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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 11 May 1982

Vol. 334 No. 4

Prevention of Electoral Abuses Bill, 1982: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This is a short, technical Bill with a single purpose, namely, to amend and clarify the provisions of the electoral law in relation to the offence of personation in the case of a person who votes or attempts to vote more than once in his own name at the same election. The offence is defined in section 3 of the Prevention of Electoral Abuses Act, 1923. The relevant part of the section reads as follows:—

every person... who having voted once at an election applies at the same election for a ballot paper in his own name, shall be guilty of the offence of personation.

It has emerged that there may be difficulty in proving that a person has actually voted and in a recent prosecution in the District Court, it was held that, to do so, it would be necessary to produce and identify a ballot paper marked by the person concerned.

The Taoiseach made clear to the House in his statement on 29 April last on the Dáil motion on the electoral law that this was a decision of an individual district justice which was not binding on any other district justice. He also indicated that it was a matter entirely within the discretion of the Director of Public Prosecutions as to whether to apply to have a case stated to the High Court for a direction on the point of law involved. Deputies will be aware that the Director of Public Prosecutions has since availed of this procedure whereby a ruling of the District Court can be reviewed.

The Taoiseach acknowledged, however, the misgivings about the adequacy of the existing electoral law which the ruling had given rise to and indicated that, if there was agreement between the parties, the Government were prepared to introduce amending legislation at an early date. In furtherance of the Taoiseach's undertaking, there has been consultation between the parties on the wording of the present measure.

The Bill proposes to overcome the difficulty referred to by providing that the offence of personation shail exist if a person having obtained a ballot paper at an election applies at the same election for a ballot paper in his own name. A saver is included in relation to the situation where a person who inadvertently spoils his ballot paper may return the paper to the presiding officer and obtain another ballot paper in place of the spoilt one.

In deference to the wishes clearly expressed on all sides in the House, the measure is being brought forward as a matter of urgency to deal with a single specific question. I know Deputies will wish to see the measure reach the Statute Book as early as possible.

I commend the Bill to the House.

We all know the reason for this Bill being before the House. Indeed, there has been a wave here today from the previous controversy about the issue concerned. Some people may think that what happened here today and also a fortnight ago was unnecessary wrangling by the Opposition. I heard the Taoiseach say that we were reducing the House to a farce. But the rights of individual Deputies are extremely important and none more so than the rights of Opposition Deputies, who at all times must be protected by the Chair. I wish to put on record that the Chair is not composed of a number of individuals acting in an arbitrary and individual manner.

The Chair will not take lessons from the Deputy or from anyone else. If the Deputy has any complaint regarding procedure and privilege there is opportunity available to him to raise any such problem. In the meantime, if he can show to the Chair any weakness in respect of the interpretation of Standing Orders, he may do so; but otherwise the Chair is not prepared to accept any reprimand.

I certainly have a complaint in so far as you are not interpreting Standing Orders in a consistent manner.

In introducing the Bill the Minister said that:

The Taoiseach acknowledged, however, the misgivings about the adequacy of the existing electoral law which the ruling had given rise to and indicated that, if there was agreement between the parties, the Government were prepared to introduce amending legislation at an early date. In furtherance of the Taoiseach's undertaking, there has been consultation between the parties on the wording of the present measure.

I do not know who was consulted with in my party on this matter but it was not me.

I may be able to assist the Deputy on that. This measure was drafted and was forwarded both to the Chief Whip of the Labour Party and to the Chief Whip of Fine Gael with a request from me for some comment as to agreement or otherwise on the measure. The Labour Party raised one point by way of clarification and I got an indication from the Chief Whip of Fine Gael eventually, that was on Tuesday last, that they were agreeing to the measure.

But there were not consultations to the extent conveyed in the opening speech today.

The Bill was forwarded to Fine Gael for their observations.

Is that the Minister's interpretation of consultations?

Deputy Barry is being niggardly to say the least. We could have had the measure before the House last week if we had had the comment of Fine Gael earlier.

The Minister should allow Deputy Barry to proceed. Deputy Barry should appreciate that this is a Second Stage debate and the Minister can reply later to all the points made.

We all agree that the fundamental bedrock of a democracy is the free vote. Every individual is entitled to a vote, and one vote only. That is the essence of democracy in any State. The 1937 and the 1923 Constitution recognised that, and also recognised that it should be cast in secret.

We had two general elections in the past 12 months. Both were fought on the same register. I was aware of the number of complaints made during the 1981 election. It was obvious to everyone that the register was deficient in many respects. The names of many people were left off it. Whole areas were left out of it. Some people voted in one polling station while their neighbours voted in different polling stations. The names of some people appeared twice on the register. The names of dead people were on the register. The names of people who were alive were not on the register. That is the situation we are now dealing with here.

When I was appointed Minister for the Environment I wrote to all local representatives asking them to assist in the drafting of the register which has been in operation since 14 April last. One of the very constructive things a political party can do is to assist in the correction and drafting of registers. Political parties have people on the ground in every parish and townland and in the cities, and they know who is living in certain areas. We will not know exactly how successful the exercise of the compilation of the current register was until it is used in a general election, but we will get some indication in the Dublin West by-election, which will be fought on the new register.

In the June election in 1981, the Fine Gael organisation in North County Dublin spotted that the name of Mr. Pat O'Connor, who is a solicitor and a crony of the Taoiseach's, who is his election agent and his legal adviser——

I am interpreting what is appropriate so far as I am concerned. On one occasion since I became Leas-Cheann Comhairle Deputy Quinn made charges in respect of a Supreme Court decision. I had the backing of all sides in the House that we should not discuss court cases and that we should not name people in this House. I intend to honour that decision. I ask the Deputy to refer to the legislation required without identifying certain people and without referring to a matter which is sub judice at the moment.

(Cavan-Monaghan): On a point of order, may I point out that on the last occasion a matter like this was before the House by way of statements made by the Taoiseach and various other people, rightly or wrongly the case in question was gone into at considerable length and in great detail? Names were mentioned ad lib.

I can give the reference.

(Cavan-Monaghan): The record will show this. I want to try to establish that it will be impossible to conduct the business of this House if the Ceann Comhairle when he is in the Chair has one set of rules, with each operating under his own set of rules. Members of the House are completely at sea.

Deputy Fitzpatrick has made his point. Will he now allow me to comment?

(Cavan-Monaghan): I refer you to the record, Sir.

I refer Deputy Fitzpatrick to his own contribution in which he endorsed a decision made by me in respect of utterances by Deputy Quinn.

Which I totally ignored.

I am replying to a point made by Deputy Fitzpatrick. I am sure he will accept that this is not a judicial body. It has never been accepted, nor will it ever be acceptable, that we should rehash court decisions, especially on this occasion when the matter to which Deputy Barry was about to refer is sub judice.

My understanding is slightly different from yours. We are enacting this legislation because of a court decision. Surely we are entitled to refer——

At the moment the matter is sub judice.

My understanding is that the man has been tried and acquitted and cannot be tried again for the same offence. The Director of Public Prosecutions — and not being a lawyer I am open to correction on this — has asked the District Justice in question to state a case — I believe that is the technical term — to a superior court. The actual case which has been tried and finished cannot be tried again. That is my understanding of the legal position.

Deputy Barry is as much entitled to interpret the rules of the House as I am. I am sure he knows that since he became a Member of this House it has been accepted that we did not discuss court cases in this House. Surely the Deputy will accept that that has been the position.

It is impossible. You are impossible. It will be impossible to discuss this legislation if you persist in that rule.

The rule is there. If the Deputy wishes to have it changed the machinery is available to him.

I refer you, Sir, to volume 333 (9) of the Official Report.

Deputy Barry knows as well as I do that the ruling is that we do not discuss court cases here. Deputies may make reference to the need for legislation, as we have done on several occasions, but we do not rehash court cases in this House.

I am not rehashing a court case. I am entitled to say that this legislation is necessary because of a judgment given.

Will the Deputy give way? The Ceann Comhairle has arrived and he will take the chair.

Like the Seventh Cavalry, Sir, your advent is to be welcomed.

It becomes redundant. The precedent will now re-establish itself.

Deputy P. Barry.

A different set of precedents unfortunately. I was making the point that during the June 1981 election which was fought on the same electoral list as was the February 1982 one, the Fine Gael organisation in North County Dublin — which I think is the correct name for the constituency which the Minister represents at the moment — spotted that a Mr. Patrick O'Connor and his daughter Niamh, Mr. O'Connor being, as I said, a crony of the Taoiseach, his adviser on matters legal and also his election agent, were on the register at both the Malahide and Kinsealy polling stations. At the conclusion of the election, the names had been crossed out in both places.

When the February 1982 election came along, our organisation there were told of this double registration and asked to keep an eye out for the gentleman in question, which they did. Mr. O'Connor and his daughter Niamh presented themselves at the Malahide voting station. They proffered cards, were issued with ballot papers, went behind a screen, came out again and put either their ballot papers, marked or unmarked, or other pieces of paper, into the voting box. They then proceeded, at some time later on the same day, to Kinsealy, proffered more cards in their own names and were issued with ballot papers and at that stage, I understand, they were charged and were prosecuted under section 3 of the Prevention of Electoral Abuses Act, 1923. This Act states:

Every person who at an election applies for a ballot paper in the name of some other person, whether that name be the name of a living person or of a dead person or of a fictitious person, or who having voted once at an election applies at the same election for a ballot paper in his own name, shall be guilty of the offence of personation.

The case came before the court on 20 April last. District Justice Kearney said, when dismissing the case — and I am quoting from The Irish Times of Wednesday, 21 April 1982——

I am ruling that the prosecution has not proved, and could not prove as the law stands, that these defendants or any defendants committed this offence of double-voting or whatever the word is.

Earlier he was quoted as saying, again in The Irish Times:

...the advance press publicity had given him an opportunity to look into the law relating to the offences. He had found that the offence carried a mandatory sentence of not less than two months imprisonment and not more than 12 months, plus a fine not exceeding £500. "That in anyone's language, is a very severe penalty," he commented.

Because it was such a very serious matter, he had decided he would have to read it in even more detail. After reviewing the law relating to the offence, the justice said that a High Court case "brought by Miss Máirín de Burca, or another lady" approximately five years ago, had changed the practice whereby ballot-paper counterfoil records were kept which indicated who had voted in an election. That practice was discontinued as a result of the High Court judgement handed down on that occasion.

We contend that District Justice Kearney was wrong in that regard, because he is referring to the wrong case, in spite of the fact that he had earlier said that he had been given an opportunity of looking into the law relating to the offence. Having found that the offence carried so severe a penalty, he decided that he would have to read it in even more detail. Yet, he quotes the wrong case in that regard. The case which he should have quoted was that brought by Mr. McMahon in 1970. Mr. McMahon held that because there was a number on the counterfoil of the ballot paper issued to him which corresponded with the number on the ballot paper received, then the secrecy of the ballot as guaranteed by the Constitution was being infringed. Mr. McMahon won that case. It was appealed from the High Court to the Supreme Court and was upheld in the Supreme Court. As a result of this, the law was changed in 1972 to remove those numbers from the ballot papers. That is the case to which the judge should have referred. The case to which he did refer was totally different, relating to the right of women to serve on juries. It, at least, cast some doubt on how deeply the justice looked into the case. It was a crazy judgment, in my opinion.

I am not going to try to stop the Deputy, but he must understand that we are not allowed to criticise judges or their judgments. We are not a judicial body.

If I had finished the sentence, the Chair would have realised what I was saying. It was a crazy judgment, in my opinion, because of what another district justice found seven days later. The other district justice was, by coincidence, District Justice de Burca in Limerick. He said that the Act was there, with severe penalties and that people should know better. The only way they would learn was by seeing others punished. He found someone guilty under the same section of the same Act, committed him to prison and fined him. One was a small farmer and the other was one of the leading solicitors in Dublin. The first was found guilty, fined and sentenced to imprisonment and the second was acquitted.

District Justice Kearney had said that because the fine was so severe, he had examined the case very critically. The reason why the fines are so severe and why a prison sentence is imposed is because our predecessors, who enacted the 1923 Act and who changed it again later on, considered that in a democracy the crime of taking more than one's quota of votes to elect a Government was so serious that it demanded very serious penalties. That is why the penalties, rightly, are a term of imprisonment and fines up to £500.

Because of the judgment concerning the North County Dublin case, that legislation has been turned on its head. It is deplorable conduct of somebody who is a practising solicitor, whose job it is to interpret and defend the laws of the country, who is the upholder of the entire legal system which is part of the foundation of our civilisation and democracy. I do not agree with the judgment in this case. It defies commonsense that a man would go to two polling booths, be given two ballot papers and then be considered to have voted only once because it could not be proved that he had already voted at the time he applied for the second ballot paper. I believe that a prima facie case existed to transfer the onus of truth on to him to prove that having got two sets of ballot papers he had not voted twice. Anyone reading the case in the papers in the last month could not be but contemptuous of the law as it stands in that regard, that a person cannot be convicted of a very serious crime, and of politicians who take three weeks to discuss the matter in the House and a further fortnight to introduce legislation, which we hold is something that will only tide us over until this by-election is held. We do not accept there is a deficiency in the Act as it stands. The fact of going to a polling station, getting a ballot paper, going behind a screen and doing the same thing an hour or ten hours later in another polling station is proof enough that somebody voted and there is no deficiency in the law, as was found in the court case in Limerick. I am sure the High Court will find so also, but there is obviously a problem that has to be dealt with now because of the by-election. That is proved by what Mr. Justice Pringle said in his judgment on the McMahon case in the Supreme Court. He said in his opinion as far as the prosecution of persons voting more than once is concerned, it is not necessary that it should be possible to identify the particular ballot papers involved.

I want to issue a solemn warning to anybody who may consider voting more than once in the by-election taking place in Dublin West at the end of the month, that we have plans and we are prepared to ensure that such people will be caught on the spot and prosecuted, not just booted out of the polling station as Deputy Kemmy said he did in Limerick. I hope they will get the sentences laid down in the Electoral Abuses Act. It might have been appropriate if the Minister had taken the opportunity, when bringing in this legislation, to clear up the doubt that has been cast on the mandatory sentence. I understand there is a case coming up shortly in County Mayo whereby there is some doubt as to whether the justice has to send somebody to prison or whether the discretion he has only applies to the length of prison sentence to be applied. However, I appreciate that may involve weighty legal arguments and he may have been advised that it needed more time for preparation than he had. We accept the Bill as it is and will give all Stages to-day.

The Labour Party supports the principle of the Bill and recognises that we were consulted in relation to its wording. However, the introductory speech by the Minister, while it was short and to the point, was somewhat worrying in that he did not indicate, as he could very well have taken the opportunity to so do, what kind of overall measures his Government are prepared to implement to eliminate the kind of abuse that goes on. Lest anybody have any doubt about the importance of this, a Cheann Comhairle, you may recall that I had the distinction of being the most successful defeated candidate in 1973 when I missed a Dáil seat by 38 votes. It has been quite clear over the last three or four general elections when Governments have changed places on every occasion and when majorities are of a minus one or minus two nature, that as little as 1,000 votes out of an electorate of nearly two million people determines not just the fate of who occupies various ministerial posts and positions in this House, but also the degree of indebtedness in which the country finds itself or whether we are supporting one kind of international action or another. In other words, the stakes are enormously high and they rest on the edifice of a democratic system which, from the very outset, must have a degree of enforced honesty.

I am not sure what the precise tradition is in the House about criticising the courts and I have been guided, to use a neutral phrase, in the past by the Chair but the House must recognize that we are moving here, with the co-operation of all the parties, a small technical Bill because of the outcome of a particular court decision. Deputy Barry and the Fine Gael Party have clearly put on record, both today and on previous occasions, the precise nature and origin of that and I do not see the need for repetition. It is precisely because of that court decision that this is necessary and that we are enacting it.

I want to ask the Minister to clarify or indicate at the end of the Second Stage or perhaps on Committee Stage what additional action he proposes to take, because the impression conveyed to the public arising out of the decision of that court case, the way in which it was publicised and documented, both in the Official Report and in the media, was that if you knew people in high places, if you had pull and influence, the normal constraints of law and the normal obligations of the Legislature could be waived to your advantage. We cannot argue here about the sanctity of the ballot box, the importance of the democratic system which is a minority system, regrettably, throughout the world and, at the same time, allow growing cynicism which I encounter among young people to be fuelled to an enormous extent as a consequence of that outrageous court decision. Regrettably, while the point of law can be clarified, the act that took place and the people who did it are now immune to any subsequent action by the court. That appears to be the consequence of the decision. That gives rise to increasing cynicism in the democratic process and leaving aside the political allegiance of all Members of the House and the composition of the present Government, everybody would honestly concede that, if they were in a position to do so.

In addition to the House passing this Bill, I should like the Minister to respond, at the appropriate stage, whether he would be in a position to revise totally the manner in which polling cards are currently issued. It is my party's experience and my direct political experience that the issuing of polling cards is the greatest single temptation to personation that exists at present. In the constituency which I represent there is probably a greater percentage of flat dwellers than in any other area, with the possible exception of Dublin Central. The degree of personation in the 1981 election was very high and we made a concerted effort to reduce it, with considerable success. The valid poll on one table in Rathmines was reduced from 61 per cent to 38 per cent simply by diligence on our part. You have the farcical situation of people coming in with polling cards, putting them on the table and when challenged by one of our people as to their names and where they lived they had to pick up the cards to find out what their names were at that hour of the day, or what their addresses were.

Perhaps the Minister could clarify the point for me because I understand the power to issue polling cards, which are a purely advisory device without any legal standing, is by ministerial order under the Electoral Acts. I wonder if the Minister could amend it or withdraw the facility altogether and avail of public notices by way of newspaper advertisements or on television or radio. This Bill is designed to prevent electoral abuses. Ability to be on two registers at the same time is confined to people who have the luxury of owning two houses or who are in the process of moving house — it is not a regular occurrence — but getting hands on a polling card is very easy and it happens in every election. Therefore, in conjunction with this Bill I suggest that the Minister should give some indication when he is replying of whether he is in a position to consider seriously looking at all of this and later coming back to the House with a series of new instruments involving new procedure for the operation of elections. It is in all parties' interests that every opportunity for abuse of the electoral system will be eliminated, and seen by ourselves to have been eliminated.

This is a short technical Bill which proposes to amend section 3 of the 1923 Act. When we were consulted in relation to the Bill we made some comments and I wonder whether the points then made will tidy up the anomaly we are referring to. Today we are trying to respond to an obvious loophole in the law as defined by a district justice. I have not encountered anyone of legal standing who agrees with the reading of that district justice: even Justice de Búrca in Limerick did not share his view. However, if the High Court upholds that view for some reason, what validity will this legislation have? Will it still be a case of a person who obtains a ballot paper for the second time being able to go in to vote and claim in his defence, on being challenged by a party worker, that it cannot be proved he had voted because of the McMahon case in 1972, because of the removal of the number from the back of the ballot paper? It is a legal point and perhaps the Minister's advisers would let him know what the position is and he could respond at the end of the Second Stage.

I should like the Minister to give us the reasoning behind the use of the word "obtained" in the proposed section 3 (b). "Obtained" can have a vague legal meaning in the hands of some lawyers. Somebody who has already voted in Kinsealy or Malahide might be challenged by one of the party workers and he might back off at the point of challenge. Let us suppose a party worker is a bit enthusiastic and does not wait for the fly to come right into the spider's web and scares off the fly too soon. The defence could be, if the wording of this section is as I interpret it, that because the person had not obtained the ballot paper from the polling clerk the offence did not occur. Would the Minister clarify the thinking in the Department on the use of the word "obtained" instead of a word such as "applied". Paragraph (b) might read: "Having applied for a ballot paper..."

We are talking about part of a process, and the co-operation of all parties has been given on the undertaking that loopholes in the system of election, like multiple voting, personation and so on, will be tidied up by the Minister with responsibility. Perhaps the Minister, if he is in a position to do so, will tell us what action he proposes to take, whether he will have further consultations with the different parties with a view to tidying up the procedures particularly in the matter of polling cards and postal voting. The Labour Party support the Bill.

The Workers' Party welcome the Bill with the reservation expressed by other speakers that there is a need to introduce legislation to tighten up the whole electoral system. Neither Fine Gael nor Fianna Fáil can be exonerated in this respect. A couple of years ago I had occasion to visit two adjacent polling stations, with two presiding officers. I saw people from a nearby institution being brought into the station and going to the polling booths accompanied by people who had received them at the door. I mentioned this to an Opposition worker and said to him: "You are a personating agent, why did you not do something about that?" He said: "We have got our queue down there. We have very few to get from the other one".

My point is that presiding officers who allow people to enter polling booths with voters who have asked for ballot papers, in any circumstances other than those specified in the Act — for instance, blind persons — are guilty of an offence because they have the responsibility to see the provisions of the Electoral Acts are carried out properly. I am not satisfied that has been done in the past and that is why we say legislation should be introduced to tighten up the procedure.

We also advocate procedures by which people will be made conscious of the fact that this is a serious matter and that therefore they will not engage in offences of the kind we have been discussing. We want to see further legislation introduced to tighten up the whole electoral procedure.

(Cavan-Monaghan): The stated object of this Bill is to amend section 3 of the Prevention of Electoral Abuses Act, 1923 because in a recent case a district justice held that it was impossible to prove that a person had voted. The district justice said he so held because it is not now possible to identify a voter by reference to his ballot paper as the voter's number does not appear on the counterfoil since a Supreme Court judgment held that that violated the secrecy of the ballot. Now, in my opinion, it was virtually impossible at any time to identify a voter by reference to the ballot paper. First of all, in the constituency concerned, about 70,000 ballot papers or something like that are involved. One would have to have access to the counterfoils. Then one would have to go through every counterfoil until one came to the counterfoil with the voter's number. Having got that, one would have to start out on a search of all the ballot papers to get the counterfoil with the number which corresponded with the voter's counterfoil. It was possible, but only just, and I am sure that that method of producing evidence was never resorted to in any prosecution since the foundation of the State.

It follows, therefore that, strictly speaking, an amendment of the law is not necessary. Section 3 of the Prevention of Electoral Abuses Act, 1923 is a short section. It provides that every person who at an election applies for a ballot paper in the name of some other person. whether that name be the name of the living person or of a dead person or of a fictitious person, or who having voted once at an election applies at the same election for a ballot paper in his own name shall be guilty of the offence of personation. In order to establish an offence under the latter part of that section it is necessary to prove that a person voted once and that he applied for a second ballot paper. In the case in question evidence was produced in court that a gentleman came into a polling booth, to wit, Malahide, applied for a ballot paper, got a ballot paper, went into the voting compartment, spent some time there, came out of the voting compartment, went over to the ballot box and put what appeared to be a ballot paper into the ballot box. In my opinion that was sufficient evidence to establish a prima facie case that the gentleman in question had voted. The case could have proceeded to a full hearing on that evidence and on that evidence there was an onus placed on the gentleman in question to establish that he did not vote. It was held that there was no evidence that he did vote and accordingly the case was dismissed.

We are now here to amend the law and to ensure that that will not happen again. What we are now providing for is that a person who applies for a ballot paper and gets one and then applies for a second ballot paper is guilty of an offence. Section 3 (b) provides that a person who having obtained a ballot paper once at an election and applies at the same election for a ballot paper in his own name is guilty of an offence. It might be no harm to insert there the word "second" and provide that a person who applies for a second ballot paper is guilty of an offence. It may not be necessary, but seeing that the first prosecution was dismissed under what at best was a very flimsy argument it might be no harm to insert that word. I am of the opinion that the law as it stood was sufficient to enable a conviction to be made on the evidence available. Having said that, I do not think it is any harm to amend the law to put it right beyond doubt.

I agree with Deputy Barry who suggested that it would be a good thing to clarify the position regarding the penalty for the offence with which we are dealing. Section 6 (1) of the Prevention of Electoral Abuses Act, 1923 provides that a person who commits any corrupt practice under that other than personation or aiding, abetting or counselling or procuring the commission of the offence of personation shall, on summary conviction, be liable to imprisonment with or without hard labour for a term not exceeding one year. It is as clear as the day that a person who is convicted of what is known as a corrupt practice, such as standing drink to motorists and so on shall be liable——

(Interruptions.)

(Cavan-Monaghan):—— to a sentence of up to 12 months. It is also clear from subsection (1) of the section that it differentiates between the general offence of corrupt practice and the offence of personation. Subsection (2) says that a person who commits the offence of personation or of aiding, abetting, counselling or procuring the commission of that offence shall in the case of the first offence be liable on a summary conviction to be imprisoned with or without hard labour for a term of not less than two months nor more than 12 months and to be fined a sum not exceeding £100. It is clear from that, that that subsection creates a mandatory sentence and that the district justice has no discretion and once he convicts, a mandatory sentence of at least two months follows and it may be as high as 12 months. Whatever else we say about District Justice Kearney or about his reasoning or the decision which he reached, it was clear from what he said that he understood that section to mean that if he convicted Mr. O'Connor he had to impose a sentence of two months at least on him because he said, if my recollection is correct, that because of the serious consequences and the serious penalties involved that he had gone very closely and carefully into the law regarding it. At the moment, as I understand it, some district justices take the view that I take — and I think it is the correct view — that whether or not we agree with it, section 6 (2) of the Prevention of Electoral Abuses Act, 1923 creates a mandatory sentence and takes away all discretion from the district justice. Some district justices are interpreting that section accordingly; other district justices take the view that they can apply the Probation of Offenders Act and not impose any prison sentence. That is unsatisfactory. It should be clarified either by reference to the High Court or by amending the section so that it is beyond doubt. The Minister should tell us why he did not avail of this opportunity to clarify the position in regard to penalties. A short section is all that would have been necessary.

I agree with Deputy Quinn when he said that polling cards seem to facilitate personation. According to rumour, people collect polling cards in flats and regard them as a licence to vote. I am not sure whether it is an offence to have polling cards in one's possession and not be able to give a reasonable account for having them or satisfy a garda that one is entitled to them. If this is not an offence it should be one.

I do not propose to go into detail on the O'Connor case. I take the view that it is sub judice. The creation of the position of Director of Public Prosecutions has been more than justified by the action which he has taken in this case. He has done a great service in referring the case to the High Court. If this had not been done all the water in the sea would not have cleansed the officers responsible for the administration of justice in view of cution of offences from the political sphere. I also compliment — it is only right to do so — the man who more than any other was responsible for putting the Act which established the office of DPP on the Statute Book, Mr. Justice Declan Costello. At that time he was Attorney General. He should be given credit for doing that.

Deputy Barry said that there was some doubt as to whether the High Court, if it thinks proper, could send back the O'Connor case to the district justice with a direction that he was wrong in law and with a further direction that he should proceed to hear the case in accordance with law. My respectful if somewhat stale opinion is that the High Court has power to send that case to the District Court, if it thinks fit, with a direction that the district justice should proceed to hear the case in accordance with law as outlined by the High Court. I hope that is the law because if it is not people will come to erroneous conclusions which will not be in the interests of the administration of justice or the integrity of the courts.

I agree with the Bill but I do not think it is necessary. If I am wrong I shall be glad to know that the position is clarified and that the law is put beyond doubt.

Like Deputy Fitzpatrick I also take the view that the O'Connor case is sub judice and that any comments which might be made here might be less than helpful in ensuring there is an objective and proper determination of the issues before the High Court.

A distinction ought to be drawn in the law dealing with electoral abuses, dealing with two categories of people, between casual members of the public who might take it upon themselves to indulge in electoral abuses and another more important category who ought to have a much higher degree of responsibility in this regard. I refer to those who are involved in the actual election one way or another. That category would include the candidates, election agents, various subagents, personation agents, and all other members and associates of parties who have a specific role to play in the election system. Many of those people are, by law, given special additional rights to play special roles in the election. Many subagents are entitled at any time to go into various polling booths and attend to certain matters. Personation agents have special functions under the law. Consequently, having special rights, they should carry also special responsibility and if it should transpire that any person who falls within one of those categories has committed an electoral abuse, a special penalty and special situation should apply to such a person. That was the law for very many years in this country and such a provision so far as an election agent was concerned was made in section 7 of the 1923 Act.

For some reason — I cannot imagine why — that section was repealed by an amending electoral Act in the sixties. It is high time we had a look at that situation again and it would be advisable that the House should consider not only reintroducing that section as it was, but widening the scope of it to include not only the election agents themselves but also their sub-agents, personation agents and all those officials and sub-officials of political parties who play such a key role in ensuring that the democratic process would function in a proper manner. It is on those people that the democratic system relies and section 7, if I remember rightly, places the responsibility on the candidate going forward to ensure that those persons will carry out their functions in a lawful manner and that section would have held the candidate responsible in addition to the agent or sub-agent who would be involved. That is a very valid idea and concept, because the candidate ought to have a responsibility to ensure that those people who carry out important electoral functions in his name or as his agent or sub-agent would be persons of the highest character who would in no way be associated with or lend themselves to the practice of electoral abuse. I ask the Minister to consider possibly amending this Bill, or otherwise when a detailed review of the electoral system would take place to consider the re-implementation of section 7 of the 1923 Act in a widened form.

Reference was made here to the question of polling cards. This is a problem that must be tackled because the present system clearly leaves the process wide open to abuse. These cards are distributed freely and in many cases they accumulate in large numbers in houses that are occupied as multiple dwellings. I do not know whether it would be feasible or practicable to arrange for those cards to be sent out by registered post perhaps instead of by ordinary post. That would have the advantage of ensuring that the cards would be signed for at least by a recipient and it would be possible to make a check on what person had signed for those cards. I appreciate, however, that that would involve and perhaps create many problems in the distribution of those cards, but certainly the system cannot be allowed to continue in its present form. I ask the Minister to have a look at that aspect of the matter also.

Subject to those comments, certainly it is essential that this Bill be passed at the earliest possible moment.

The Bill before the House this evening is of fundamental importance. The balance of political power is so close here at present and on such a knife-edge that every vote cast in an election really counts. Every vote is of fundamental importance and any abuse of or interference with this system is a matter of serious public concern. The long-established principle of one man one vote is called into question if any person casts two votes in the one election.

I would like to go on record — Deputy Fitzpatrick has already said something about this — regarding the Director of Public Prosecutions. His post is responsible and his duties onerous and the person who fills that position must be completely and totally above suspicion. Following the decision of District Justice Kearney a great outcry arose from the media, the Members of this House and people of all political opinions throughout the length and breadth of Ireland and the DPP was faced with a choice and had a decision to make. To his credit, he has carried out his duties without fear or favour and in a most responsible manner. He has taken the correct decision in referring this case to the High Court for judgment. This House should place on record their congratulations to the DPP, Mr. Eamon Barnes, for discharging his duties in a highly competent, efficient and public-spirited fashion. His decision is made in the best interests of the public.

I do not wish to dwell on the likely outcome of the decision of the High Court, but it is my view that if the important by-election had not been pending and if the High Court were left to make their decision, then this Bill would not be necessary because it is likely that the High Court's decision will not agree with that of the district justice. However, this Bill is necessary because of the by-election and I welcome it in so far as it goes. The only thing I am sorry about is that we have the opportunity in this House of discussing electoral laws but not of discussing them in a calmer fashion and at greater length. One matter that has come across from the Labour benches and our benches here this afternoon has been the common complaint in regard to polling cards. I believe that it is necessary that the Minister and his Department would have a rethink about the whole situation in regard to the issuing of polling cards. Section 23 of the 1963 Electoral Act deals with the issue of polling cards. They were issued to give guidance to people as to where they were entitled to vote, the voting number and so on, and it was believed generally that this would help to speed up the process. However, the good intentions of the people who framed that legislation in regard to polling cards have been lost sight of, sad to say. Polling cards nowadays are regarded generally as an admission ticket to vote. This applies particularly in large towns and cities and in districts where there are many flats. It has led to serious and widespread abuse. I am sure the Minister will give this matter his attention.

I ask the Minister to consider if the issue of polling cards has attracted a greater percentage of people to vote than had been the case prior to the issue of polling cards. I am sure the Department will be able to come up with an accurate assessment regarding the percentage of people who voted in elections prior to the issue of polling cards and of the percentage who have voted since then. In my opinion it has not varied more than one or two percentage points one way or the other. During the last European and local elections polling cards were not issued in many areas because of the postal dispute operating at that time. Many advertisements were carried in the local and national newspapers setting out the location of polling stations. There was a satisfactory turnout at those elections. I am not in favour just at this time of doing away with polling cards but the matter must be considered seriously. The amount of personation that is taking place is a cause of serious concern.

I wish to deal also with the matter of the double registration of voters, the reason this Bill is before the House. Up to 1963 the preparation of the register of electors was carried out by county registrars or returning officers but since then it has been the responsibility of the local authorities. I should have thought it would be the responsibility of the county manager or the county secretary to take responsibility for the preparation of the register of electors but I am not sure who has that responsibility. It appears to me it is the responsibility of a staff officer, or someone of that status, in the rates office.

I know of many cases where people are included on the register with two different addresses and I have known of people who have never changed their address but whose names have been removed from the register. This is a serious infringement of their rights. The stock answer given in such circumstances is that it is the person's responsibility to ensure that his name is on the register but I do not think that is good enough. It is the responsibility of the local authorities to ensure that people who have the right to vote are able to vote. The register should be compiled in a proper, efficient and thorough manner. The taxation system and the right to vote are matters that are tied together. The State is well aware of a person's whereabouts when it wants to collect taxes. He should not be deprived of his right to vote on the day when he has the power to decide who will represent him in Government. This is a very serious matter and it is something about which I am greatly concerned. During the last election I met people who were very upset when they found they could not vote. The matter should be given top priority because it is a serious breach of democracy to deprive a person of the right to vote.

I am not saying that the matter should be given back to the county registrars because having regard to the increased workload they have to undertake I do not think they have sufficient staff to deal with this matter also. However, the local authorities have the necessary staff. The Minister should make it clear that the county secretary or the county manager — I leave him to make a decision about which one — has a responsibility to him to ensure that the register of electors is prepared in a competent and efficient way. If the person given this responsibility fails to discharge his duty the Minister should take up the matter with him. Perhaps the Minister is considering the possibility of setting up a working party to deal with this problem. This Bill might not have been necessary if it were not for carelessness in preparing the register of electors. However, I am concerned about elections in the future. The present system is too haphazard. A person does not know if his name is included in the register. Nowadays rate collectors call only occasionally to check on who is entitled to vote. Local authorities will have to deal with the matter promptly to ensure that the register of electors is compiled in a much more accurate way.

I should like to draw attention to people who are physically handicapped and the problems they encounter when they wish to cast their votes. People in wheelchairs find it very difficult to gain access to premises where polling stations are located and on some occasions they are unable to cast their votes. On one occasion I saw an elderly, heavily-built man in a wheelchair requesting that the presiding officer would bring him his ballot paper but that request was turned down. I am sure the presiding officer was quite within his rights in doing so. I felt very sad when I saw that person being deprived of his right to vote. I am worried about elderly people who are unable to go up or down steps or who are ill at home and unable to vote.

I am not satisfied at the way the postal vote system worked on a previous occasion. I ask the Minister to consider voting by proxy. It could be very strictly defined, one vote per proxy. If a person was incapacitated or ill he could write to the county registrar giving his name and address and the paper, stamped by the county registrar, would be sent to the voter. When the voter signed his ballot paper, he would return it to be stamped by the returning officier and another person would attend at the polling station to vote on his behalf.

We have been far too casual in ignoring the rights of the elderly and those who are seriously ill or incapacitated. We must also consider commercial travellers. A traveller might be in Donegal and unable to return home to vote because of financial reasons. These people are entitled to vote. Something should be done to help them, because the right to vote is a safeguard of democracy. If a person is not in a position to cast his own vote he should be able to vote by proxy. I believe this has worked in other countries and should be made a matter of public importance here. I am surprised the media have allowed this situation to continue without mounting a campaign against it. Recently a voice from these benches mentioned this matter, as did the wheelchair association, but there has not been a concerted movement to do anything about it. I would congratulate the Minister if during his period in office he broke new ground.

Regrettably election times are rough and tough. People have a job to do but in many cases they cannot do it with kid gloves. During one election — I will not say in which constituency this happened I saw voters from a mental institution casting votes. These people were mentally ill —

Their choice might have been as sound as that of the other voters.

Those people had been canvassed a number of times but there were no staff members with them when they came to vote. We should introduce further safeguards for these people because the present system is very unsatisfactory. Many of these people are confused and the bustle and hustle at election time can cause them a great deal of stress which they might still feel some time after the election. If I was asked to suggest a remedy I would say they should cast their votes from their home addresses. We should try to improve the situation because it causes many problems. There are only a limited number of staff in these hospitals but even with the best will in the world they cannot watch all the patients all the time, especially at election time.

As the Bill stands, I welcome it but were it not for the pending by-election I do not think it would be necessary.

This Bill must be the greatest joke to come before the House since the last general election and it is doubtful if between now and the next general election there will be another like it. Are we serious when we deal with a Bill of this kind, less than half a foolscap page?

Every Member knows there has been personation since the foundation of the State. It existed many years ago when we were electing Members of Parliament to the British House of Commons. Many years ago the late Alfie Byrne described the way Members of Parliament to represent this city were elected to Westminister.

In my view there are in Ireland and in every other country what are known as electoral maniacs. There are many different types of maniacs. For example, there is the maniac who wants to see his name on the ballot paper, and whether he gets 5,000, 500, 50 or 5 votes does not matter so long as his name is on the ballot paper. Then there is the other type, the man who cannot resist voting several times. It is very difficult to stop a pickpocket carrying out what can only be described as his evilly disposed profession. It is a great strain on an alcoholic to pass a licensed premises. We have Alcoholics Anonymous to deal with him. We will have to establish a new movement known as Voters Anonymous to deal with the man who cannot pass a polling booth on polling day without presenting himself in two or three different polling stations.

Members on all sides of the House should sit down in an all-party committee and pool their experiences on elections, and present a proper Electoral Bill to the House to give us modern and efficient electoral laws through which a coach and four cannot be driven. Our electoral laws are outdated. They do not serve any useful purpose. The addition being made will not strengthen them to any great degree. This Bill has been introduced as a result of an incident which took place during the last general election. That incident is still sub judice and it is not right or proper to refer to it.

I would be failing in my duty as a public representative if I did not say that we have a Judiciary of a very high standard in the Supreme Court, the High Court and the District Court. The district justice who dealt with the case which prompted this Bill is a man of outstanding integrity. A district justice gives his decision on the evidence before him. If a district justice has sufficient evidence to call for a conviction, he will convict the person. A justice does not sit on the bench to convict people. He sits there to administer justice in accordance with the law. Many district justices, High Court Judges and Supreme Court Judges were Members of this House or associates of Members of this House, particularly those connected with the legal profession. They are all men of integrity. We must give them proper laws to administer. They do not make the law. They administer the law as they find it. Members of this House make the law. Anybody who suggests that our electoral laws are satisfactory shows a lack of experience of how they work.

I remember that on one occasion in a general election there were 96 voters on the register for a particular polling booth. Ten were dead. Four were ill in hospital on polling day. Fourteen had emigrated or left the area to seek employment elsewhere. This meant 68 people were eligible to cast their votes. When the votes arrived to be counted, it was found that 93 people had voted. That is a serious reflection on our election laws——

And on the people concerned.

—— and more so on the representatives of the various political parties. They must have been aware of the situation. Some political speakers in the area said at the time that it was fair enough because there was not a 100 per cent vote. Steps were taken by the local authority and that polling station no longer exists.

I suppose the Deputy gained a few himself.

Why was not some serious effort made before now to tighten up our electoral laws, despite the fact that there has been personation in every shape and form? There have been convictions over the years but not to any great extent. Those who were caught were brought before the courts, but what about the numerous cases of personation which were never highlighted? I remember another election in the late forties or early fifties in which by devious means the electoral stamp was borrowed by a group of election enthusiasts. If it was not borrowed it was stolen, and if it was not stolen it was obtained by some other means. A book of ballot papers was taken as well. We had one person marking the ballot papers with a pencil, another stamping them, and another going around to the various presiding officers who were known to these three persons. During a rush in the polling booth or at tea-time break the papers were dropped into the ballot box. Many Members of the House may say that is too fantastic to believe.

There are also the presiding officers who are dedicated to a particular party. Such a presiding officer will be anxious only to facilitate the political party in which he believes. He too may be an election maniac. Many people — and perhaps the Minister would be the first to say it — may contend that if Deputy O. J. Flanagan saw a ballot paper being marked illegally on polling day he should go to the police and inform them. That is not my job and was not my job any more than it was to have an inquiry conducted into how 93 out of 96 people voted, with 68 possible votes only recorded.

The whole of our electoral laws at present are open to abuse. The key man in any election is the presiding officer and there are presiding officers dedicated entirely to various political parties. It is my opinion that, if such people can be found, a completely independent person should act in that capacity. It is wrong to have people of strong political convictions acting in that capacity. All they need do is to close their eyes to what is happening with regard to their party and open their eyes to what may be happening in a political party in which they do not believe or whom they want to see beaten. Everybody knows that in this city and outside it there is what is known as the professional peresonator who first presents himself at a polling booth wearing spectacles and then later with, first, an overcoat and later without. As has happened, the same person could be led in, assisted by his political colleague, wearing dark glasses and carrying a stick appearing semi-blind being presented with a ballot paper and voting accordingly. Nobody knows better than the Minister for the Environment that those of us who have been on the political scene for a long time, or whose parents were on the political scene over a long period, have listened to these polling day stories and stories of by-election incidents, such as the one I have just related. When I conveyed that information to a former Minister, since dead, he threw up his hands in despair and said: "Let us get out of this place right away or we will all be arrested."

The abuses of the electoral system that take place on every polling day are astonishing. There may not be sufficient votes in it to elect or defeat a candidate. Nevertheless the present electoral laws are such as lend themselves to every type of abuse and the present system with regard to polling cards is disastrous. Something must be done about it. Just as there is the fanatic who describes himself as a stamp collector or an erstwhile collector of cigarette cards, there is also the fanatic going around awaiting the delivery of ballot cards so that he can go to schools, colleges and flats and have these collected in preparation for his scheme of personation. Many presiding officers the moment a voter appears with a voting card and says: No. 86, No. 140, or whatever the number, without any further questioning looks at that voting card and hands out the ballot paper. In my view voting cards have led to considerable electoral abuse. Under electoral laws it should be a serious offence for any presiding officer to give an unstamped ballot paper because that is cheating a person of their vote, stealing their vote, denying them their vote. The law should be such that it is deemed to be a serious offence on the part of any presiding officer who fails to stamp a ballot paper. It has been established after elections that certain people who went into polling booths seeking their ballot paper, people who were not fully equipped with all the knowledge they should possess within a polling booth, just stretched out their hand for a ballot paper and received one unstamped, marked their paper and placed it in the ballot box. On the following day during the count that paper would be disqualified because it did not carry the presiding officer's stamp.

If there is to be a tightening up of the electoral laws such should be directed towards the administration of the polling booths and towards the authority vested in presiding officers. At 9 o'clock in the evening presiding officers can wash their hands completely of every irregularity that may have taken place in the course of that polling day. If a presiding officer has done a good job for the political party in which he believes, he will go home in the full confidence of a successful result the following day or, as the case may be, if there are good election agents of the opposition party, he may go home extremely disappointed contending that he had hard luck that day and did not achieve the results he thought he might have within his polling booth. I put it to the Minister that, if all voters are not angels, neither are all presiding officers. For that reason whenever there is to be a tightening up of our electoral laws I hope it will incorporate a code of conduct with serious penalties for any presiding officer who gives out two ballot papers, who knowingly gives a ballot paper to a person not on his list, who knowingly gives a ballot paper to John Browne, junior, when it should be John Browne, senior, or who gives a ballot paper to Kate Browne of a certain address when it should be Kate Browne of some other street. In my opinion these are irregularities which should be suitably covered by electoral laws, meriting jail sentences, severe fines, or complete disqualification from participation in all future elections.

The Minister for the Environment should be represented at every counting of votes because numerous irregularities can take place at counts, even with the greatest alertness by the political agents present. Votes are usually put into bundles of 50 and a label marked "50" put around them and a rubber band also. It can happen that all these votes are then placed in tea chests and there is nothing to stop, by an alleged mistake — after hard work all day and this is late at night — some political opportunist at the count putting the bundle of 50 designed for Barry into Kelly's box or throwing two bundles of 50 which belong to Flanagan into Burke's box, or putting a number of bundles of 50 which belong to some other candidate into Desmond's box.

I cannot understand how, many years ago when I was first elected, due to the intervention of the late Dr. O'Higgins a particular tea chest of votes was thrown out and when it was emptied on the table it was found to contain three bundles of 50 of my votes. As it happened, whether accidentally or deliberately, these three bundles were thrown into another tea chest. The excuse given was that the counters were tired, that it was late at night and that they had been counting a whole day and a whole night; it was something that should not have happened. If I had been depending on those 150 votes where would my seat be in this House? What would be the situation of anybody who was the victim of a mistake of that kind? There should be no room for mistakes when it comes to bringing to perfection the democratic right of people to vote, the proper destination of the votes, the proper and accurate calculation of the votes and the announcement of a proper count. We have all these serious abuses of the electoral laws which must be put right. Electoral law in my opinion is not designed to produce 100 per cent accuracy.

If a person is to be charged with asking for a ballot paper twice, why is some charge not brought against the person who appears on two registers? It is not enough to say that a person must be charged for asking for a ballot paper twice if his name appears on two or three registers — particularly on two registers. I think the voter must be involved in whatever changes are made in electoral law. The voter should have the responsibility of inspecting the register to see that he is on it and that his name does not appear twice and, if it does, of directing the attention of the local council or rate collector to this fact — he will have a number of months to do this — to ensure that his name will not appear twice. If his name appears twice on the register, after full investigation he should be liable for prosecution and fine. If we are going to tighten electoral law let us tighten it in every way, leaving no loopholes so that you will not have a fancy nancy saying: "I am registered as a voter here in this polling booth: I stayed for a short while in another area and I am off the register there." The fancy nancy to her own full knowledge is registered with the sole intention of casting two votes when the elction takes place.

The voter must accept responsibility for his own vote, his own registration and the obtaining of his own ballot paper, for seeing that it is stamped and for marking his ballot paper in secrecy and placing it himself in the box. A person registered in two or three areas should be charged with an offence. The Minister must know that the composition of the register of electors from the time it appears on the election table is full of serious defects in every constituency. Something will have to be done to ensure that the register is more accurate so as to avoid personation on polling day. Accurate compilation of the registers of electors will leave no room for personation if everybody, or the majority of those available present themselves at the polling booth and ask for a ballot paper on election day.

Not so long ago in my constituency we had the extraordinary spectacle of a polling booth having run out of ballot papers at 7 p.m. This should not happen. During the last election the mother of a little girl in my constituency presented herself to vote and when she was coming out the political agent outside said: "Your daughter voted early this morning". She said, "My daughter did not vote because she is in Dublin and is not coming down." I told that lady she should have called the police there and then but she did not do so. This woman in the area of Mountbolus in County Offaly said she was amazed that a register was produced and that her daughter had been marked off as having voted at 9.30 on election day. The girl did not vote as she was working in Dublin and did not leave the city.

This sort of thing is widespread. It may not amount to more than 500 or 1,000 cases in the whole country in one day out of some 2 million voters, but it is enough if there is one case because it is an irregularity and should not happen. Greater precautions will have to be taken in compiling the registers. We should have an independent officer appointed by the Minister for the Environment present to supervise every count in the country. I hope serious consideration will be given to this at a later stage.

The electoral laws should clearly define the method of the appointment of presiding officers. A garda used always be on duty in polling stations but it is a long time since I saw one in any of the polling stations in my constituency. If a garda is walking up and down inside a polling station it will help to stop the electoral maniac who may be waiting outside to exercise his franchise for the second or third time. It was a great mistake to dispense with gardaí in polling stations on polling day. It is not sufficient to have them driving around in patrol cars from one polling station to another. There are enough gardaí driving in patrol cars around our cities and towns at night while crime is taking place. We all see groups of gardaí on duty when the count takes place, directing traffic, shifting cars and regulating parking but they are not in polling stations on the day of the election.

When the Minister is drafting comprehensive electoral laws I hope steps will be taken to ensure that gardaí are present at every polling station on the day the election takes place. I also hope the people who are employed to count the votes will not have any known political affiliations. The new regulations will have to cover matters like this. I am sure the Minister is aware that in many instances a person who is given a ballot paper can take it away from the polling booth and that this is how impersonation takes place. A voter will go into a polling station and ask for his ballot paper. When he gets it he goes to a polling booth and puts the ballot paper he got into his pocket and he puts a mock ballot paper into the ballot box. A number of people can do that at various times during the day. In the case of people about whose votes they are doubtful they will give them the ballot papers they have brought out of the polling stations after they have marked them and tell them to bring out their own after they get them without letting anybody see them doing this and put the marked ballot papers into the ballot boxes.

That is a new one on me.

That has happened.

They must be bad losers in some constituencies down the country.

It has happened more than once.

It has and in more than one part of the country.

It has happened in more than one part of the country and been done by more than one political party. If we are trying to tighten the electoral laws we should try to do so for the benefit of all political parties.

I thought we were the only demons.

I suppose all this has nothing to do with the fact that the Deputy is the father of the House for many years.

I feel a little more qualified to give advice on the electoral laws than a lot of others because I have seen the electoral laws working at their best and also most disastrously. If there is any breach of legislation which needs overhauling more than any other it is the electoral laws. The Bill before the House has been welcomed by everybody because at least it is seen to define an offence. Is it right that there should be a clear definition of one offence and there is not a clear definition of other offences which have taken place and are likely to take place in the future? I suggest that the Minister, because of the concern of all political parties about tightening up the electoral laws, to ensure a high degree of integrity and to ensure a sincere expression of the voters' wishes to prevent abuses and to prevent the electoral laws being broken, should seriously consider a committee of this House to make recommendations to him.

We can look back with amazement on those things happening in the early days of the State but we must wonder at them happening in 1982. We now have young Fianna Fáil and we also have young Fine Gael and young Labour watching the polling stations. Most of those are aspiring Members of this House. How can they allow abuses of the electoral laws to take place? Until we have new legislation to deal with this matter and to plug the holes in the electoral laws, abuses are likely to take place. No matter how smart people are there are always others a little smarter. We believe, as Members of this House who have contested elections on many occasions, that we know it all but we only realise when we meet others how little we know. I join with other Deputies who have welcomed the Bill. I believe the time has come when comprehensive legislation must be introduced to prevent abuses in the exercise of people's right to vote.

There is very little time left and we agreed to take all Stages this evening.

The Minister has one minute left.

I was not aware of any arrangement having been made. If I had I would have been generous with the Minister.

Most of the points raised relate to the composition of the register and other issues of that sort. I have already announced that a working party will be set up to handle all of these defects in the system as they are known up to now. There were other questions asked but I could reply to the Deputies concerned by letter.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take remaining Stages today.
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