I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."
The main purpose of the Bill is to raise the limit imposed by existing legislation on the authorised share capital of the Sugar Company. At present, that limit stands at £10 million, a figure set by the Oireachtas in 1973. The Bill seeks to raise it to £75 million and to make a corresponding increase in the statutory limit on the aggregate of Exchequer advances to the company and of State guarantees for its borrowings. It also seeks to enable the Minister for Finance to acquire the whole of the company's share capital should that appear desirable.
In discussing the affairs of the Sugar Company I believe that the House would do well to keep a number of considerations of a general nature in mind. The first of these is that the company has been in existence now for very nearly half a century. In that time it has demonstrated a capacity for innovation and adjustment and a sense of vocation that has helped to change the face of rural Ireland, and that has contributed greatly to the establishment of long-term confidence in the agricultural sector.
A second is that the company is a major employer. Apart from the 3,000 or so employed directly it also provides employment in cultivation and harvesting on the farm, in the provision of fertilisers, seed and machinery and in road and rail haulage.
A third consideration is that over those 50 years the number of occasions on which a loss has had to be reported are few in spite of periods when the economic climate was far from encouraging.
With so much standing to its credit one might reasonably ask why it is that the company has run into difficulties over the past two or three years. To find an answer, at least in outline, Deputies need only turn to the report of the Joint Committee on State-Sponsored Bodies, completed just 18 months ago. This report is a model of detailed and far-sighted analysis. It was laid before both Houses of the Oireachtas and the Seanad debated it in March of last year. I mention it at this stage for two reasons. Its contents are an excellent introduction to the problems faced by the Sugar Company and the initiative taken by the committee is a starting-point for the process culminating in the Bill under discussion.
Deputies will recall that the committee began its examination of the Sugar Company at a time when the company faced a series of difficult and interrelated problems, including a substantial anticipated loss for the year ending September 1980. In its report the committee drew attention to the company's capital investment and modernisation programme, which had involved an expenditure of £30 million in the years 1975 to 1979, and then to the further three-year programme to cost £40 million which was under way. The committee went on to point out that this programme was financed almost entirely by loans from financial institutions. The company had indicated that the investment was essential to ensure the survival of the sugar industry since it would replace obsolete machinery and increase production efficiency. The report drew out very clearly the implications that this situation had for the financial structure of the company. It stated unequivocally that large recurrent interest charges were constituting a serious drain on the company's resources.
The Committee went on to observe that the company's debt/equity ratio exceeded commercial norms and that interest charges had become a very heavy burden on the company's operating profit. They noted that a large company in the private sector would already have sought to raise additional capital to correct matters. They further noted, and expressly supported, the view advanced by the company itself that an injection of £25 million in equity capital was then needed as a first step. Finally, they accepted that, over the next few years, there would be further calls on Exchequer resources to support a prudent and stable capital structure for the company.
The Committee did not attribute the company's difficulties solely to its financial structure and its investment programme. Among the causes of the change in the company's fortunes they identified unfavourable cost price developments, high interest rates and depressed market conditions. Thus, while they recognised that Government action alone would not be sufficient to help the company through its present difficulties they, nevertheless, considered the debt/equity imbalance to be the main item susceptible of improvement by such action.
The committee's report was, as I have said, considered by the Seanad early in 1981 and led to wide-ranging and constructive debate. In the course of this contribution, the Tánaiste, who was then Minister for Agriculture, stated that the report was forming the basis of an examination of the company's affairs within his Department. He also indicated that he was seeking the views of the company as to how it could be restored to full viability as rapidly as possible.
The company responded in May 1981, stressing the need for new capital and citing three main reasons. These were: firstly, the need to deal with the deterioration in its financial base mainly due to losses on the food operations and necessary investment required in the sugar factories; secondly, the need to continue its modernisation programme, and thirdly, the need to bring its debt/equity ratio into line with commercial norms. The company then asked that its equity capital be brought up to the level of £75 million.
The company's approach fell to be considered by the Coalition Government in July of last year. That Government, quite rightly in my view, decided in principle to make new capital available to the company, but reserved a decision on the amount, manner and timing of the capital injection until they obtained the results of an examination by independent consultants of the company's financial affairs. This course had the merit of reassuring the company's creditors on the Government's intentions, while avoiding a hasty and possibly ill-judged commitment of public money made without an independent and detailed assessment of the financial position.
The consultants' report was submitted to my Department in late March of this year and the Government now believe that they are in possession of the information necessary to enable them to make a rational and considered response to the company's needs.
The Government therefore propose to make the sum of £30 million available to the company in 1982. The Government anticipate that the need for further capital for the company may arise over the next three or four years. They are therefore proposing enabling statutory authority, in line with the usual practice for Central Fund issues of this kind.
The allocation of new capital to the company will of course be subject to certain conditions. The main one will be the submission by the company of a clear and specific programme for the rationalisation of its food-processing activities and of the beet-growing and sugar industry. The programme is to be furnished rapidly. If it is with my Department soon, and is satisfactory, it will mean that the Company will have new funding available to it in the autumn.
In relation to beet and sugar it is disappointing that in practically none of the past years has the company been able to obtain sufficient beet to fill even the A quota of 182,000 tonnes allocated to Ireland by the EEC. This quota was secured in Brussels only with considerable difficulty and it will not be long until the quota arrangements are up for discussion again. If we do not fill the quota allocated to us it will be more difficult to hold on to what we have. This places an onus of responsibility on farmers. If they do not grow sufficient beet to enable the company's production targets to be achieved, then the future of the company will be threatened. I would regard farmers as partners of the Sugar Company when it comes to ensuring the survival of the sugar company.
What is true of the company in general is, of course, true of the Tuam factory in particular. In deciding that this factory should remain open the Government are affording an opportunity to all concerned to ensure that the necessary efforts are made to guarantee its future.
In relation to food processing, it has to be admitted that Erin Foods is largely at the root of the company's inability to make consistent profits with which to fund re-investment. The joint committee noted that throughput during the 1970s remained static and that the contribution of the food sector to group turnover has been falling. Problems in this area include the small size of the home market as well as the squeezing of profit margins and the intensity of competition in the export market. The company, therefore, must make the best use of the skills and judgment available to it in developing a strategy suitable to the scale of its operations in order to turn the food activities around.
On a number of occasions recently I have discussed with the chairman the nature of the problems which must be tackled and the broad manner in which this might be done. We have also discussed the progress which has been made to date in this direction.
Before going on to deal with the contents of the Bill, I would like to draw attention to the company's losses over the last few years. In 1980 they amounted to £11.2 million, in 1981 to £12 million and they are expected to be of the same order this year.
As regards the Bill itself, section 2 deals with the amount of the share capital and section 4 deals with advances and State guarantees. The feature which will strike Deputies immediately is the figure of £75 million. The fact that such a figure is provided for does not, however, mean that the Government intend automatically to furnish new capital to the full amount of £75 million being set, or to do so in an uncritical way. My Department, together with the Department of Finance, will be monitoring the company's affairs closely. As I have indicated, the amount to be provided in 1982 will be limited to £30 million and that will be subject to certain conditions.
Deputy Dukes raised this particular issue last week during the debate on the Estimate for Agriculture. He mentioned that this was a matter of concern to him. I can assure him that I share that concern. Before I recommend to the Government the issue of any funds to CSET — funds which in any case are designed to broaden the company's equity base — I will have to be thoroughly satisfied that the company are putting themselves in the best possible position to take advantage of them.
Section 3 of the Bill calls for specific comment on two grounds. First, it is, given the company's overall projected capital structure, in some ways a change of technical nature. Secondly, it has a bearing on a point of some interest which the joint committee made. I will take this point first.
The joint committee raised the question of whether the ownership basis of the company might not be broadened. As it happens, there is in existence a volume of preferential share capital amounting to £500,000 which was taken up by the general public in 1934. Its existence points to a feature which seems to have been lost sight of in recent years. This is State involvement without 100 per cent State ownership. It is open to the company to seek some additional capital by means of further issues to the general public. The joint committee spoke of possible farmer or staff participation. If the company were to feel that this afforded a reasonable possibility of funding their activities, I do not think it would encounter major opposition.
I mention this because, taken out of its context, section 3 of the Bill might give the contrary impression. In the original legislation of 1933 a volume of £1.5 million out of a total authorised capital of £2 million was reserved for shareholders other than the Minister for Finance. In spite of subsequent increases in the authorised share capital, that £1.5 million has remained as an amount of shares which the Minister for Finance is precluded from taking up. As the company's capital base is now to be expanded significantly, the amount of this reserved class of capital has lost its original relevance, and the time has come to abolish it. However, its abolition does not affect the practical position relating to issues to the general public in any significant way. The provision in the Bill does not oblige the Minister to take up shares at present held by the public.
The Bill before the House has a simple enough purpose. It is designed to enable the State to carry out its duties as a share-holder in the company. It enables it to correct the situation of under-capitalisation which has been forced upon the company for a variety of reasons. The State is now, as it has been in the past, a willing shareholder in the company. I have no hesitation in commending the Bill to the House.