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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 21 Jul 1981

Vol. 329 No. 5

Financial Resolutions, 1981 (Resumed): - Financial Resolution No. 3: Excise—Spirits.

I move:

(1) That in this Resolution—

"alcohol" means pure ethyl alcohol;

"the Order of 1975" means the Imposition of Duties (No. 221) (Excise Duties) Order, 1975 (S.I. No. 307 of 1975);

"the Act of 1981" means the Finance Act, 1981 (No. 16 of 1981).

(2) That the duty of excise on spirits imposed by paragraph 4 (2) of the Order of 1975 shall be charged, levied and paid, as on and from the 22nd day of July, 1981, at the several rates specified in the Schedule to this Resolution in lieu of the several rates specified in the Third Schedule to the Act of 1981.

(3) That nothing in this Resolution shall operate to relieve from or to prejudice or affect the additional duty of excise in respect of immature spirits imposed by paragraph 4 (2) of the Order of 1975 and the third column of the First Schedule to that Order as amended by paragraph 4 (2) of the Imposition of Duties (No. 244) (Excise Duties on Spirits, Beer and Hydrocarbon Oils) Order, 1979 (S.I. No. 415 of 1979), and the third column of the First Schedule to that Order.

(4) It is hereby declared that it is expedient in the public interest that this Resolution shall have statutory effect under the provisions of the Provisional Collection of Taxes Act, 1927 (No. 7 of 1927).

SCHEDULE

RATES OF EXCISE DUTY ON SPIRITS

Description of Spirits

Rate of Duty

£

Spirits of any description not mentioned hereinafter and imported mixtures and preparations containing spirits

21.562 per litre of alcohol in the spirits

Imported perfumed spirits entered in such manner as to indicate that the strength is not to be tested

19.621 per litre

Imported liqueurs, cordials, mixtures and other preparations in bottle entered in such manner as to indicate that the strength is not to be tested

16.603 per litre

The effect of this Resolution is to increase immediately the main rate of excise duty on spirits, at the equivalent of 1.82p on a glass of spirits. This increase will attract an additional payment of 1.8p in value-added tax at 10 per cent, making the total tax increase 2p on a glass of spirits. The resultant increase in revenue is estimated at an additional £2.5 million in the current financial year, or about £4.5 million in a full year.

I have some questions. Firstly, I want to know the full increase on the glass of spirits when the 2p is added to the 50 per cent increase in VAT which was announced here earlier today. Secondly, what is the combined revenue income from the higher increase or what, in fact, will be the real increase from 1 September onwards? Thirdly, could I refresh the Taoiseach's memory on the contributions of some of his party colleagues to the budget debate in January-February? They then expressed very grave concern about the employment content and short time working of the employees of Irish Distillers. Crocodile tears were then wept by many Ministers now in Government. It is hard to understand why there has been a rejection. Fourthly, what is the full CPI impact of the 2p increase plus the 50 per cent VAT increase on spirits? What steps does the Taoiseach now feel should be taken, in view of his comments and those of his colleagues in January-February, to compensate those people whose earnings are eroded because of this, the second substantial CPI increase of the season?

The full effect on the glass of spirits when the second increase takes effect—this is taking the excise duty and the VAT increase together for 1 September—is 8.5p on a glass of whiskey, or 4.25 on a half glass. The revenue for the current year is, in total, expected to be £4.8 million. That is to say, the VAT increase this year will yield £2.3 million, in addition to the £2.5 million from the excise duty. The full year effect of the increases will be £24.5 million. That is to say, the VAT yield will be £20 million and the yield from the excise duty £4.5 million. I must correct myself, the total increase is £20 million, being £15.5 million from VAT and £4.5 million from duty.

I have already given the CPI and, when the matter was raised, pointed to——

It should be on the record, for the resolution.

Quite right. The CPI is .22 per cent.

Does that include both increases?

Yes, that is correct.

As I have already indicated, we do not intend to vote against this taxation measure because we do not see an increase in the price of spirits as having the same implications for employees, in particular, as an increase in the price of beer. There is no doubt, as has already been pointed out, that beer generally is very much the drink of the ordinary working man and occupies quite an important part in his standard and style of living.

Even in my most crusading days in the Department of Health, I always acknowledged the fact that, for people who are engaged in arduous manual labour, in particular, a pint of stout in the middle of the day, or at the end of the day, was something to which they were entitled. Beer or stout, taken in moderation, could not be regarded as in anyway detrimental. Of course, like all other alcoholic beverages, if it is abused it certainly has its effects.

We resisted the further imposition, at this period of the year, on the pint of beer. That was a legitimate attitude for us to adopt. Whatever about increasing the tax on the pint of stout and beer at normal budget time in order to finance the normal budgetary requirements and provide resources for social welfare increases, it is a totally different matter to come along at this stage of the year and increase the tax on beer and stout generally. The two cannot be looked on in the same light and that is why we oppose the addition at this time of year, halfway through the budget year, on beer and stout.

We do not feel the need to resist this increase in taxation on spirits in the same way. We would certainly prefer if it did not have to happen. Our general approach to this budget is that these increases do not have to happen. This is very much a political exercise which we are going through here. After all the preaching of gloom and doom and all the drama and the state of the nation broadcast and around the clock Cabinet sessions, what the Government are engaged on here to day is, from the point of Government finances, a minimal exercise. It is of very great significance, of course, from the point of view of the housewife and others who are going to have to pay increased charges in prices, but from the point of view of budgetary finances and the Exchequer as a whole, what we are doing here today is really only tinkering with what was supposed to be a major financial crisis.

That is our general approach to this exercise here today in Dáil Éireann. If the Government feel that spirits at this stage can take a further increase in taxation, we are not prepared to go strongly against it, although we feel it could and might well be avoided. Even though, the-oretically, spirits are the drink of the better off classes — therefore an increase in the price of spirits does not have the same social implications — nevertheless an increase in any of these products in which some people find relaxation should be avoided if possible. As I said, we do not intend to oppose this increase.

I want to draw the attention of the House to a great exercise in hypocrisy which is being indulged in by members of the Fine Gael Party in particular. When we, in the course of our normal annual budgetary exercise, found it necessary to increase the price of spirits in the January budget, we were met with a tirade of abuse and attacks from the then opposition, Fine Gael front bench. In particular I remember Deputy Fitzpatrick (Cavan-Monaghan) being quite vociferous on this matter. First, he gave a lecture on the fact that Irish people did not abuse drink and that, therefore, it was wrong to increase the price of drink. It was in response to that statement that I made the speech which Deputy B. Desmond quoted from. At that time I was almost exclusively talking about spirits. That is why I can claim that our attitude on this occasion is a logical one. At that time the Fine Gael speakers in particular were totally opposed to an increase in the tax on spirits. They said it would have disastrous effects on Irish Distillers and on the important industry in Midleton. Generally speaking, they were most trenchant in their criticism of that tax increase being imposed.

I want the Taoiseach to tell us, as the principal spokesman of the Fine Gael Party, what has happened in the meantime. How has the situation changed? That party are now coming here, not at the crucial time of the year when the annual budget is being proposed but at this half-way stage, putting forward this proposal for an increase in the tax on spirits. Has the danger to the Irish distilling trade and the Midleton Distillery disappeared? Has the situation in regard to the spirits industry improved so dramatically in the meantime that there is no fear for the industry or for employment in that industry in putting on this tax now? These are questions we on this side of the House are entitled to ask.

Admittedly we increased the price of spirits in the January budget. We felt we were reasonably safe in doing so. We had done careful calculations and got estimates from experts and felt that as part of the annual budgetary exercise it was legitimate to increase the tax on spirits at that time. This is a different exercise. This is an additional imposition. This is a second increase during a 12-month period.

There is a very onerous responsibility on the Fine Gael Party in particular to explain how their opposition to this imposition last January can have faded away and what change has come about in the situation. Why can they now put on this additional taxation increase without any ill-effects? These are some questions for which we would like to have an explanation, but bearing in mind that, taking a consistent attitude, we do not intend to vote against this proposal.

It is not with any pleasure that we put on this or any other imposition. One cannot but be concerned about the effects these impositions may have in respect of particular industries. We have not taken this course of action lightly without examining all possible alternatives. The Leader of the Opposition asked what happened. What happened was very simple. The deficit, which at that time was stated to be £515 million, now emerges as £947 million, and the overriding need to save the economy from the disaster facing it forces us to look at courses of action which in ordinary circumstances we would wish to avoid. When the Leader of the Opposition speaks about this financial exercise as being minimal, not living up to expectations aroused, I have to reject that. What we have done in today's budget is to reduce by one-sixth the borrowing in the current year — although we are taking action well into the second half of the year — from £1,973 million to £1,337 million, and to reduce the opening current deficit for next year by one-third from £1,500 million to £1,050 million.

That is hypothetical nonsense.

These are very major effects of this budget. I do not want to anticipate the general debate but as the Leader of the Opposition referred to this as being minimal I have to give that answer. I could go further but I would be out of order. I must keep my remarks to the general debate. I merely want to narrowly respond to the points raised by Deputy Haughey.

With respect, the Taoiseach has not responded to the points I raised. I asked what were the implications now with regard to the distilling industry, employment in that industry and the future of the Midleton Distillery. I asked what change had come about. I also asked how, if he and his party found it necessary to vote against the tax we imposed last January to achieve a budget deficit of £515 million, he can now propose an additional tax. What are the implications for the distilling industry? These are the questions I asked.

I answered that question. Faced with a current deficit of £947 million, the greater good of the nation requires that considerations which weighed heavily in January, and still weigh heavily, have to be overborne by that new development which threatens the welfare of all our people. Things which were unpalatable then and which should have been avoided but which were done in the expectation apparently on the part of the Government that the current deficit would be £515 million, now have to be done because we are faced with a situation where the deficit is almost twice that figure. It is as simple as that. The Leader of the Opposition knows it and he will not do himself any good by dragging the discussion on that point any further.

If it is legitimate now to increase the tax on spirits to achieve a certain reduction in the budget deficit, it was perfectly legitimate for us as a Government to do the same thing last January. Nevertheless the Fine Gael Party voted against it.

Had we known then how the figure of £515 million was arrived at, and how little it corresponded to reality even at that time, we might have had second thoughts.

With regard to the figure of £947 million, we have witnessed in the past few weeks the classical propaganda ploy of repeating a lie often enough so that people will begin to believe it and some of it will stick. The Taoiseach has been engaged in this since the day he took office, as have been his spokesmen and his whole paraphernalia of press agentry. The Leader of the Opposition asked the exact implications for Irish Distillers and we have not had a reply. The distilling industry has been going through a very difficult time and sales figures have been dropping. Perhaps the Taoiseach would give the figures for sales since the previous budget and say how he expects the volume will be further eroded as a result of this measure. For reasons given by the Leader of the Opposition, we are not opposing this resolution. However, it is fair to say that while the pint of beer and of stout are the traditional drinks of the working man there are a considerable number of people, of whom I am one, who enjoy a "small one".

The Taoiseach might make some comment on the likely wage demands that will be made by the trade union movement consequent on this measure and on demands from the licensed trade. This industry is a very important employer and it will be very badly affected by this budget.

I am advised that clearances of spirits are only marginally down on 1980 but that the 1980 figures were inflated by the fact that there were large pre-budget clearances that year. An exact comparison of the trend in consumption is, therefore, difficult to make. Allowing for that factor it would appear to me from advice given that there has not been a net drop and that the actual level of consumption this year is not down on last year. That is a very tentative comment, given the difficulty of assessing it because of the different way in which clearances were treated in the two years.

The total increase proposed here in two stages amounts to 8.5p. The increases imposed by the preceding Government were 16p in 1980 and 12p this year. It was against the latter increase that we voted, at a time when we were told that the current deficit was £550 million. The increase we are now imposing additional to that adds up for the year as a whole to a worryingly large sum — I immediately concede that — but the increase is only half that imposed in 1980 and significantly smaller than that imposed earlier this year.

For reasons I have already stated, the impact on consumption is not easily assessed. As far as one can judge it is likely to be less than 2 per cent but we are in an area of inexact science and any assessment of that kind can only be tentative.

We still have not heard a reply to the question regarding the distilling industry which was twice raised by Deputy Haughey and once already by myself.

I have given the best reply I can. The imposition earlier this year of 12p does not seem to have significantly affected consumption, although that is a very tentative judgment. There is a marginal reduction in clearances but there were special factors which led to clearances being abnormally large in 1980. A theoretical calculation based on past experience would suggest that there might be some small effect on total consumption which would amount to less than 2 per cent. The actual experience this year arising from a significantly larger increase earlier does not seem to validate the theoretical calculations of a reduction in consumption of less than 2 per cent arising from what we are now doing. It is difficult to say what the precise effect will be, but it is unlikely to be of significant magnitude. One cannot go beyond that with the data available.

The case put forward by Fine Gael at the time of the last budget with regard to effects on consumption and employment was completely fallacious.

The Government at that time were working on the same advice as we are now working which would have shown a theoretical reduction in consumption of, I suppose, the order of something like 2.5 per cent. That would have been my own expectation based on my knowledge in a general way of the price elasticity of spirits. For whatever reason there is some indication that the effect has not been as great as that in the current year in that the reduction in clearances is only marginal and appears to be partly accounted for by exceptional clearances last year.

The Taoiseach mentioned that he voted against the increase of 12p imposed by the earlier budget. This further imposition means that the increase so far this year is 20p. If the increase of 12p in the previous budget was wrong, it is definitely wrong to push that figure to 20p.

I congratulate the leader of the Opposition on the decision not to vote against this measure. It does not affect the ordinary person, but it is no harm to point out the responsibility of those in Opposition not to oppose every measure. This was not the course followed by the previous Opposition. They voted against the increase of 12p but by their own imposition are bringing the increase this year to 20p, yet we are not opposing them.

We did not vote against everything, but we voted against that. We now face an economic crisis that must be faced and that means setting aside considerations which in normal circumstances would weigh more heavily. I have no desire to widen this debate and I have tried to keep to the points raised but as there has again been a repetition of a suggestion that the figure of £947 million as the estimated deficit for this year is incorrect — indeed the word "lie" was used without a reprimand from the chair——

I did not hear the word.

——I should tell the House that that and any other figure published by us was given to us by our advisers as their best estimate based on the situation we found. They are impartial figures which we have not doctored in any way. I will not accept any allegations to the contrary.

In spite of that very hand on heart and vehement protestation, I do not believe that the White Paper is solely the work of the experts in the Department of Finance and I do not believe that the £947 million is the realistic figure that the Government have been at great pains to put across to people. At most, at this stage, it is an estimate as the Taoiseach has just described it, nothing more, and the most pessimistic estimate that the Government could possibly arrive at.

I negate that. We were not given a range of estimates from which to choose either optimistic or pessimistic estimates. We were given the best estimate of what the outturn would be and we accepted it.

Question put and agreed to.
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