: I welcome this opportunity to seek clarification of the formal statement of the Minister for the reasons for the devaluation of the Irish pound and particularly the effects that will have on the size of our foreign debt, on living standards generally, on the expected rate of inflation which will be aggravated seriously by this decision and, perhaps most important of all, on the future stability of our currency and the general stability of our economy.
There are a number of basic reasons clarification is necessary. Within the very recent past the Minister — I just want to put it on the record, and I am quoting here from an article by John Cooney in The Irish Times of 18 December 1982 — after a first meeting of Finance Ministers when, apparently, already this matter was the subject of rumours at a press conference after that meeting clearly indicated that he was opposed to devaluation. This article commenced by saying:
The sizeable drop in Ireland's inflation rate in recent months was used in Brussels yesterday by the Minister for Finance, Mr. Dukes, as an argument against a devaluation of the pound within the European Monetary System.
The sizeable drop in Ireland's inflation rate over the previous 12 months was the main reason the Minister gave at that time for his opposition to devaluation. He went on to say that he pledged himself to bringing inflation down even further. Finally, according to this report:
..... he poured cold water over rumours of an imminent realignment of EMS currencies.
At that press conference the Minister instanced specifically the drop in the inflation rate from 23.3 per cent the previous year to 12.3 per cent as being a very good reason — with which I would agree — for avoiding any devaluation at that time.
Soon afterwards his predecessor, Deputy John Bruton, said in a radio interview in January that this would only fuel inflation. In fact he said that the benefit from lowering the pound's value would be temporary only — this was in an RTE interview on 12 January — and would set in train a wave of inflation. I suppose both of them could be consistent in making statements of that sort because, in their Joint Programme for Government in June 1981, they said that devaluation of the currency would mean more inflation. Apparently at least there was agreement then — I presume agreement that would be confirmed by them now — that to say the least of it it would have a significant inflationary impact, as has been the experience of any country that has devalued its currency.
Other reasons have been adduced recently, more particularly by the Taoiseach in his extraordinary comments in Dublin while negotiations were going on in Brussels. Basically the Taoiseach said that he wanted to restore the relationship that existed with sterling generally during 1981 and 1982, that this was necessary in view of the fact that we had become less competitive as a consequence of the appreciation of our currency against sterling in recent months. This was significant for two reasons. First of all, it is quite clear that this devaluation would go no way to restoring that relationship that had existed over that period. In fact, today our pound is being quoted at over 89p against sterling whereas during the period in question it was of the order of 80 pence to 81 pence. If that was the reason being adduced by the Taoiseach, self-evidently it was a specious one. In my view it was specious for a different reason because, apart from the fact that the facts do not bear it out, if we are concerned about the relationship of our currency with sterling then a realignment within the EMS in which Britain does not participate at least as an active as distinct from an associate member — and they have an extraordinary kind of associate membership — cannot, of course affect the relationship of our currency with sterling. For that reason I have said in public statements since this news was being mooted and announced prematurely by the Taoiseach last Sunday that there are, of course, grounds for concern about the relationship between our currency and sterling. The fluctuations, having regard to the level of trade existing between us, can have a distorting effect on that trade and our economy generally. Mind you, this is something now being recognised not just here but even in Britain, and not just vis-à-vis Ireland but in Britain's role trying to bring about currency stability in Europe generally. Here I might quote the last paragraph of the leader article in the Times this morning which says:
Britain's attitude is discouraging. Alternately, proponents of sound money or full employment policies simply see active membership of the EMS as a device to promote or obstruct their domestic policies. The notion that currency stability might itself be a more vital aid to the economy is scarcely entertained.
It is quite clear that this significant fact is of considerably more concern to us in view of the Taoiseach's statement, and the Minister's also, than the EMS realignment in which we took part recently. These trends were clearly there in December when the Minister made his statement and have been there all the time. Undoubtedly until such time as we can get full participation of Britain in the EMS then, with Britain floating outside the system, the Minister and everybody else knows there is no way in which we can guarantee the impact of that fluctuation on our currency in so far as it is affected by our trade with Britain. The by-election in Darlington this week may have an impact one way or the other; we know that as a political reality. A general election in Britain this year may have an impact one way or the other; we know that also as a political reality. Apparently the Minister forgot in December that a German election could have an impact, as it in fact did have. It is political developments of that kind against which one must guard.
I just want to say for the record here that that being so, this Government, in the light of these rumours and perhaps speculation which was well based, were tardy to say the least in not pursuing this matter, particularly in view of the fact that they knew then that the British Government would be represented — as they always have been — at the Finance Ministers' meeting yesterday.
The Minister in his Budget Statement — and we might just look at it in the terms of the targets the Minister has set for himself — set certain priorities. One of the priorities was to reduce the budget deficit. In any event that target had been set beforehand. It is quite clear that the effect of this devaluation will be to increase that deficit by at least £50 million as an immediate consequence of the increased interest we shall have to bear on foreign debt.
The Minister said in his Budget Statement — I just want to raise this point at this stage because we may see the chickens come home to roost later — that if there was any question of increased pressure on the Exchequer because of public service pay agreements which were not quantified, the Minister would come back to the House with a supplementary budget.