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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 May 1982

Vol. 335 No. 1

Sixth International Tin Agreement, 1981: Motion.

, Clare): I move:

That Dáil Éireann approves the terms of the Sixth International Tin Agreement, 1981.

Dáil approval of the terms of this agreement is necessary in accordance with Article 29.5.2º of the Constitution which stipulates that "the State shall not be bound by an international agreement involving a charge upon public funds unless the terms of the agreement shall have been approved by Dáil Éireann".

An explanatory memorandum has been prepared and circulated to Deputies. It outlines the provisions of the agreement and covers the question of the costs of Irish participation. I shall therefore mention only the essential points. The International Tin Agreement, 1981 was concluded under the auspices of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) at the United Nations Conference on Tin held in Geneva in June 1981. Some 54 countries, including Ireland, representing nine exporting countries and 45 importing countries participated in the conference.

By 30 April 1982 the agreement had been signed by six exporting and 18 importing countries. By virtue of a Council decision of 22 March 1982, the latter included the ten member states of the European Economic Community and the Community itself.

The main objectives of the agreement are to alleviate serious difficulties arising from surplus or shortages of tin and to prevent excessive fluctuations in the price of tin and in the export earnings from tin of developing producer member states. To this end, an international buffer stock consisting of 50,000 tonnes of primary tin metal will be established. A buffer stock manager will offer to buy and sell tin in a manner designed to keep its price within an agreed price range.

The financing of the buffer stock will be met by direct Government contributions, (shared equally between the exporting and importing members) borrowing and/or by Government guarantees. Each consumer member will meet an apportionment of the cost based on its consumption of primary tin metal as a percentage of total consumption. At this stage it is not possible to assess accurately Ireland's apportionment of these costs because of variables, such as the number of countries likely to adhere to the agreement. However, it is estimated that, based on our reassessed percentage share (.004 per cent) of consumption within the consumer members group, our financial commitment should not exceed £7,500, over the lifetime of the agreement.

Should the buffer stock operations prove unsuccessful in stabilising market prices provision has been made within the agreement for the introduction of export controls to be observed by the producers.

In addition, members, will be required to make an annual contribution to the administrative budget of the International Tin Organisation. Ireland's contribution will be in proportion to its number of votes in the Council. The experience of administrative payments to the present Tin Organisation suggests that our annual contribution under this heading will be of the order of £7,000.

Ireland's direct economic interest in the agreement is modest. Among consumer countries, we account for only .004 per cent of total consumption. Our imports of tin and tin alloys were approximately 67 tonnes in 1981. They consisted largely of semi-processed tin-bearing products for use in soldering activities in the electronics and electroplating areas of industry. Although the levels of these imports are not high, our dependence on them for certain industrial activities means that we have an interest in preventing excessive price fluctuations and ensuring adequate supplies at reasonable prices.

The International Tin Agreement is, moreover, the oldest agreement between producers and consumers of commodities and has generally been held to be the most successful. Buffer stocks under previous agreements had been financed mainly by producers, with voluntary contributions only from consumers. Ireland had not made any voluntary contribution. Only in the recent past have market prices dropped to the point where support buying by the buffer stock has been necessary.

The present agreement has been renegotiated in the framework of UNCTAD's Integrated Programme for Commodities. The twin pillars of this ambitious programme, which was adopted at Nairobi in 1976, are international jointly-financed agreements between producers and consumers of named commodities and the Common Fund. I am happy to say that the Common Fund for Commodities Bill, 1981, was signed by the President on 22 May 1982. Ireland will therefore be in a position to ratify the Common Fund Agreement in the near future. Three commodity agreements eligible for association with the Common Fund have been negotiated to date. The International Natural Rubber Agreement, 1979, entered into force definitively on 17 April 1982. The International Cocoa Agreement, 1980, has been provisionally in force since 1 August 1981. Provided the required number of countries participate, the present agreement will enter into force provisionally on 1 July 1982. Despite these achievements, progress in implementing the Integrated Programme for Commodities has been somewhat slow. For our part, we attach considerable importance to the co-operative venture between producers and consumers which the IPC represents. As a comprehensive attempt to bring about desired changes in the prevailing economic order through a process of negotiations between developed and developing countries, the programme deserves our continued support. It is in this spirit that I commend the International Tin Agreement, 1981, to the House.

As the Minister of State responsible for the Office of Public Works has pointed out, there is supposed to be a comprehensive attempt to bring about changes in the prevailing economic order through a process of negotiations between developed and developing countries. In that context this agreement comes before this House for approval and fits definitely into the category of a development co-operation issue.

The motion before the House is in the name of the Minister for Foreign Affairs. With no disrespect to the Minister of State opposite, the first question I must pose is: where is the Minister for Foreign Affairs? Why does he continue to be silent on development co-operation issues? On behalf of the Opposition, and indeed of all those interested in development co-operation issues, I must raise this issue again. Two weeks ago there was an important Bill before this House, the International Commodities Bill, when again the Minister for Foreign Affairs declined to grace this House or to give its Members any idea as to what were his views on development co-operation issues. In that context — and the fact that today we have yet another such issue before the House when he has not appeared here — it seems to me that he is treating not just this House but also the whole area of development co-operation with contempt.

This brings me to the next question. Who in the Government, if anybody, accepts any responsibility for development co-operation issues? Can it be the elusive Minister who has been remarkably silent on the subject? As far as we know the area of overseas aid is not to have a Minister of State under the present regime. We now find this important and growing area with a budget in the current year of the order of £26 million drifting in many directions. I make those remarks with no disrespect to the Minister of State who is present and is obviously standing in for his own Department but I have to voice my concern at this important area being neglected in this fashion.

There is the question of the amount of State funds now involved in development co-operation, over £26 million in the current year, and there is the question of the policy issues that have to be decided in this area. There was the commitment of the last Government to the UN target of .7 per cent before the end of the decade with an annual timetable to reach that and the commitment to produce a White Paper. On all those issues the Government are completely silent. I can only say that having this agreement coming before the House on the Order Paper in the name of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and without his presence or his views on this or any other such item, is a further indication, if one were necessary, of the complete disinterest of the Government in this area.

This side of the House support the agreement. Let us not in any way consider that it is a major step in the establishment of the new international economic order. When we discussed the Commodities Bill a few weeks ago it was clear that the Commodity Fund could relate to quite a large list of commodities produced mainly in the developing world but any help, as far as I can gather, under the Commodity Fund arrangements, has to be related to having international agreements for the particular commodities where help is to be given. It seems clear that the progress in establishing such international agreements is remarkably slow. So far, there have been only three renegotiations of old agreements since Nairobi in relation to tin, cocoa and rubber. That is not a record, after six years, which those interested in making progress within the framework of UNCTAD's integrated programme for commodities can be very proud of. In Nairobi we indicated that we were very attached to the idea of regulating the market in those areas so that the producer countries could have a fairer deal. We were prominent in associating ourselves with the adoption of the Nairobi resolution long before many other countries of the western world were. I suppose, being such a small trading nation in global terms, we cannot expect to make any major change in the affairs of the world but we have a moral voice. It is important that we continue to use that voice in every way we can. That is all the more reason why the current lack of interest in this area by the Government is so disturbing.

In regard to the tin agreement it is clear that the prosperity of base metals depends on buoyant industrial production. Of course, in the light of the recession throughout the world over the last few years, the tin producers have been having a pretty rough time, the same as the producers of most basic commodities. Unfortunately, most of these are located in the developing world. The result is that the economies of some of those Third World countries who are largely dependent on the production of base metals have been seriously affected. The agreement will provide a small amount of assistance to those countries in that situation. The provision for the buffer stocks should provide some continuity in the markets.

There are some questions which still remain open and unanswered. There are no clauses in this tin agreement to stop the USA from selling tin from its strategic stockpile. I understand that stockpile is pretty large. The Economist of 4 April 1981 stated that the amount they are trying to dispose of is 30,000 long tonnes of tin. Despite this agreement I can see difficulties where there are no restrictions on the disposal of the stockpile from the point of view of maintaining a stable price in world terms. A figure of 30,000 tonnes may not seem very large, but when it is taken in the context of a total annual non-communist supply of only 200,000 tons it is pretty significant.

There are questions still unanswered in regard to this agreement. At the same time the agreement is one which has been renegotiated in the framework of UNCTAD's integrated programme for commodities and in that situation it deserves our support. I believe the House, while accepting that it is a fairly small step towards the new economic order and while our direct economic interest in the agreement is modest enough, will agree it is important that we be in the forefront of those countries of the western world supporting the agreement.

There is support from this side of the House for the International Tin Agreement. We would like to see our country playing its part in the months and in the years ahead in helping to ensure that there would be further such commodity agreements, fresh agreements negotiated in areas where no such agreements exist or renegotiation of old ones in the spirit of Nairobi. We must raise our voice increasingly in regard to these matters, in the UN fora and anywhere that people come together in an effort to achieve a fair system of trading in the world. We must raise our voice in any place in which groups of people are trying genuinely to make improvements and to overcome objections from countries which perhaps have a strong vested interest in ensuring that the present economic order continues exactly as it is. This agreement must have our support. However, I conclude on the point that it represents only one issue in the development co-operation area, but it is one which should have provided the Minister for Foreign Affairs with an opportunity of giving us his views in that area both in regard to his general policy and specifically in regard to the multilateral side of development co-operation. I regret very much that the Minister has not taken that opportunity.

The Labour Party support this agreement, but there are a few brief points I wish to make concerning it. In his speech the Minister referred to the constitutional requirement which provides that an agreement of this kind must be brought before the Dáil and approved by the Dáil. I tend to derive from the tone of this part of the Minister's speech that the agreement is before the House by way of an obligation to satisfy a constitutional requirement rather than by way of any great urge to discuss the context in which the International Tin Agreement is before us for approval. I concur with Deputy O'Keeffe in what he has said about the atmosphere in which motions such as these come before the House. I recall that when the Seanad discussed the UN conference in Nairobi in some detail, we had what was then for us a very rare opportunity of trying to tease out what might be an appropriate development philosophy for this country. On that occasion, speaking on behalf of the Labour Party, I concentrated on the technology transfer aspect of the conference. What did come out of the 1976 Conference was the possibility of the twin principles of a common fund and agreements of this kind. If, having said that we are bound to bring motions of this kind before the Dáil, and then to say later that our direct economic interest is modest, makes it almost incumbent on us to discuss the philosophy in which the agreement was offered to the House.

I regret to say that I discern, in an atmosphere in which our domestic economic difficulties are great, a certain erosion of interest in the whole question of what is our appropriate relationship with the developing world. If we take this motion, for example, in isolation, it becomes almost meaningless. There are specifics that arise from such omission. One of these has been adverted to but I should like to point to it a little more. If we take the requirements of this agreement, merely sticking to the agreement, they have meaning only when they are related to the overall commercial strategy of the countries involved. One knows then whether the agreement represents a shift in philosophy.

It is important to remind the House that we are speaking about negotiations between signatory countries, between consuming countries and producing countries, in conditions in which many would suggest that the connection within the economic order as between producing and consuming countries is being negotiated in its entirety. We are in a curious position in that we know very little about what is the official position of the country in relation to the restructuring of the international economic order.

As one who is interested positively in such matters I would like to know the attitude of the Government on the broad suggestions of the Brandt Report, for example, I should like to know what is the attitude of the Government in the general area of development co-operation but I find it somewhat disappointing that we are told that because of a constitutional requirement the agreement must be brought before us while at the same time we are told that the agreement has little direct economic interest for us. We should not dispose cursorily of matters such as this. The agreement is one which deals with only three commodities but it has an importance for us because it focuses on the results of the Nairobi Conference. It recalls that conference and makes it necessary for us to put it in context with its general development philosophy.

I take this opportunity of urging on the Minister of State the necessity for the Government to allow us time to debate our economic practices within the broader context of attitude towards the developing world. The Labour Party note the agreement as representing some small progress, but I would refuse to merely take the agreement, say that we agree with it now and leave it at that. This agreement points to our silence on deep issues of development co-operation, a silence that ill becomes us. We in the Labour Party have always been quick in regard to these matters of co-operation to indicate our support for any renegotiation of the international economic order, but in addition I request formally that we be given an opportunity of debating the broader issues of which an agreement such as this is but one part. It is not simply a matter of an agreement that arises from a conference which is of little importance to us. This agreement expresses the relationship of consuming and producing countries and calls into question the whole philosophy of international trade in terms of production and consumption. These are not broad abstract matters. They are important matters.

Clare): I thank the Deputies for their contributions and for the co-operation they have expressed in regard to the content of the motion before us. Deputy O'Keeffe referred to the fact that the Minister for Foreign Affairs did not move this motion and was not present when the International Common Fund for Commodities Bill, 1981, was moved. I should like to tell the Deputy that the latter was not a matter for the Department of Foreign Affairs. It was the responsibility of the Department of Finance and that was the reason for my presence.

The Minister of State must be getting interested in this area. Is the Minister applying for a transfer?

(Clare): Deputies may not be aware that this afternoon the Minister for Foreign Affairs addressed the Advisory Council on Development Co-operation and, consequently, was unable to be present in the House. At that meeting the Minister said he intended to proceed with the establishment of a Joint Committee of the Houses of the Oireachtas on co-operation with developing countries. I am sure the Deputy will be pleased to hear that. The Minister's statement could be regarded as setting out policy guidelines on this matter.

Did the Minister say he would be going ahead with the White Paper?

(Clare): I did not read the Minister's speech. Deputy O'Keeffe was concerned about the stockpile of tin by the US. The US continuously give commitments that they do not intend to upset the tin market by selling from that stockpile. They have not released any significant amount from their stockpile. They were not members of the earlier agreements, were members of the fifth agreement and will not be members of the sixth agreement which is before the House. The Minister's statement today will be helpful in clarifying matters raised by Deputies Higgins and O'Keeffe. I should like to thank the Deputies for their contributions and co-operation.

The Minister of State told the House that the Minister for Foreign Affairs made a speech today but I wonder if we will have an opportunity of discussing the matters referred to by the Minister in the House. That is the basic point Deputy Higgins and myself are concerned about.

(Clare): I will bring that matter to the attention of the Minister for Foreign Affairs.

We want that debate to take place and we will continue to remind the Minister if he evades it.

We will facilitate the Minister in the House.

Question put and agreed to.
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