area. In negotiating a deal the Minister must ensure that it will no longer be profitable for people to bring cattle across the Border. This is happening, as those involved in meat processing have stated. With the way the EEC works it can take a long time to get action, but it is up to the Minister to act as quickly as possible. People can bring cattle across the Border and gain £100 per head. We must stop that so that the meat processing industry can survive.

Herd numbers are down. We allowed our calves to be exported to countries within the EEC which provided subsidies for calf rearing. We have no such scheme of our own. In Carlow we had a vegetable processing plant, Erin Foods. They have given notice to the workers that they are closing down in a month or two. The Minister for Agriculture wrote to me and said he noted the decision of Comhlucht Siúcre Éireann to close the plant but that he was sure every effort would be made by the IDA to put jobs into Carlow to take up the slack created by the 200 people who will be made redundant. If that is the attitude of the Minister to the food processing industry, I take a poor view of it. We have a State company which has given valuable employment and now it has to close down for want of sales organisation. The farmers who supplied under contract in that area never welched on their contracts. Every target set by Erin Foods was met by the work force. Either they were producing a product that was not marketable or we did not have any idea of the way to market it. The decision to close down has been accepted by the Government. As spokesman for agriculture in my party, I condemn the budget out of hand because there is nothing in it to solve our serious problems. The Minister knows what is necessary, but on the agricultural issue the budget stands condemned.

The most important problems facing us are unemployment, the rate of inflation and prices. There is nothing in the Minister's statement that will create employment. I know what has been said about the creation of jobs and so on, but there is nothing in the budget to do this. I am an ordinary man and not one to talk about the various aspects of finance, but as far as I can see a child of ten going to school could have written the budget. There was an increase in direct taxation on three items that are in no way original. They have been taxed ever since I was a child. To tax cigarettes, beer and petrol is an easy way to raise money. The amount used for the relief of PAYE tax was negligible and was only barely what was guaranteed under the national understanding. Social welfare benefits were improved and I acknowledge that. However, Fianna Fáil have been in power for most of the life of the State and never once did they do what is so badly needed in social welfare and that is reduce the qualifying age for old age pension and retirement pension. If a decent retirement pension was given to workers who had the required number of stamps, people would be encouraged to retire and make way for younger people to get employment.

Fianna Fáil adhered to the 70 years qualifying age. Indeed, they have adhered to that for almost 40 years. Yet when they were relieved of Government by the National Coalition there was a four years' reduction in the qualifying age effected in four years. It must be remembered that the qualifying age has to be reduced by one year only to be in line with the rest of Europe. It is even more important to reduce the retirement age in order to encourage people to retire when they reach 60, if it were brought into line with the old age pension qualifying age. But Fianna Fáil will not do that kind of thing.

Neither do they want to hear anything about the poverty existing in our community. Last year they made their greatest blunder ever in winding up the Combat Poverty Committee which was comprised of professional and religious people who were concerned with nothing else but the alleviation of poverty. Fianna Fáil in effect disbanded that committee. They said the work would continue but they did not want these people criticising Fianna Fáil or any Government. Therefore there is that type of attitude even with regard to social welfare.

I started off by saying that the question of employment was one of the most important facing this community. Certainly the figures released last evening support what I am saying. They constitute an all-time high for unemployment in this state — 125,000 able-bodied people offering themselves for work who cannot get any. Yet we have nothing to say to them nor is there any hope of an offer of any kind of employment for them. We are all aware that we are now within three months of another 40,000 coming onto the labour market when the school term closes in June next. People talk about plans but there is nothing that I can ascertain in the budget that will tackle that problem.

It must be remembered that the former Taoiseach, Deputy Jack Lynch, said publicly in a radio interview — I was listening to it — that any Government during whose term of office unemployment exceeded 100,000 deserved to go out. That was his statement and it was quoted recently on another radio programme to a former Minister, Deputy Martin O'Donoghue, who promised in this House full employment by 1982. Of course, nobody takes Fianna Fáil promises seriously any longer, particularly bearing in mind that kind of record of 125,000 registered unemployed. These are people who have been accepted as genuinely entitled to benefit. From representations made to me by people who feel they are entitled to benefit and are not receiving it, I believe there must be at least another 20,000 people going to labour exchanges.

There is an all-time high record of people on short-time. We are all aware of factories in our constituencies on short-time, if not ready to close. There are 10,000 people now on short-time, bringing the total figure to 135,000 people who are at least partially unemployed. By the time the 40,000 or so school leavers come onto the unemployemnt market in June next, unless there is some Government policy to commence public works or some other activity we will have then a situation of some 200,000 unemployed, double the figure at which the former Taoiseach said nobody deserved to be in Government.

I want to say a few words now about health. The Minister appears to be becoming a television and radio star. At least I cannot turn on either without having him there in person, even perhaps singing a song — and a nice singer he is. But that holds no merit if there is insufficient money provided for essential health services. I know it may be a political advantage, and he has been masquerading on seven different programmes within the past fortnight. I do not know who he has a leg of in RTE but he is certainly getting some publicity, and fair play to him. I have had some experience in health committees in my constituency of the way unfortunate people are trying to carry on, people who have six, seven and up to ten certificates sent into the Department of Social Welfare without receiving any reply. Every Deputy in this House knows of these people because they are coming to us in their hundreds.

The scheme introduced by Deputy Frank Cluskey gave people the right to receive money from the health boards in certain circumstances by way of what are known as supplementary welfare allowances. However, genuine beneficiaries cannot even find the people who are supposed to give it to them, because they are hiding, and the health boards have not sufficient money to do so. That is the truth. It is not something that anybody would want to make political capital of. I was speaking to a woman last evening whose husband worked for some 25 years without a break. Almost a year ago he became ill. He had been receiving social welfare benefit regularly but for some reason, best known to somebody in one of their offices here in Dublin, he received no money for the past two weeks and he has been unable to locate the health board officer who should give him the appropriate supplementary welfare allowance merely to keep body and soul together. At least it would be something for himself his wife and six children. If that example is not indicative of no progress in the Department of Social Welfare I do not know what it is.

I spoke in the House against the motion to increase the price of petrol. That was the only motion in regard to increases against which I spoke because I feel that if something is a luxury then it is legitimate to tax it, provided always that one does something useful with the money so yielded. I accept that the provision of increased social welfare benefits constitutes a legitimate reason for taxing luxuries. However, an increase of 15p on the gallon of petrol does not constitute a tax on luxuries. Rather is it a tax on one of the most essential commodities for the greater proportion of the population.

I have spoken here before about unfortunate people from my constituency who commute regularly on a round journey of 50 to 60 miles. The Taoiseach answered my statement on that evening by saying that such people could motor less and save a little. Possibly that is true. Despite several appeals to Ministers for Finance in this House these people get absolutely no tax allowance for the increase in the cost of their going to and from home to work. This should be done. Case after case has been made here. If a man takes out his car to drive 30 or 40 miles to and from work he should be entitled to a tax allowance on the cost of that car and on the cost of the petrol. But there is no allowance for that and the Minister for Finance and the Government are well aware of these people's problems.

In their manifesto Fianna Fáil promised these people that they would take the tax off cars, but in this budget they put 15p per gallon on petrol. That is very substantial. In many cases the increase is so substantial that the people concerned would be better off financially if they stayed home from work and drew unemployment benefit. That is a sad thing to have to say, but it is a fact. These people go to work because they want to and they feel it is better for them to be in a job and working than to be at home on the unemployment list. But if they were wise or careless and did not want to work they would stay at home, because when one takes into account the upkeep of a car, the increase in the cost of petrol and the increases in social welfare benefits they would be better off financially if they stayed at home and did not work at all. I sincerely ask the Minister to give these people in the Finance Bill, tax relief on what it is costing them to travel to work. They have not got one penny of tax relief, but if they were employed by a big company that supplied a company car they would have a tax allowance for that. But there is nothing for the ordinary worker.

That is the standard of a careless Minister just adding up figures. Why anybody would want to sit down for months and months to prepare a budget statement like that I do not know. There were the ordinary increases that we have been getting for the last 50 years. There was not one bit of imagination about the whole budget. The previous Minister, now our commissioner in Europe, told us last year that there would be a 10 per cent drop in our borrowing for the current year. We know that that did not work out and we are given many reasons why it did not work out. But we know there was a rise to 14 per cent. Now we have the Minister coming in here on budget day and telling us he is going to reduce it this year to 13 per cent. Who is the Minister codding? We know from the Estimates that there will not be enough money. We had the example of the Minister for Education coming in here last week and, in answer to a question, telling us he was going to increase by 10 per cent the amount payable to voluntary schools per pupil. We also know that in the Book of Estimates it cannot be discovered where that increase is, so we know that more than likely Supplementary Estimates will be coming in before October to meet this. We know the figures given by the Minister are just farce. We know there will not be enough and that borrowing has to increase a lot more than 13 per cent.

The previous speaker spoke about the £35 million being granted to reduce rates. I expect that that may bring the benefits he describes to the people in his constituency. But the £35 million provided to take the rates off the land will be met in large part by the payment of tax, because farmers were allowed to set off the rates against the payment of tax. Therefore, for a lot of farmers this reduction in the rate load means nothing at all because they were allowed to write it off against their tax.

It is fairly evident that, despite what may be said or what may be thought, the budget did not tackle any of the real problems. There must be some straight talking done here by somebody. Fianna Fáil have no notion of doing that because there is no way they can reduce borrowing. I am willing to predict here and now that the amount borrowed for current expenditure will be increased. Despite the fact that the Minister insists he is going to cut back on public spending, he will have to bring in Supplementary Estimates. He will have to borrow a good deal more than he did last year. Anyone who has done any study of the situation knows that is true. They are putting off the evil day until after the election.

I do not know whether it is right or not, but in the papers on Sunday I saw that the grant for houses is to be increased. That is capital, I suppose, and all this will be announced at the Fianna Fáil Árd Fheis. We will probably have a better idea then whether this really was an election budget or not, but I do not see where the money is coming from for house grants. I am told that last year many local authorities were not able to pay loans that had been promised because they did not have the money and there was no indication from the Government when they would get it. Therefore, they had to stop payments of loans. Now we are being told that we will get treble the amount this year, but it is not apparent in the Book of Estimates where it is coming from. So I would think there is some little bit of twisting around of figures. As far as I can see there is less for housing in our capital programme this year than there was last year. If there is less, I do not know what will happen.

The capital programme envisages the spending of a certain amount but it is totally dependent on a huge contribution from the private sector — half the amount. Every day we see industries failing and hundreds of people made redundant. Under these circumstances how any Minister can expect that kind of contribution to the capital budget I am at a loss to know. I am not a financier but I do not know from what source this major investment will come because as far as I can see business and industry are in a shambles. I do not know of any industry which would have money to spare to invest.

A few years ago the Fianna Fáil Minister for Economic Planning and Development told me that when he gave tax reliefs to the private sector they would create jobs and do what he should be doing. What happened? He gave those concessions but the private sector either did not or could not fulfil his hopes for job creation. We have an all-time high in unemployment. Over the past two years, the reason given for industries failing, rising transport costs and so on was the increase in oil prices. If a Minister for Finance were really anxious to boost our industrial arm he would reduce the cost of petrol and oil.

There are other ways to raise this money. I could not introduce a Bill to impose a tax, but with the knowledge and expertise we are told our Taoiseach has in the economic field, surely he could have found a better way to raise the necessary finance than by completely crippling our transport system by imposing such increases in the prices of petrol and oil? Here we have a Taoiseach with all the answers, a Taoiseach many people thought, even outside his own party, was some kind of economic wizard who would cure all our economic ills. He has been in power for over a year and his only solution was to keep up our rate of inflation, grab the extra money and increase inflation further. If that is the only contribution to come from this alleged economic wizard it is a very poor show.

Other increases, we are told, will be introduced later. I would like to know how much will be the increase in the PRSI contribution. Has the percentage been announced? I am told the increase will be substantial. This will be an extra tax on everybody in the PAYE sector. Many people will not benefit from this but they will still have to pay. Will this offset the small increase given in the budget? Is it another way of getting round the national understanding? This budget did not give anything to the PAYE worker but what was laid down specifically and agreed on in the national understanding.

The increase in postage rates to 18p and in phone calls to 15p will have a very serious effect on our industries. The increase in the cost of petrol will affect people on milk rounds, driving bread vans and so on. These people will have to be compensated for this rise because there is no other way they can survive. What effect will this increase and the increase in the PRSI have on our cost of living, our ailing industries and so on? Nobody can say our industries are not ailing, especially if they look at last year's redundancy figures and the number of people on short time.

The Minister for Finance increased the cost of oil and petrol. This was a deliberate action of the Government. They do not have any idea how this money can be raised by any other means. When I raised this matter, the Taoiseach said there was no other way to get this money. I was amazed at that statement from a person I was beginning to believe had some magic, because I had heard so many people say he would settle our economic ills.

I have made some points which should be taken into account by any Minister for Finance if he means to help our industry, to keep down inflation and rising prices and increase job opportunities. As I said at the beginning, job opportunities, employment and unemployment, the rate of inflation and the cost of living are the most important problems facing this country. I respectfully submit that the budget has seriously aggravated those problems.

It is not my intention to take up too much time on this resolution because, as in other years, so many arguments and angles have been advanced about the same questions that duplication results and, for most of those who have to listen, the debate becomes boring. While the budget is the statement made by the Minister for Finance it must be remembered that the documents issued about that time all form part of the overall policy being followed by the Government. Opposition Members tend to leave out such major facts as the investment plan and the public capital programme. Having omitted to mention those facts they draw the attention of the public to taxes on a few of the old reliables and the few pence extra paid to the social welfare classes. I should like to adopt another course and refer to the benefits.

We are all agreed that the budget was introduced in a difficult economic climate. Most countries have experienced that difficulty in the last two years. Nevertheless, the objectives of the Minister are clear, to maintain economic growth and development, increase productive investment and protect the living standards of the under-privileged and less well off in difficult economic times. The latter was tackled by the significant increase in the health and social welfare fields. We are all aware that those hardest hit in a recession are the less well off sections and if they are not helped they suffer. The support of such people must remain a major priority of public policy. It is inevitable, therefore, that to obtain that money there must be direct taxation of one type or another.

Those who have drawn attention to what was not included in the budget must accept that at least the Government did not adopt the policies pursued in other countries, deflationary policies which would involve a cut in investment. The Government did not neglect their obligation to the poor and needy. They did not go that much overboard in the direct taxation increases. Existing services were not disrupted because allocations to the various Departments were maintained. Our investment is one of the highest in the EEC, if not in the OECD, and our exports, in spite of all the difficulties, were marginally up last year while imports were down slightly. Job approvals have not shown any decline. We are all aware that up to 40,000 people annually seek first time employment and that figure is likely to rise. That represents a difficult problem for any Government, particularly one working off a small economic base. All possible is being done to maintain jobs with grants and investments in industry and the Government have achieved a job approval target no one thought possible last year.

It was unfortunate that we ran into a recession so soon after the one we experienced in the early seventies. That has made it difficult to maintain the overall job figures and unemployment has increased. The investment plan of the Government is unique. It covers many areas and it is unfair of Members to suggest that the Government have not done anything to keep down unemployment. The main point of the investment plan was to divert unused resources to something productive. The increasing of the Public Capital Programme by 30 per cent will go a long way towards achieving this. We all understand the hardship that is inflicted on a family when a breadwinner cannot find work. In a significant way the Government have tried to maintain the living standards of such people by granting increases in unemployment benefits and that is as far as a government can go. Money is being poured into all areas to maintain employment but where that is not possible the next best thing is to ensure that those who cannot get work are able to maintain a fair standard of living. Last year, and this year, substantial increases in benefits were given to such people. Many Deputies ignore that fact.

We all accept that the amount of our foreign borrowing is a matter for concern. It is also a matter for concern in other EEC countries and was an election issue in Germany recently. It appears that there is not the same interest in such an issue here and that is probably due to the fact that there are so many other issues to catch the eyes of politicians. The Government have told us that the money borrowed abroad will be used for productive purposes and not to pick up the deficit tabs in any Department. While we all agree that the amount of foreign borrowing is high we must consider the alternative. In my view the alternative would be to return to the policies of the fifties when the wealth of the country was spent abroad. We were exporting our wealth and our people. We had one of the highest credit ratings per capita in the world in those years and we were probably one of the worst developed countries in Europe. The growth rate for the fifties amounted to about 1 per cent. We had phenomenal unemployment, large scale emigration and our natural resources were not developed. We would not be doing our young people any favour by returning to such policies. Surely it is better to borrow at high interest rates to get the country back on a sound footing. The Government are not trying to buy themselves out of the recession. If they adopted that attitude they would have to pay huge amounts in unemployment benefit so you are better off to borrow for productive investment reasons. That clearly is what this Government are doing. The investment to achieve the employment that the Government are talking about should, it is hoped, produced about 40,000 jobs per year in the private sector, which now seems to produce about 10,000 jobs a year. This is very substantial as it goes a long way towards providing employment for young people who come out of secondary and third level institutions every year.

Unfortunately, job losses affect every area. The one that affects my constituency is the car industry. It seems that some years ago there was a commitment that the difficulty would fade out under the EEC and that the industry here would have reached the viable stage in 1984. At that time we had the Protocol 7 agreement but, unfortunately, this slice of the market is gone. One thing that I cannot understand is that Japanese cars seem to be allowed to flood the market here. My understanding was that the agreement was one in four, that is for every four cars produced here one car could come in. Maybe I have that back to front as I have heard so many different arguments about it, but the fact is that Japanese cars seem to come in. Surely when Japan is outside the EEC a large tax of one kind or another could be put on them, at least in this time of recession where we cannot swallow up the job losses of the motor assembly industry into any other industry. Some means should be brought in to stop the Japanese flooding the market. Maybe there is an agreement. I am sure there is because Britain has exactly the same problem and it has hit them much worse. I would like to know the position, and the workers in that industry cannot understand it either.

The second main objective of this Government, after employment and economic growth, is to improve the social conditions and income of the less well off. The large increases — they have been mentioned here time and time again — that have been received by social welfare recipients, the aged, the disabled, the unemployed, the people with large families, have been very significant. I know that they do not go all the way to cure the ills of unemployment but they do go a long way down the road.

I am not an expert on farming. In my first few years in this House, when large increases were given under the heading of farmers' income, I was critical of the farmers. However, I want to be fair, and it is obvious in the last 18 months that the farmers' losses have been pretty widespread and everyone in this House understands the difficulties which result. However, it is unfair to say that nothing has been done. In the budget alone the resource tax has been abolished. The Minister has stated that the resource tax due last year which has not yet been paid remains due and will be collected through the Revenue Commissioners. Obviously, great pressure has to be put on the collection of that as in the PAYE sector. The accounts basis for the computing of farming profits is to continue and a system of income averages which is under discussion with the farming organisations will be introduced in the Finance Bill. The threshold of £40 rateable valuable continues for this year and for the two years following, as promised in last year's budget. The income tax payable will fall due in two instalments in October and January. Full relief from rates will apply to farmers with farm valuations under £50 and 50 per cent relief of rates will apply to farmers with farm valuations of £50 or over but under £70. Yet people say that absolutely nothing has been done for the farming sector.

The Government made it very clear that they are trying as hard as possible through the EEC, the Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament to achieve increases for the farming sector. We acknowledge fully the difficulties that face the farming community and we are tackling them in a positive way. It is unfair to say that the Minister does not care or does not seem to notice. Remarks like that can be made easily and perhaps some people will believe them, although I doubt it. I heard an interview the other day on the radio where the interviewer chased the farming organisations down the line and asked them to be precise about what was and was not done. It was obvious that he was on very shady ground and the arguments did not hold up very well. The Government realise the problems and they are doing what they can about them and putting on all pressure. The Minister has been several times to Brussels trying to achieve the increases which he wishes to get.

The Government's policy aim is to rectify the position and to obtain an adequate return from farming by securing realistic price increases under the CAP, to obtain special aid from the EEC for farmers and to encourage higher agricultural output through farm investment. The investment plan which came out just before the budget allocated £140 million for agriculture in 1981 together with capital funds of £12 million provided directly by the EEC to the Farm Modernisation Scheme, and provided for arterial drainage through the ACC. These things, plus a number of other items which were done through the Department of Fisheries and Forestry, should help to alleviate some of the problems which the farmer has and the rest are being followed through actively by the Minister for Agriculture.

The last speaker said that he was not going to quote any figures on the public finances. He claimed that he was not too well informed on the subject, but he seemed to hit on all the items that were damaging to the Government and he left out those that tried to rectify the problems, the constructive suggestions and attitudes put forward by speakers on this side. That is his prerogative but I am sure that he understands as well as well as anyone else that this recession is no ordinary one and that this country and the whole of Europe are going through it. I am sure that he understands the increases that have taken place in oil prices in the last few years and that these cannot be alleviated by a Minister waving a wand and coming up with the necessary £ billions almost that are needed to rectify the problem. The impact of the oil price increases and the monetary and fiscal policies pursued in the major countries of the OECD meant that growth fell to about one per cent and we have stayed more or less in line with all the other economies. We did not achieve last year the significant figures which we had achieved before that because it became so much more difficult to export and we were not competitive because of the high wage increases which were necessary and which were granted by the Government under the national understanding. We became less competitive and we could not expect to get the same foreign markets.

As I have said in the budget debate and in other debates, a lot more could be done under the Buy Irish campaign. There seems to be an attitude of mere lip-service to it. You do not have to go too far in this country to see where money could be diverted from imported to home produced items. People argue that Irish firms are not competitive, that they do not market, that they have not the same PRO, but even where they seem to achieve all of these, people will say to each other that it is terrible that my Johnny or your Jackie is unemployed, he is out of work, the clothing industry down the road has closed down, and then they will go into the supermarkets and buy imported items clearly marked that are not very much cheaper than similar Irish-made goods. The biscuit and the clothing industries are two areas of high Irish employment where there are now many redundancies probably connected directly with the fact that the ordinary man in the street has refused to support the Buy Irish campaign and to pay perhaps a little extra to keep these industries viable, feeling that he is saving money when really he is putting up his own taxation to help to pay people who are unemployed because of his own action. I have made that point before and it seems that it does not get across. That is a pity because, as the Taoiseach has said, there would be a fantastic increase in employment if there was only a 1 per cent or 2 per cent switch from imported to home-produced items. An example of that was where 150 million of the products being used in the building industry were imported — this from an industry that cries so loudly about the lack of investment and money. They could improve that position.

The last speaker said there was nothing done about unemployment. One thousand seven hundred million is to be poured into economic investment over a number of years to enlarge output and export capacity and to provide infrastructural investments for the basic services such as roads, telecommunications, new factories and the social investments which are so important to cities — health, education and social services. It is clearly set out in the investment plan exactly where the Government are putting money and why they are putting it into those areas. A large amount of money has been allocated to industry, particularly manufacturing industry, to set up a goods producing sector which will maintain a high level of goods over the next few years. By doing that we will build up industries which will absorb the large numbers of school leavers over the next few years.

The IDA have been the main source of creating jobs in recent years. They have projects with employment potential of 30,000 to be approved this year and 15,000 to 16,000 new manufacturing jobs are to be provided also as a result of projects already approved. There was also money approved for construction workers for direct employment in the IDA programme of building factories. That document sets out exactly the kind of potential laid out for entrepreneurs and the industrialists to allow them to make a profit from industry. Opposition members will agree that, if one tries to tax entrepreneurs out of the country, it affects the ordinary citizen rather than the so-called wealthy. If he is put out of business, he will stagnate. Entrepreneurs should be encouraged if everything is not to be State-owned. We must give some incentives to the person who puts his livelihood at risk to create employment.

The last speaker credited the Minister for Health with being only a good singer. I credit him, in difficult circumstances, with being able to continue fighting under both his briefs to get substantial increases of 25 and 20 per cent respectively for people getting long and short term social welfare benefits. He has maintained a reasonable and adequate building programme for hospitals and health boards. Some specific references to funds not being available for various institutions do not surprise me, because usually it is half way through a year before they are required. It always amazes me that health boards and organisations which look for money cannot make a proper forecast of their requirements. It is easy for Opposition spokesmen to pick on things like that. Items are required during the year and somebody expects to put £1 million here or there for something which was never budgeted for by the Department.

The main features of the budget are to try to hold the investments, the employment and the productive capacity that is at present here and to be ready for the time when the recession ends. We will be ready to take off from a proper base, not like in the fifties when we were totally on the ground and not able to get up. If we have to borrow to do that, so be it, it is borrowing for productive purposes. In 1974 a tax of 15p was put on petrol. By today's inflation rates we should have put on a tax of 30 pence. I know the petrol price increase will affect certain industries and will filter through the economy. At the same time we have to conserve energy. There is no petrol here. If people want to use petrol they have to pay tax; if they do not want to use it, we save on the balance of payments. When a Government are concerned with deficits, national debts and the balance of payments, it is a good idea to tax petrol. It is the same with other luxury items. If we want large colour televisions, whiskey, pints or cigarettes, we must pay for them. The tax on those items will be used to pay social welfare increases. The farmers get their increases from Brussels, the PAYE workers get increases under the national understanding, but the social welfare recipients have to wait for budget day to get their increases.

The two main elements of the budget were to increase the capacity of industry and to provide a base for employment for the future. The Government clearly defined what they did to provide a proper programme to maintain job creation. It has been a successful budget, although we have not done all we would have liked to do. No other country in Europe foresaw the increases in the price of oil. Even Japan, one of the most industrialised countries in the world, did not foresee this increase. If highly sophisticated countries could not foresee these increases, how could we be expected to? We have managed to keep our balance of payments pretty much in line. We borrowed for productive reasons. We managed to get into new areas of industry and set up training schools for people to work in these industries. This will ensure that they will be Irish firms, staffed by Irish people and Irish expertise. All these things have been achieved by a positive policy of pouring money into the IDA and into training programmes. It is a job well done by the Government. People on this side of the House are not afraid to face a general election, whenever it comes. We cannot eradicate all the problems, but we have gone a long way towards solving them.

A country's economy has to be taken as a whole and the job of the Minister for Finance is to look after social welfare recipients as well as business people. He has to do a balancing job. In a small economy like ours which is trying to expand you cannot put the cake on the table and eat it and still have it on the table. You can only take so many slices. You cannot spend the money here, there and everywhere. There must be specific priorities. This Government has adopted those priorities and they will be seen to be correct.

Budget time is a time for stock taking. It is only right that we, as representatives, should take stock of where we feel the country is going right and where it is going wrong. I would particularly like to deal with four specific subjects, industry, fisheries, forestry and tourism, and perhaps point out where I think the Government can improve their performance and where I think they have failed particularly in the past year. Listening to the Minister of State, Deputy Killilea, I wondered if we live in the same country. We live about 70 or 80 miles apart but things in Galway must be much rosier than they seem to be in the remainder of the country. Certainly, one of us goes about with his eyes closed.

I would describe the budget as the same tired Fianna Fáil budget that we have come to expect in the past three years. As some previous speaker said, it is the easiest thing in the world to put 15p on petrol, 10p on cigarettes, 6p on the pint, 12p on spirits and increase car registration to £20 and keep going on that basis year in, year out. I was disappointed, now that we have a new Minister for Finance, that we did not get some new thinking in the budget proposals. I had hoped for some new ideas and particularly for some new incentive to develop national resources. We have heard different speakers complain about unemployment, about factories closing down but if we are to be fair perhaps the first reason for many factory closures is that they are not based on native raw materials that can be and should be developed. We have the workforce and on that sound basis, even in a recession, this type of industry would not fail.

I should like to pay the Government a few compliments. One is on the score that the Minister for Energy is bringing in the Turf Development Bill, something I have talked about for the past three or four years and have suggested time and again. It is about time that we developed this tremendous national resource of energy, the peat deposits we have, particularly in the midlands, in the west and north-west. Repeatedly I have asked the Government to give grants to develop this resource and I wish to compliment the Minister for Energy publicly for bringing in this Bill which I hope will be debated in the very near future. The Bill gives a 65 per cent grant for co-operatives for the development, drainage and cutting of turf and also towards turf machines. It gives a 45 per cent development grant for private individuals. That is the type of thing we need at present.

I should also like to compliment the Minister for Finance on the fact that he said there was £250,000 for the encouragement of the seed potato industry. In the past couple of years the potato industry has taken a severe knock and while the Minister did not spell out exactly that is intended he did say that there would be £250,000 to encourage proper grading and storage of seed potatoes so that we could have the proper basic stock to plant for the next potato crop.

Thirdly, I wish to compliment the Minister for Fisheries for making available a grant of £350,000 for mariculture, the latest thing in the fishing industry whereby we can develop oyster, mussel, scallop and clam beds and I hope develop salmon and trout farms also. There are three areas in which I think encouragement should be given and we should give credit where it is due. As regards mariculture, while I have complimented the Minister on the £350,000 I think much more is needed in this highly intensive industry. It is only right that local fishermen and small farmers should get the chance to be educated in this business. I know there is a course in Galway University but there should be courses also in the regional colleges particularly in coastal areas so that people can be educated in this new and sophisticated way of farming shellfish. They should also be encouraged to develop the sheltered bays that we have in such abundance around our coast and to develop markets not only at home but abroad. That is as far as I can go as regards kudos.

Last year our tourist trade was hit by a petrol strike near the end of the season. Early in 1980 Bord Fáilte and the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism prophesied that 1980 would be one of the best tourist years we ever had. Instead it was one of the worst tourist years with the lowest number of tourists arriving. I think the first cause of that was that we are gradually pricing ourselves out of the tourist market. Even if we take the most expensive European countries, we find that when their tourists come here they complain about high prices in Ireland. This applies even to the Swedes and Germans. I visited Germany recently and it amazed me to see how cheap things are in Germany compared with Ireland and Germany is said to be an expensive country. This budget has hit the tourist trade probably harder than any other industry. Absolutely nothing has been given to help the tourist industry.

In one of the national papers today or yesterday the chief of Bord Fáilte stated that he hoped the tourist trade from Britain would increase by about four per cent. We heard these predictions last year but they were not fulfilled. His reason for forecasting the increase of about four per cent is the devaluation of the IR£ to 74p in the last 14 months. In that period no matter how you take it our punt has been devalued by 26 per cent. I know some people say that is only because sterling has risen in value but when any of us go abroad and try to change an IR£ into German or Spanish currency or any other European currency, we find ourselves getting a lot less for our IR£ than others are getting for the £ sterling. There has been, to my mind, an IR£ devaluation of 26 per cent in the last 14 months.

The Minister brought in a further increase in the price of petrol, following that in autumn of last year. If my memory serves me right, the autumn increase was 10p. Now he puts an increase of 15p a gallon on petrol which will affect dramatically the tourist trade. The petrol operators say that before four or five weeks have passed the price of petrol will again be increased by another 10p a gallon by the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Tourism, bringing the petrol price in Ireland to practically £2 a gallon. I cannot understand how anybody from Bord Fáilte can state that we are going to have more English tourists in this country when they can travel to Europe, where they are sure of the sun, where the prices are cheaper and their motoring costs certainly a lot less than they are here at present. Apart from that, the English still feel a threat to them because of the troubles in these islands. They have not forgotten that it is only 18 months since Lord Mountbatten was murdered. I have been talking to many people in London and I am amazed how many still ask, "Is it safe to come to Ireland for holidays?" Everyone of us must say that of course it is safe to come to Ireland on holidays. Twenty times as many people are killed on the roads than are injured, maimed or shot in Northern Ireland. I hope the increase in tourists which Bord Fáilte expect will come to pass, but I doubt it very much.

The taxation on cigarettes, on the pint, on spirits all affected the tourist trade last year and the increases this year will affect it even more. I was very disappointed that the Minister for Finance, in this budget did not include, to counteract the fact that we are pricing ourselves out of the tourist market, some type of petrol or other subsidy to encourage more tourists into this country. The tourist industry is the second largest in this country and I am particularly saddened, coming from the north-west and travelling so much around the west, to see how the hotels and guesthouses in these areas are declining because of lack of business. If they got good business they could improve and enlarge their premises, but they are very disappointed that the Minister has not given any extra grants to the hotel trade.

The only Bord Fáilte grant available at present is a grant towards the cost of installing a bathroom or of building an extension. This industry could help our balance of payments and has great potential.

The increase is not only on petrol, it is on postage which is going up from 15p to 18p per letter and the cost of telephone connection, which is going up from £100 to £140. The telegram and telephone charges are being increased also and all these things affect the tourist trade. I would have complimented the Minister for Finance, as I complimented other Ministers at the outset of my speech, if he had done something for this very important industry but he has failed miserably.

Now I come to deal with fisheries. The Minister for Fisheries and Forestry, speaking last week in the budget debate, told the fishermen that he was delighted to be able to secure for them a 2p rebate on a gallon of diesel oil. As I understood it, and as the different fishermen's organisations understood it, the promise made to them was 7p per gallon. If we analyse it, the 2p means that the entire Irish fleet, according to the figure given to me, would save £300,000. It means that the fishermen, instead of paying 87p per gallon, now pay 85p. The rebate would buy them one-and-a-half extra gallons of diesel fuel per year per boat. At present the Scottish and English boats are tied up because many of their catches have not been up to the mark and because of the third countries dumping fish into the EEC. I hope this does not happen here. The fishing industry is in dire straits at present. We are being priced out of the chance of selling fish cheaply abroad; 1980 was probably the worst year for our fishermen for a long time, certainly since we took this industry seriously. I was, therefore, amazed to hear the Minister half laughing at and half mocking the leaders of the fishing industry and saying that they were a lot better off than they made themselves out to be. This, despite the fact that of the 450 boat owners in this country, three-quarters are behind in the repayments on their boats. If the fishermen were that well off, most of the 450 boat owners would be on time with their repayments and not six months in arrears.

The Minister is in Brussels at present trying to sort out the fishing policy for the Irish fleet. A word of warning should go out from our fishermen and the fishing industry that they will not accept anything less than an exclusive 12-mile zone in which they have the right to determine the amount of catch and the type of fish to be caught within these waters. In one of this morning's papers it is mentioned that the French are looking for traditional rights within our 12-mile fishing zone. Is there any other nation in the world, an island nation like ourselves, which would think of giving the French fishermen the right to fish within 12 miles of its coasts? The Minister should be warned that we cannot accept French, Dutch, British, or any other nation fishing within 12 miles of our coasts. The fishing industry has had great problems in the last 12 months. We would all welcome a policy which would treat our fishing industry fairly. We have not had such a policy. We have Canadian trawlers, whose diesel bills are only one-third those of our fishermen, catching fish and dumping that fish in Iceland, Norway and elsewhere. The time has come for the leaders of the Irish fishing industry, and the Minister in the EEC, to stand up and say that our fishing waters are not for sale and that we demand the right exclusively to catch this fish ourselves.

The Minister has told us that quotas are the most important safeguard for our fishermen. I say quotas are the second, because the most important thing for our fishermen is to have an exclusive zone where only they will have the right to fish.

On BIM, there has been a cut of £280,000 in this year's Estimate and I hope this is not the first nail in BIM's coffin. I hope it does not mean that BIM are not to be allowed to continue on the lines they have been following. For instance, they have been allowed to spend only £1,500 at the boat show next month. The Department will spend £10,000 on their stand but apparently BIM are not to be given enough money to have a stand. Like the Minister, I intend to visit the show and I will try to find out if BIM development is to be curtailed.

Tourism may be our second largest industry but our fisheries represent an industry that can be developed. It has been neglected for too long. For instance, I hope that when the Minister comes to speak about harbours he will tell us that ample money will be provided for harbour development everywhere in the country.

All will agree that there has been a shortage of capital for the development of fish processing. In years gone by we saw cattle leaving on the hoof for England. How much fish do we now see being exported whole to Scotland, England and other markets, instead of being processed here? If we were able to process half the fish we catch we would give employment to more than 7,000 people. Bremerhaven is not the largest fishing port in Europe but it manages to employ 14,000 in fish processing. This is one type of development I had hoped to see money spent on.

Borrowing money to spend to make money should be our catch cry, not simply borrowing money to spend. I am disappointed that the Minister for Fisheries and Forestry has not got a programme for restocking our rivers with salmon and trout. It is a programme which deserves capital investment. We should be doing it in such a way that in three or four years our salmon stocks would be back in such numbers that we could be exporting salmon. It is worth noting that in Norway they have an intensive programme in this field and they are exporting seven times more salmon than we succeed in catching along our coasts in an entire season.

The budget displays a sad lack of thinking. Any child could put 15p a gallon on petrol, 10p on cigarettes, 6p on the pint, 12p on spirits and 100 per cent on the car registration fee. What should have been in the budget is a plan to develop our natural resources, many of which could be developed profitably.

The third subject I will deal with is industry. Of course I am very concerned with the unemployment figure of 125,000, plus 10,000 on short time, but what concerns me more is the type of industries that are being closed down throughout the north-west and the west, not small, inefficient industries but large, good ones. For instance, there is Snia in Sligo, supposedly one of the major achievements of the IDA a few years ago. We were told then that people from south Leitrim, Donegal and Mayo would be employed there. Recently we had the case of GT Carpets in Gweedore in Donegal, and of Courtaulds in Letter-kenny, neither of which is going the way it should be.

These multinational firms are not being closed down because of the policy in the last three years but because of the expensive way we are running the country. I do not think any rational person will deny that gradually we are pricing ourselves out of industry, and there is no point in bringing in industries unless we can encourage them to stay, first of all by giving incentives and then by providing reasonable labour, low taxes and a good communications system. We cannot state honestly that we are offering these things to industry.

As I said, I am extremely concerned to see good, efficient factories being put on short-time or being closed down. I can count ten factories in the Donegal Gaeltacht which have been closed down in the last 18 months. I could count another six in the west and the north-west regions, disemploying people who have been working in them for a long time. I ask the Ministers for Finance and Industry, Commerce and Energy, to study the reasons for these closures and to try to come up with a remedy. All of us will suffer in the long term if factories are closed in areas such as the north and north-west which most need industry. Perhaps we could give these people some kind of transport subsidy or an interest-free loan to tide them over the recession. My forecast is that unless something is done to help these industries more factories will close within the next six months.

I started by saying that the first priority is to encourage industries which are based on our natural resources, but many of the factories which are now at risk use imported materials which are now costing very much more due to the loss in value of the Irish pound. They are also paying a high price for diesel and the travelling expenses of their personnel are very much higher than comparable costs in Northern Ireland, Britain or even Germany. Industry here is being badly affected because basic costs are higher than in most other European countries.

I am not attempting to criticise the Government but rather to give my view of what might be done to remedy the situation before it is too late. Much money was spent on attracting these industries to Ireland and on grants for machinery and staff training. At present all we see for this expenditure is more and more closed doors.

The unemployment rate in County Donegal is over 25 per cent, probably the highest rate of unemployment in any of the 32 counties. We often hear from across the water about the bad situation in Northern Ireland where the unemployment rate is almost 20 per cent, but in County Donegal one in four people willing to work cannot find a job and these people are becoming very disheartened.

Forestry has been our most neglected industry since the foundation of the State. When asked last week about the export price of our timber, the Minister for Fisheries and Forestry said that his Department received £1 per tonne for exported timber. During the past two years I have drawn the attention of the Minister to the closure of one timber processing plant after another. I said that the time would come when even the thinnings from our forests could not be used and that time has now come. I read this morning in the IDA News that a sawmilling study has identified an import substitution opportunity worth £30 million a year. This is only the tip of the iceberg. The grants totalling £4 million have been given only to a very few sawmillers and there is only one major sawmill here at present. Time and again I have asked the Minister what he is doing to encourage more sawmilling using new technology. The answer he gave last week is that he is working on it and hopes within the next three or four months to announce that a major firm is coming to this country. We probably need ten such firms.

It is estimated that between 1978 and 1990 the amount of timber available in this country will be two-and-a-half times the present amount. This means that our present surplus can be greatly increased over the next eight years. The Government should make every effort to get more people involved in this industry. It is also estimated that, if we processed the timber now available for cutting, between 7,000 and 10,000 new jobs could be generated. Again the Fianna Fáil administration have failed to think ahead in regard to forestry development. I could talk about the development of forest roads and other aspects of the industry but the important point is that there are four different ways by which more employment can be achieved, namely, tourism, fishing, industry and forestry. I am trying to be constructive in putting my views on the development of these sectors.

Sometimes I wonder whether the EEC have been as good for Ireland as the pundits say. There is no doubt that agriculture has benefited but I come from a Border county and I am aware of the many industries which have suffered since our entry to the Community. I refer to the electrical industry, the textile and footwear industries, the clothing industry and the engineering industry. One has only to go into a supermarket to see the huge range of imported foods such as biscuits. I understand that all these goods can be imported without the payment of any duty and can compete with goods of home origin. Is it right to import foreign goods and put people on the unemployment register because the Government have failed to come to some arrangement with the EEC whereby duty can be charged on these imports?

Debate adjourned.
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